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American Academy of Political and Social Science Toward an Anthropology of Public Policy Author(s): Janine R. Wedel, Cris Shore, Gregory Feldman, Stacy Lathrop Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 600, The Use and Usefulness of the Social Sciences: Achievements, Disappointments, and Promise (Jul., 2005), pp. 30-51 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25046109 Accessed: 23/02/2009 17:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. 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Sage Publications, Inc. and American Academy of Political and Social Science are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. http://www.jstor.org As the rational choice model of "policy" proliferates in "policy ments, the studies," social and organizations, modern sciences, life, everyday govern a number of anthropologists are beginning to develop a body of work in the anthropology of public policy that critiques the assumptions of questions, policy to uncover the Toward an Anthropology of Public Policy By JANINE as a "policy" things done. While legal-rational way of getting de-masking the framing of public an anthropological constellations of attempts approach and actors, activities, influences that their decisions, shape policy implemen In a and their results. tation, world, rapidly changing and methods empirical anthropologists' ethnographic can show how create new of categories policies actively to be also suggest that the governed. They of "state" and frameworks long-established "private," "local" or "national" and "macro" and "micro," "global," and "bottom and "centralized" and "top down" up," not to current "decentralized" capture only fail dynam ics in the world but obfuscate the actually understanding of many processes. policy individuals Keywords: R. WEDEL, anthropology of public policy; studying through; globalization; ethnographic social methods; codes CRIS SHORE, GREGORY FELDMAN, network ethics analysis; and STACYLATHROP in have been long engaged research that deals with Anthropologists implicitly public to policy, for issues that pertain directly policy lie at the heart of These issues, as anthropology. Shore and Wright include (1997) observed, institutions and power; and interpretation Janine R. Wedel, the only anthropologist to win the pres tigious Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order, is an associate professor in the School of Public Policy at George Mason University. She has testified committees and written the before for congressional as The New York Times and the Finan major press, such cial Times. Inter She is cofounderand coconvenerofthe est Group for (IGAPP). the Anthropology of Public Policy is a at the Univer Shore of anthropology professor in New Zealand. His research interests sity of Auckland are in the European political particularly anthropology, in com and issues around and power Union, governance societies. A former in Action editor of plex Anthropology Cris and The Anthropology of Europe, he also coedited, with DOI: glO. 1177/0002716205276734 30ANNALS, AAPSS, 600, July 2005 TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 31 the politics of culture, ethnicity and ideology, rhetoric, and discourse; an ever-more inter interactions and between the identity; global and the local. In connected world, public policies, whether with busi governments, originating nesses, entities, nongovernmental (NGOs), private organizations supranational of these, are increasingly central to the organization of actors, or some combination society. Public policies connect disparate actors in complex power and resource in relations and play a pervasive, though often indirect, role shaping society. the and elites, state, Anthropologists studying globalization, politics, development, to their research, and a the centrality of among other topics, are discovering policy some anthro of policy is developing. body of work in the anthropology Although or sev involved in public debates pologists who study policy become advocacy, and in eral movements of public activism, the anthropology encourage anthropology is devoted to research into issues and and the critical processes policy policy meaning; analysis of those processes.2 Research on Policy Issues Legacy of Anthropological of American, British, and other traditions have long recognized Anthropologists of anthropological the intertwining States, for topics with policy. In the United Franz Boas debates other and of among prominent example, early anthropologists went to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries over evolutionary theory the core of public policies dealing with race and gender (Stocking 1968; Smedley or social and "race" and "gender" are 1993). At issue was whether biological are fixed or as Louis Some whether such they Henry changing. anthropologists, in their and Edward Tylor, assumed studies of kinship and Morgan comparative other institutions that human cultures with nineteenth (often corresponding a series of evolu notions Western of century "biological races") developed through to from "civilization." Other scholars, such as Boas, chal tionary stages, "savagery" For example, Boas s studies of immigrants, conducted lenged these assumptions. at the behest of the United States Immigration Commission, demonstrated that "race" is a changing, social construct and that physical differences "races" between are variable and on context. depend Susan more Wright, recently, Gregory Columbia. culture, of Critical Perspectives Anthropology Policy: with Dieter Hatter, Corruption: Anthropological Feldman His and is an assistant principal security; research professor interests and minorities of international on the focus issues in Europe. on Governance Perspectives and (Pluto Power Press, and, 2005). at the migration of British University of the state; globalization, anthropology He is and coconvener cofounder of the Interest Group for the Anthropology of Public Policy (IGAPP). Stacy Lathrop received the Earl S. and Esther Johnson Prizefor her paper, "Venting in theArmy the Salvation Army while Feeding the Elderly in the Tenderloin of of Blood and Fire: " Narrating in the The prize, Master the University of Chicago's of Arts Program granted by con in 2001, awards the best paper achievement with combining high scholarly cern is the humanistic the editor She and for aspirations managing of practical applications. News. Anthropology San Francisco. Social Sciences THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 32 was the Atlantic, the work of British anthropologists just as, if not more, with policy. In The Sorcerers Apprentice: An Anthropology of Pub at Lon lic Policy (1976), Cyril Belshaw, who entered an anthropology the program in the 1940s after a stint as a colonial administrator in don School of Economics Across interconnected has always studied, albeit maybe not reality that anthropology Given that the self-consciously, policy. discipline developed alongside colonialism, it has inmany ways studied the effects of those colonial processes on social groups and organizations. Many British social anthropologists, such as Edward E. Evans Pritchard and Max Gluckman, and those trained in this tradition, such as Raymond Firth and Frederik Barth, have studied how social institutions and social policies are social actors, function, and change and the way these influence organized, social boundaries, and the construction of social identities. Belshaw argued that and processes, should look at social interactions, such anthropologists exchanges, as nationalism and development, from the ground up, in relation to colonialism and those in power; he suggested that in understanding these relationships and we can men women in create the which and messy processes, way society. glimpse As he summed it up, "In an ultimate sense, society is itself policy making" (p. xv). Oceania, argued in Given that [anthropology] colonialism, effects it has of those groups developed alongside in many colonial ways processes studied the on social and organizations. Since the publication of The Sorcerers Apprentice, many scholars have pointed are the result of its intimate ties to out limitations in limitations that anthropology, new directions for the field. Postcolonialists?those as well as colonialism, possible who study the social, political, economic, and cultural practices that have emerged in response to "cri and resistance that anthropologists' colonialism?suggest are of cultural influenced practices, tiques" partially by including policy processes, their particular social position(s) (Marcus and Fisher 1986; Fisher 2003). and how Today, many anthropologists study contemporary global processes entities interact with states, nations, and local groups. There transnational global, are those who and national security policies in the United States study militarism (Lutz 2002, 2005), Europe (Feldman 2003), Latin America (Gill 2004), and the East (Bornstein 2001). Others study donor politics, foreign and domestic aid (Wedel 2001 ), research funding (Brenneis 1999), and tensions between anthro pologists and human rights lawyers and journalists (Merry 2003). These anthropol Middle TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 33 on a in the field. Some thirty years ago, Nader ogists build longtime development to to the is, to analyze powerful (1974,1980) "study up"?that discipline appealed an to societies?as the traditional focus antidote institutions and elites of complex "A reinvented anthropology," Nader on poor, colonized, and marginalized peoples. in the institutions and bureaucratic "should study powerful wrote, organizations our lives and United States, for such institutions and their network systems affect studied all have traditionally that anthropologists also affect the lives of people around the world" (1974,292-93). Wolf (1974,261) similarly urged anthropologists cultural systems out the processes of power which created the present-day to "spell them." Other notable works heeding these calls include and the linkages between in late-twentieth-century families Marcus's (1992) study of dynastic-business in aweapons lab of nuclear America and Gusterson's (1996,1999) engineers study war. There are also those, like Marietta Baba (2000, at the the cold end of oratory institutions must 38-39), who argue anthropologists begin studying professional which educational and such as medical, and organizations, ones, industrial, legal, now are most condition forces the human the shaping powerful "rapidly becoming and the future." While the "powerful institutions" about which Nader wrote are even more so and connected subjects have tended studying globalization today, anthropologists communities. to focus on how affect local (1996) Appadurai's global processes from the angle of actors who are profoundly important treatment of globalization work is a case in point. Relatively little anthropological affected by global processes transna to networks social and how has been done organize organization explore and those who tional players and policy processes, global elites, decision makers, are Lutz's (2005) recent Two Catherine influence decisions. however, exceptions, on is Lutz militarism. and Lesley Gill's (2004) research conducting currently into the role of the U.S. military in the Asia-Pacific research region ethnographic linked and resulting responses to U.S. military bases by local and transnationally Her study includes interviews about military bases with local social movements. and U.S. military and diplomatic activists, base neighbors, Similarly, personnel. Gill's study of the School of Americas (SOA) included interviews of U.S. Army offi cers and the Latin Americanists who trained at the school, anti-SOA activists, and were often who Andean coca-growing peasants targeted by security forces during the "War on Drugs." What Public Policy Is and How Policy Questions Are Framed is to examine to The starting point of an anthropological public policy approach and framing of policy debates (see the appendix for a case study of the assumptions contexts and in many ways arise out of particular Policies such an approach). entire history and culture of the society that generated the them," as "encapsulate in neutral it. be clothed While Shore and Wright (1997, 7) expressed policies may 34 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY or effective to promote ostensible purpose merely language?their efficiency are In "a feature of modern fact, ness?they fundamentally political. key power," is the Shore and Wright contended, "masking of the political under the cloak of neutrality" (pp. 8-9). The anthropology of policy takes public policy itself as an object of analysis, as a research is rather than the unquestioned premise of agenda. Anthropology well suited to explore the cultural and philosophical of underpinnings policy?its uses. and underlying enabling discourses, mobilizing metaphors, ideologies and can how channel assumptions Anthropologists explain taken-for-granted policy debates in certain directions, inform the dominant ways policy problems are iden certain classifications of target groups, and legitimize tified, enable particular solutions while others. policy marginalizing Key questions for an anthropology of policy of policy is not simply concerned with representing local, anthropology or or "cultures" to policy makers, government indigenous, agencies, marginalized Its focus instead is simultaneously concerned NGOs. wider and narrower: wider insofar as its aim is to explore how the state (or to be more exact, those policy mak ers and are authorized to act in the state's name) relates to local professionals who narrower to the extent that its and focus tends to privi populations; ethnographic are state the of how and processes government lege goal understanding policies at the local level, in mind that and experienced interpreted by people keeping are or the to capture recasting the "local" anthropologists "community"3 changing " realities. Comaroff and Comaroff for stressed that 'Local (1999, 294), example, nor for every purpose, the same a fam not is sometimes it is ity' everywhere, thing; sometimes a town, a nation, sometimes a flow or a field, sometimes a continent ily, or even the world; often it lies at the or more of point of articulation among two An these things." in An is of policy, however, the equally interested anthropology understanding cultures and worldviews of those policy professionals and decision makers who seek to implement and maintain their particular vision of the world through their an From and decisions. what happens in the perspective, policies anthropological or the shareholders' executive boardroom, the cabinet meeting, annual general no less occurs at the level of the is which than that meeting important factory floor or an to the of Thus, locality. anthropological approach study policy incorporates the full realm of processes and relations involved in the production of policy: from the policy makers and their strategic initiatives to the locals who invariably shape it into action. In this vein, and mediate policy while translating and implementing an asks the of anthropology policy following: What exactly is "policy?" How should munities," policy? we that conceptualize is, specific that tend to create particular policy processes constellations of actors, and influences activities, "policy that com shape TOWARDAN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 35 What role do policies play in the fashioning of modern subjects and subjectivities? In other words, how do policies shape a community s ideas about human beings and being human? as a or a state s viewing policy "political technology," through policy as a to view Is it useful of laws, and judicial rulings? policy "technique s the self or a of a and of itself, others, projection community meaningful understanding are the limits to awareness constraints the world? And what the given particular imposed How useful is it to view administrative rules, by governing bodies? (Foucault 1977; Rabinow 1984; Rose 1990,1999). Finally, how can we study policy processes anthropologically, and what is distinctive about an anthropologically informed set of perspectives? What is "policy"? an its frequency of use, interesting word. Despite Policy is anthropologically on an authoritative definition of an there is still little agreement However, policy. is less concerned with assigning abstract and immutable of anthropology policy in definitions of the term "policy" than with understanding how policy functions is not "What is the shaping of society. In other words, the key question but policy?" rather, "What do people do in the name of policy?" An etymology of the term "pol some of its social functions. The word is icy" itself helps to expose commonly used as a shorthand for a field of or "economic activity (for example, policy" "foreign pol a atWork for EU's the Health and (for example, icy"), specific proposal Safety a or a it to is of used describe directive), government piece legislation. Elsewhere, or as a state to desired of affairs label describe or, general program alternatively, or what governments uses are consistent with outcomes actually achieve. These sense of the term understood as a "course of what has become the standard modern or any action adopted and pursued by a government, party, ruler, statesmen etc," course of action as an From adopted expedient.4 anthropological reading, this defi sense of a to that of nition has notable similarities in the Malinowskian "myth" or a "charter for action" (Malinowski 1926) charter conveying assumptions, values, and meanings about how to live. the historical semantics of the term "policy" also reveal other, equally However, of meaning clusters that shed light on other aspects of the concept. What important is about the medieval French origins of the word "policy" in interesting particularly are its close semantic associations with the sense of governing and management now obsolete, and the sixteenth-century "policing" (policie) "polishing." Although use of as a verb more to "to or, meaning organize and regu policy police precisely, late the internal order of," is suggestive of what are, perhaps, some of the less con no less functions. This centuries-old definition bears an spicuous but unimportant now favor in to resemblance the critical that uncanny many anthropologists angle state. A to out how is their studies of the modern of this research draw key part pol state in aids the and icy shaping, controlling, regulating heterogeneous populations that homogenize render the subject schemes diversity, through classificatory to the and and boundaries between dif state, transparent implement legal spatial ferent categories of subjects (cf. Trouillot 2001). Similarly, when used as an adjec tive to describe "elegancy," cisely, the "polishing or "refinement," refining "culture," of manners," and the older "civilization" or, more pre sense of the term "policy" THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 36 as a verbal as in the idea of itsmodern counterpart "spin" and policy might also find as a to strike the note among electors. The sense of sound bite designed right policy "contract of insurance" or "daily lottery," stemming from the Greek "demonstrate" also resonate with and "proof ideas about (apodeixis), might (apodeiknynai) or that are accountable to and bodies governing "transparency" "accountability" or investors and to communicate activities their citizens, members, their obligated to them. and decisions [T]he word "policy9 is a concept laden with it is a word often quite contradictory meanings; to convey very that can he coded and decoded ambiguous messages. But even more are the associations of the term two rival "policy" with significant In fifteenth- and and the way these have shifted over the centuries. was used as a noun for political sixteenth-century English, commonly "policy" or skill in the execution of statecraft. However, same sagacity, prudence, during the were both itwas also used as an adjective to describe of conduct that types period, one hand, good and bad. On policy evoked the idea of "diplomacy," "prudence," but in its bad sense, it also meant and "expediency," "shrewdness," "cunning," two and these alternative "dissimulation." "craftiness," Again, readings would also uses and seem to be salient for of the word contemporary meanings understanding are two meanings these show how When statecraft, put together, they "policy." which is invariably concerned with consolidating social order, inherently privileges an order of some over others without it is revealing the fact that producing people a stable state. The must be "bad" to achieve the of impor "good" inequality; policy tant point to deduce from this brief exercise in historical semantics is that the word it is aword that is a concept laden with often quite contradictory meanings; "policy" can be coded and decoded to convey very ambiguous messages. sets of meaning The proliferation of "policy" in everyday discourse now in in the language of elites and frequently appears both "policy" seems in to have become ubiquitous the discourse of gov everyday life. The word in the way these bodies represent them ernments and organizations, particularly selves, define their goals, or justify their raison d'?tre. "Policy" has become the leit As Shore and Wright motif of modern (1997) argued, policy has organizations. The term TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 37 in contemporary become an increasingly central organizing principle societies, on a par with other as such concepts "community," "society," and key mobilizing "nation." However, whereas the latter are usually recognized as contested ideologi cal terms that are seldom innocent or politically disinterested, there seems to be no such critical sensibility or public skepticism toward the idea of "policy." Typically, as is represented that is both neutral and rational: a mere tool "policy" something that serves to unite means and ends or bridge the gap between goals and their execution?in short, a legal-rational way of getting things done. Our argument is that these assumptions (even the claim to "rationality") need to be questioned rather than taken at face value, and whatever else itmight be, policy as a as as must also be understood the embodiment of a certain of well power type reason. Indeed, the field of kind of instrumental studies has often evaded policy serious critique because it has not narratives mobi how adequately explored policy lize the language of science, reason, and "common sense." Policy can be presented as or incon to it apolitical because seemingly neutral scientific reasoning appeals testable assertions about human nature. In this way, policy makers can mute oppo maneuvers sition not through crafty Machiavellian but by simply casting counter as or a "irrational" of arguments "impractical." Thus, key task for the anthropology statements is to expose the about reality. policy political effects of allegedly neutral a From an perspective, society is anthropological striking aspect of modern-day in the the extraordinary extent to which the idea of policy has become implicated or now of human affairs. Indeed, policies of one kind another organization shape and regulate the conditions of our entire existence. From the cradle to the grave, norms and dictates modern human subjects are governed by?and through?the of particular policies, whether these be concerned with public health, employment or national education, practices, security, taxation regimes, "good governance," race relations and almost Indeed, every aspect of equal opportunities legislation. now or is to of life the has been ren contemporary subject implementation policy dered an object or "target" of policy makers: from the age one can vote, drive a car, retire, or have legal sex, to the care and schooling of children, the conduct of par ents and and the design of homes. Even the concepts of individual professionals, citizen" and the are, in effect, artifacts of policy. In this sense, it is "private rights of policy but also of how it useful to think not only of the constraining dimension fashions modern identities and ideas about what itmeans to be human. By classifying problems), and policies "ratepayers," and problems (and particular people as particular policy create new categories of individuals, such as "citizens" actively people "asylum seekers" and "economic migrants," "geriatric mothers," "the long-term unemployed," consultants," "adjunct professors," "self-employed and the "working poor." The latter is a category that was itself recently invented by the British government initiative, itmight through itsWorking Poor Initiative?an to address the poverty trap that it had be added, that the government implemented to its and labor earlier policies of deregulation bring about by previously helped market flexibility. The point here is not that policy dictates the behavior of its target but rather that it imposes an ideal type of what a "normal" citizen population should be. Individuals of a population must contend with, measure up to, subvert, 38 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY or as part of their own identity. In manipulate, simply internalize these ideal types a state's not modern functions brute short, power largely by imposition of agenda but by using policy to limit the range of reasonable choices that one can make and to "normalize" or behavior. particular kinds of action For instance, Les Many anthropologists study these processes ethnographically Field that the policies developed U.S. Bureau of the (1999) demonstrated by Indian Affairs, and those who work for its Branch of Research, Acknowledgement can be as an "Indian," who stamp bureaucratically federally recognized thereby the fate of many unrecognized tribes, their lands, and their ability to determining in lucrative participate gambling ventures, not to mention deciding which kinds of are relevant and which are not. are tribal knowledge Similarly, anthropologists in 1993 the of Native Act act effects the is Title Australia. This studying predicated on the notion that common law can recognize the "rights and interests" held by can show in lands Australian inhab aboriginals only they they have continuously as ited through history and on which they have practiced traditional customs, such a notion, argue some Yet and other such practices. hunting ignores anthropologists, the forcible removal and relocation of these groups, meaning they often cannot prove to a court's satisfaction traditional continuity with their lands and practices (Glaskin2000; Povinelli 2002). "Policy" as the object of analysis The model of policy making in the rationality project is a production model, where policy in a as if on an of stages, almost line. sequence fairly ordered Many assembly in fact, of An issue is the elements" of scientists, speak policy. "assembling "placed it moves the and executive of branches gets defined; agenda," through legislative are where alternative solutions and elected, government proposed, analyzed, legitimized, a solution is the executive and refined; implemented by agencies constantly challenged is created political on the and revised by interested actors, perhaps using the judicial branch; and finally, if the pol icy-making process is managerially sophisticated, revising implemented solutions. (Stone 1988, 8) it provides a means of evaluating and The anthropology to the influential of policy brings much-needed perspectives field of public policy and the growing area of enquiry that falls under the broad heading of "policy studies." The problem with much of the latter is that it continues to operate within a as a reified an positivistic paradigm that treats policy entity and or own seldom its the cultural bases of given, questioning unanalyzed conceptual analytical assumptions. As the above quote by Stone (1988) indicates, there is also a to view not as a linear process, then as a neat, tendency policy, if logical, orderly, and rational set of flows and procedures that move rationally and systematically from formulation and design to execution and evaluation. as an In other words, or "con is often public policy thought of "assembly line" a But belt." and follow linear veyor process policy making implementation hardly outcome. On the contrary, with a predetermined policy processes often encounter in unforeseen ways and with unforeseen variables, which are frequently combined as For unforeseen Wedel found in her study of (2001,8-9) consequences. example, TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 39 aid policies may appear more like a series of the donor's policies but are transformed by the agendas, interests, and interactions of the donor and recipient representatives recent at each stage of illus and interface. Despite ethnographies implementation in the of the rational choice model limitations trating "policy studies," anthropolo a coherent critique ofthat model. gists have yet to put forth compelling, Western "chemical assistance reactions" to eastern Europe, that begin with Analyzing Policy Processes and Addressing Theoretical and Methodological Challenges The anthropology of public policy is at the core of theoretical and methodologi its potential cal challenges contributions. currently facing anthropology?and an of While the anthropological framing public policy questions, de-masking constructs an understanding of policy processes focused on how actors approach Shore and Wright those processes. mediate (1997, 13) sug "Anthropologists," are "to intersect the workings of multiple, understand gested, uniquely positioned are structures to that local but tied non-local and systems." ing conflicting power to uncover An of actors, the constellations anthropological approach attempts that shape policy decisions and their implementation, activities, and influences out. therefore and how effects, gives particular emphasis to they play Anthropology must be situ the idea that the study of policy decisions and their implementation context: They cannot be ated in an empirical or ethnographic adequately mapped are an abstract values and correlations using variables whose by prespecified model. Rethinking the "field" an pillar?the discipline's Studying policy requires rethinking anthropological a of "the traditional field"?as concept single and (relatively) geographically bounded place (Gupta and Ferguson 1997,37). Today, "the field" often consists of in actors with varying leverage located loosely connected degrees of institutional are even not always "sites" that fixed.5 With the post-cold geographically multiple war world s increased states and international organiza of authority by delegation tions to private organizations, and actors, the architects and agents of a companies, are no longer formulated pri policy may be elusive, varied, and diffused. Policies a of but entities, additionally by supranational plethora marily by governments, of these. NGOs, private actors, or some combination businesses, struc offers a social organizational approach that illuminates the Anthropology tures and processes that ground, order, and give direction to policies. An ethnogra and institutions are interconnected pher explores how individuals, organizations, even if the actors and asks how policy discourses help to sustain those connections even contact. involved are never in face-to-face direct) (or "Studying through" the 1994, 477-79; Shore and Wright 1997), the process of following (Reinhold THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 40 source of a to those and programs?through discourses, prescriptions, policy?its affected by the policies does just that. For example, Shore andWright (1999,2000) have used this approach to examine the cultural consequences and implications of since the 1980s. Similarly, Wedel British government reforms of higher education (2001) has studied "through" the interactions of donors and recipients to explore arenas of the social organization activity navigated by linking the overlapping actors. By actors connections who may not know each other but among charting are situated among these arenas, can illuminate how different "studying through" are intertwined?and their relationships of and worlds everyday organizational arenas are resources?across in not time Interactions and and these power space. actors on the only between ground (for example, donor and recipient representa tives and other parties to an aid the larger systems they process) but also between in nations Wedels (for example, represent study). The value of social network analysis can Social network analysis, which unites both theory and method, help illumi nate sites of articulation and interaction and thereby provide a snapshot of the Network focuses on of transnational policy processes. analysis, which workings as a not is social relations rather than the characteristics of actors,6 powerful only as as "an orienting Scott (1991, 37) proposed. but also method idea," By linking actors, network analysis can show how the local or regional level is connected with the national level or the local, regional, or national level with the international. can examine an network ethnographer relationships analysis, Employing and and the changing, overlapping, between individuals, groups, and organizations actors within them may have roles that linked network Social play. analysts multiple structures to collective and Garth (2002, 10), for example, processes.7 Dezalay ... that showed that "tracing the careers of particular individuals makes it obvious and that of human rights NGOs have always been very the world of foundations careers theWorld Bank inter how related; through concrete networks and closely acts with local situations; and how corporate law firms or advocacy organizations on those in the United States are to new terrains." modeled brought basis for explaining policy decisions. Such analysis can serve as a persuasive first Wedels (2004) social network study of a core group of "neoconservatives," or so a in The dozen Post, highlighted long-connected play Washington published between and private skill at maneuvering ers, a "flex group," whose government and businesses' rules of accountability roles, at relaxing both the government's and at conflating state and private interests, proved essential codes of competition, to the group's influence on American public policy. The group's "flex organizing" enabled it to play a pivotal role in shaping U.S. policy toward the Middle East and to war in Iraq. taking the United States a framework that it implies?is the social organizational Network analysis?and "macro" to mixes "state" and of and "private," of the useful way conceptualize "micro," of "local" or "national" and "global," of "top down" versus "bottom up," that today configure many transna and of "centralized" versus "decentralized" TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 41 are thus well to track the inter tional policy processes. Anthropologists positioned actions between interests of state, and and the mixing private public policy is and business networks that becoming increasingly prevalent nongovernmental, around the globe. framework that can both dissect The value of a theoretical and methodological as connect and levels (such local and global) and spheres (such as state and private) is difficult to overstate in a and rapidly changing world. Today, many multilayered are in the world, most in obviously players policy processes, perplexed when asked is like work "Who "Who owns the "Whom do for?" you questions responsible?" or "Whom does he of between company?" represent?" Analysis relationships actors, both individual and collective (such as network analysis reveals), enables an to see different levels and arenas of activity in one frame of study and ethnographer to observe how they are interwoven. Methods for an anthropology of public policy takes as a given that much of itsmost useful information can only Anthropology case method" be obtained (Van through trusted "informants." The "extended in actors Velsen which the follows interconnected 1967, 145), ethnographer around a particular series of events, lends itself to the study of ongoing policy pro cesses. The actors' responses to the same questions (regarding, for example, their own and others' activities, are then and and networks) perspectives, compared are actors involved in a "case" sometimes assessed over time. Although particular located in different sites, they always are connected by the policy process and/or by actual social networks. in as many sites as strive to conduct partici However, possible, anthropologists or some at association least with actors in their own ter pant observation long-term or is ritories this they (Agar 1996, 58). When impossible impractical, however, interviews is often the In alternative methods. up," employ "studying conducting means of to difficult-to only gathering firsthand information and gaining entr?e access "fields," such as individuals in itwas institutions. For only powerful example, of public vul because the U.S. Army's School of Americas suffered from amoment was nerability after pressures from human rights groups that Gill (2004) provided an are the to interviews interview the school. When of pri opportunity graduates critical informa mary source of information from a particular site, cross-checking sources is crucial (Wedel 2003). tion and key points with multiple corroborating as well. to and additional methods "Talking living with Anthropologists employ "are of a community," Gupta and Ferguson the members (1997, 37) reported, their reading newspapers, analyzing govern taking increasingly place alongside ment documents, the activities of governing elites, and tracking the observing internal logic of transnational (In the agencies and corporations." development we offer a brief illustration of this argument 2001 the USA using appendix, PATRIOT Act as a case study. Wedel added that she consulted ) (2001,222-24) pro obtained under laws such as (such as materials ject reports, internal memoranda of Information Act), and independent the Freedom She also estab organizations. THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 42 lished mutually beneficial collaborations with congressional and parliamentary officials with and staff, reporters. Consulting monitoring, investigative charged such sources, she found, served to corroborate, and lend enhanced broaden, to her work. credence Rethinking professional ethical codes the ethical codes "up" and "through" also necessitates Studying rethinking inmind. Several with "down" designed studying anthropologists (including Wedel have called for a reexamination 2001, 223; Konrad 2002, 227; and Shore 2002,11) is to of the traditional ethic ordaining that an anthropologist's "first responsibility those whose lives and cultures we study."When the people being studied are more in the American than the studiers, this precept Associa powerful Anthropological in that of other social science tion's (AAA's) Code of Ethics (1998),8 and echoed is (2001, 223), for instance, asked, "Does an organizations, problematic. Wedel same a to an agency that have the anthropologist responsibility employs public relations staff as it does to a tribe facing extinction?" She reported that "anthropol on sensitive issues may find it in research in government ogists engaged agencies itwill be difficult to proceed without ethics from employing journalism because as of them such their federal sources," administrators, expected by congressional individuals aids, and other powerful typically interviewed by journalists but not institutions She concluded that studying powerful and actors anthropologists. to the ethical code and practices of should thus bind anthropologists journalism with regard to treatment of "sources." [The AAAs] code makes it clear that anthropologists primary ethical obligation is to the people they study and that anthropologists are cautioned to do no harm whom to the people work. they with in medical and legal contexts must working Similarly, those anthropologists in these settings, as well as what ethical inform themselves of the risks of working of an anthro their informants have. For example, the confidentiality expectations notes became attention when anthropologist Sheldon the focus of field pologists' in a legal Zink's field notes of the AbioCor artificial heart trial were subpoenaed TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 43 case on whether the hospital had failed to inform the patient, who died, and his 2003). Zinks case was con family about the dangers of the trial (Free Sheldon.org founded since her research, which was not federally funded or based at a univer sity, had not been subjected to institutional review board oversight; further compli one of researcher to patient advocate cating things, she changed her role from at to time In her the Zink's ethical the AAA dilemma, response during hospital. of Field Notes, reiterating that (2003) adopted a Statement on the Confidentiality its code makes it clear that primary ethical obligation is to the peo anthropologists' are cautioned to do no harm to the and that ple they study anthropologists people with whom they work. At the same time, it acknowledged that the code states that "the degree and breadth of informed consent" is situational to the context inwhich a of other "codes, laws, and ethics of the study takes place and the requirements or in is It is at the end of the which the research country community pursued." statement that the AAA noted the nature of fieldwork: changing anthropological "We believe that an environment of distrust results if field notes are not protected or other persons or use against the by public officials having physical political use or to notes to who wish the research sub power prosecute investigate might or we whom work." with jects people Critiquing Conventional Wisdom through Anthropological Analyses can to counteract three Bringing analysis anthropological public policy help as an to treat related and dominant trends. The first is the tendency "policy" to the sociocultural contexts inwhich it is reference given, without unproblematic to dominate continues of positivism paradigm a nec much of the "policy studies" literature and approach. Anthropology provides a more to both of these shortcomings and introduces reflexive essary corrective on as an idea as well as a set of processes. perspective policy The second of these is the domination of public policy and debate, and even as those of such democratiza discourses, scholarship, by ideologized globalization, tion, and privatization. Kalb et al. (2000, 8) observed that the very "neglect, denial, or even conscious con social relationships, repression, of institutional complexity, into turned and the of contradictions" the concept tingency, globalization possible it interactions became. and interfaces among By highlighting "ideological magnet" can a to these parties to the policy process, anthropology provide counterweight embedded and understood. The discourses. The flawed "micro," can counteract is the use of third trend that anthropological analysis help versus as versus "state" "macro" frameworks (such "private," dichotomous "top down" versus "bottom up," "local" versus "global," "centralized" ver sus "decentralized") so to obfus in prevalent public policy. These frameworks tend of than the rather shed cate, By analyzing the light on, workings policy processes. construction their activi and building blocks of policy?actors and organizations, THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 44 can take on the ties and points of articulation?anthropology complexity, ambigu a messiness In and of ity, policy processes. rapidly changing world, anthropology's to construct the variables reliance on ethnography help being studied and its focus on the interactions in which parties to the policy process engage (regardless of so or or even see themselves as ever whether do they willingly wittingly, "parties") is more crucial. can are pro outcomes the that analysis Anthropological disentangle duced and help explain how and why they often contradict the stated intentions of policy makers. An of public policy should not only add to the body of substantive anthropology about the way the world is changing, but it should provide a critical cor knowledge rective to the that work well in journals and textbooks yet often simplified models on the fail to produce desired outcomes ground. It should spur theoretical and that and the interdis methodological development strengthens both anthropology ciplinary study of policy. Appendix Case Study: The USA "PATRIOTAct" In the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attacks on theWorld Trade Center and the Pentagon in September 2001, a hastily drafted antiterrorism bill was presented to Congress that, according to both supporters and critics of the legislation, has laid the foundations for a domestic intelligence-gathering scale and system of unprecedented as Known PATRIOT Act the full title the (its technological prowess. Uniting and being to America Tools Protecting by Providing Appropriate Required Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act), the new bill rapidly passed into law on October 26,2001. The new law was ratified reflected the climate of wartime speed in which the politics terrorist attacks and "weapons of mass destruction") and the fear of further (fuelled by desire of the Bush administration to capitalize quickly on the bipartisan mood in Con gress. Among its provisions, the PATRIOT Act empowers the government to shift the primary mission of the FBI from solving crimes to gathering domestic intelligence; a financial sys charges the Treasury Department with building intelligence-gathering tem whose data can be accessed by the CIA; and, for the first time ever, gives the CIA to influence FBI operations inside the United States and obtain evidence authority as McGee (2001) gathered by wiretaps and federal grand juries. More specifically, observed, the bill "effectively tears down the legal fire walls erected 25 years ago during the Watergate era, when the nation was stunned by disclosures about presidential abuses of domestic intelligence-gathering against political activists." At its signing, President Bush described the bill as "an essential step in defeating ter rorism, while protecting the constitutional rights of all Americans," which would "give a new tools to intelligence and law enforcement officials important fight present dan an order A few weeks President Bush also 2001). later, (Bush empowering ger" signed him to authorize military trials in the United States and abroad for international terror ists and their collaborators. These military tribunals can impose sentences as severe as TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 45 death on a two-thirds vote, hold trials in secret, and rely on evidence that would be a Bush's order does not allow for judicial review. rejected in civil court. Furthermore, Some legal experts claim that the order appears to be an attempt by the president to suspend the right of habeas corpus for those accused of plotting against the United States (who would, by definition, be in violation of the laws of war and therefore ineligi ble for protection under the U.S. Constitution). The American Civil Liberties Union has warned of the dangers to civil liberties posed by the bill. For example, section 802 of the act redefines "domestic terrorism" so broadly that it could now encompass World activists.a The act also permits a vast Trade Organization protesters and Greenpeace covert of information array gathering, effectively giving the Central Intelligence on Americans. The recent and National Agency Security Agency license to spy history of the CIAs involvement in illegally spying on seven thousand Americans inOperation CHAOS (including anti-Vietnam War protesters, so-called black nationalists, and stu dent activists) was precisely what led to restrictions on the CIA activities during the 1970s. As one might expect, many critics voiced opposition to the bill, particularly the way it redraws the line between civil liberties and national security. Reflecting on the history of intelligence abuses, Senator Frank Church warned that domestic intelligence gath was a "new form of ering power," unconstrained by law, often abused by presidents and to inclined such as Robert (McGee 2001). Even conservative Republicans, grow always L. Barr Jr., characterized the government's plans as ethnic power grabbing, profiling, and overzealous law enforcement. Still others have denounced the proposal for mili tary tribunals and secret evidence as "third world" practices (Lardner 2001). During the debate over the passage of the bill through congress, Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy raised several of these concerns. Attorney General John Ashcroft s reply was that "talk won't prevent terrorism," was adding that he "deeply concerned about the rather slow pace of the legislation" (TheWashington Post 2001). Republican Sena tor Orin Hatch voiced similar frustration with an attempt to debate the in the proposal Senate; "[Delays] are very dangerous things. It's time to get off our duffs and do what's right" (ibid). is anthropologically interesting about the Stepping back from all this, what PATRIOT Act is precisely the language inwhich itwas presented to the American pub the dominant discourse was national security and the threat by terrorists lic.While in the words of George W. Bush (2001), "recognize no barrier of morality," "have who, no conscience," and "cannot be reasoned with," the policy narrative was filled with a at war," and the need to "bring down of metaphors "danger," "the urgency of nation walls" between intelligence gathering and law enforcement. A recurring motif in the discourse of the U.S. government was that these measures were "necessary tools" to enable "our nation's law enforcement, national defense and intelligence personnel" to to justice" (U.S. Department terrorists and of Justice criminals other dangerous "bring 2004, 1). The very identification of these kinds of threats and crises in public policy serve as a foil against which national identity is consolidated and dissent pushed aside the U.S. Department of Justice Feldman 1998; 2005). (Campbell Significantly, to defended these new powers in terms of their contribution combating pedophiles (the other folk devils that pose a public threat to "our way of life"). THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY 46 its flagrant exploitation of the themes of The very title of the legislation?with "state of and of the nation?were defense "patriotism," emergency," similarly designed to reassure the public about the righteousness of the proposed changes while to As U.S. the bill. General Ashcroft Attorney opposition marginalizing opined in November 2001, "The highest and most noble form of public service [is] the preserva tion of American lives and liberty" (U.S. Department of Justice 2001). This followed President Bush's call for public unity and support for those men and women in the FBI, law enforcement, intelligence, customs, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and (ATF), and secret services who are "serving this country with excellence, Explosives and often with bravery" (Bush 2001). The PATRIOT Act passed with little vocal opposition. Most critics either stone walled or simply caved in to pressure to vote for the bill for fear of being deemed "soft on terrorism" and, on defense of the American nation. Insight by implication, weak magazine reported that only two copies of the bill were made available in the hours just before its passage, and most representatives admitted to voting for the bill without even one it As November 9, 2001). seeing (Insight, Republican critic of the bill (Texas representative Ron Paul) complained, The insult is to call this a "patriot bill" and suggest I'm not patriotic because I insisted upon finding out what is in it and voting no. I thought itwas undermining the Constitution, so I didn't vote for it?and therefore I'm somehow not a patriot. That's insulting. success in muting was matched political opposition by the burden the act on the various nonstate actors whom it affects. One placed good example is found in air PATRIOT Act of aircraft illegal, the While the renders the violation transportation. of this law is largely left to private industry in the form of either private enforcement sensitive to security companies or the airlines themselves. Airlines are understandably occurs after the if terrorist lawsuits another attack potential culprits pass through their own security checks. Thus, to err on the side of caution about let incentive have they ting passengers on board even if passengers fully pass their own established security The standards. The standards, however, are flexible and subject to interpretation based on the ste 2001, Assem Bayaa, an reotypes of who a terrorist might be. For example, inDecember American citizen of Middle Eastern descent, was removed from a United Airlines secu flight from Los Angeles to New York just prior to takeoff. Despite having cleared crew on was him the board the and he "felt uncomfortable" rity checks, having plane, ordered off of the plane without any questions and without having been searched. A civil rights lawsuit was filed against United Airlines, which subsequently filed amotion to dismiss the case. A federal judge rejected the motion and stated that despite pilots' a or may not board an aircraft, in they do not have having discretion deciding who may Union Civil Liberties "license to discriminate" 2002a). (American While the result in this particular case constituted a victory for civil liberties, the more to note is the broad latitude that the private airlines have significant point explanation for the acquired in matters of "national security." The anthropological United pilot's removal of Assem Bayaa should not be reduced to the legal language of TOWARD AN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 47 are more a simple "discrimination." The effects of the policy process complex. As pri vate company, United Airlines's foremost concern is profit, which produces a tension between the cost of potential lawsuits resulting from arguably insufficient security measures and the cost of implementing those measures. Yet underlying the pilot's action was a complex mix of social and cultural factors having to do with "riskmanage ment," "moral panic" (Comaroff and Comaroff 1999), and heightened public fear about Arabs and Islamic fundamentalists. If even the pilot himself holds no such ste reotypes about Arabs as dangerous extremists, it is hard for any pilot not to be influ enced by public pressure or popular representations that construe particular individu als as likely terrorist suspects on the basis of their physical appearance. What this case study illustrates is the triumph of the discourse of national security over that of civil liberties?a as much of triumph engineered by the mobilization rhetorics of fear and "states of emergency" as by those of patriotism and xenophobia. sentiments and Islamophobia certainly achieve victories in some While anti-foreigner is it narrative the of "national security" that remains the irremovable refer instances, ence point that sanctifies the PATRIOT Act and against which oppositional voices to be heard. But it would be to view the implementation and struggle misleading enforcement of the USA PATRIOT Act as simply amatter of the state versus civil soci ety. Like policy in general, the PATRIOT Act binds together a wide variety of actors, institutions, and agendas in new and ambiguous relationships. Actors with the legal, or institutional can political, leverage "clarify" these relationships by appealing to the discourses that dominate the current political climate. "National security" is perhaps the foremost discourse of the American present, and itmanifests itself inmyriad ways aswell as in the way it iswoven into the fabric of in the practice of life daily public policy. The current state of alert and call to action for a "war on terrorism" recalls a comment long ago by the criticWalter Benjamin (1969,257), writing against another call to crisis, and on the eve of another war: "The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the 'state of emergency' inwhich we live is not the exception but the rule.We must attain to a conception of history that is in keeping with this insight." Benjamin's thesis has more than passing relevance to current U.S. defense policy. As Elaine Scarry (2002) wrote, over the past speed has repeatedly been invoked by governments fifty years to central ize power; counter ethical, legal, or constitutional objections; and sidestep the demo cratic process in the United States. made a. Section as to include to interna of terrorism the definition "domestic," expands opposed in domestic A person terrorism if he or she commits any act "dangerous engages to human to if the act appears life" that violates the criminal laws of a state or the United States, or coerce a civilian to (1) intimidate be intended the of a govern influence (2) population; policy or coercion; or (3) affect the conduct mass destruction, ment intimidation of a government by by tional, 802 terrorism. assassination, or kidnapping (American Civil Liberties Union 2002b). Notes 1. The Interest Group for the Anthropology of Public Policy (IGAPP), affiliated with the American an was founded in 2004 to and Janine R. Wedel) Association, (by Gregory Feldman provide Anthropological s institutional framework to identify and foster the work of anthropologists studying policy. IGAPP goal is to 48 the contributions strengthen on theory policy. 2. There have been many lic debates and influence of the anthropology THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY of public policy to the discipline and to interdisciplinary to in pub conscious efforts on the part of anthropologists personally participate is Sol Tax's (1975) "action One well-known social and policy processes. example on the liberal-humanist tradition of John Dewey, Tax stressed that research and new Drawing should help humanity solve problems that inhibit growth and development. that Believing should engage in action aimed at improving a community's capacity for self-determination, anthropologists Tax and his students from the University such as the Fox Indian of Chicago developed community projects, anthropology." knowledge from 1938 to 1962. Project in Tama, Iowa, which he directed in is Basch and colleagues' Another example of anthropologists (1999) focus on taking part public debates to Academia: Chal academia and higher education policy. Basch and the other contributors Transforming an for an Engaged Anthropology promote referring "to lenges and Opportunities "engaged anthropology," to deal with them that will affect anthropology the anticipation of changes and to developing strategies to react" stance shares much with the rather than waiting and intentionally, (p. 291). This proactively public in interest and the Public Interest; Sanday 1976), which emerged (first proposed anthropology Anthropology one where to focus on the in anthropology, anthropologists relationship between basic and applied research can be to would contribute by public policy and with the public policy by isolating "variables that manipulated of the point at which the cost of changing the expected benefits" inputs outweighs (p. xvii). to policy (Belshaw 1976), or one that does called this a "social engineering" contemporaries approach not the rational frameworks of the idea of policy making. Those engaged in public interest anthro challenge can contribute on to demonstrate to public education how anthropologists and pology today have moved identification Some movement debates spearheaded by Robert (Sanday 1998). This is also the focus of the public anthropology more accessible to make to a diverse public, seeing this as an ethical Borofsky, which also aims anthropology n.d.). responsibility (PublicAnthropology.org 3. Anthropological but an tradition lies in studying the local level (often "on-the-ground" communities), in the the nature of the local. Gupta and Ferguson (1997, 15) sug questions ongoing discussion discipline is not well gested that "the idea of locality thought observed that "we can no longer take communities out" and called to be for its reexamination. localized, on-the-ground and site of their existence." Ortner entities, (1997, 76) or at least that their local, on-the-ground form is only one moment 4. Oxford Online, http://www.oed.com (accessed April 28, 2005). English Dictionary are 5. Increasingly, anthropologists fieldwork among people connected with one conducting de-localized class that once had been part of an another. For example, Ortner (1997) studied a high school graduating now is States. the United that "actual on-the-ground community" throughout dispersed were in the field of social network 6. Pioneers and Elizabeth Bott, John Barnes, Clyde Mitchell, analysis saw in the 1950s. at Manchester of Social Anthropology all associated with the Department University They of relations that arose from social structure as networks of relations and focused on "the actual configuration of the Manchester school the exercise of conflict and power" (Scott 1991,27). For analysis of the contribution to the of social network theory, see Scott (1991, 27-33). development to 7. Laumann, Marsden, that "features of a network can be used... and Prensky (1989,62) maintained at the level of the collectivity." See also Marsden show the consequences of individual level network processes (1981). assertions about ethics have always reflected an ongoing Association's Anthropological is to those they study. Still, through the disci that anthropologists' primary ethical responsibility as not always been in agreement about what this means, have clearly evi pline's history, anthropologists in Ethics and the Profession of she consid denced by Carolyn Fluehr-Lobban (1991). There, Anthropology in the 1970s illustrate such as the censure of Boas in 1919 and Project Camelot ered how controversies 8. The American assumption in policy processes, research. While clandestine about the role of anthropologists particularly disagreement Association who Boas was censured by the American Anthropological for his public outcry of anthropologists to spy on behalf of the United States during World War I, the association used their professional identity its first professional ethics code following debates about Project Camelot, which had allegedly developed scientists engage in clandestine research in South America for the United States govern social that proposed should ment. In its 1971 stated such engagements of Professional the Association Responsibility," "Principles not be pursued. TOWARDAN ANTHROPOLOGYOF PUBLIC POLICY 49 a 1995 forum on the in Current focused topic of "Objectivity and Militancy" Anthropology recently, in science and advocacy. 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