Download 1 CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND Being a mere

CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Being a mere vernacular language or dialect, does not mean that it is
ungrammatical and does not have any syntactical features. Instead, according to
Holmes (2008: 137), she stated that ‘dialects are simply linguistic varieties which are
distinguishable by their vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation’. Thus, it is not
only a mere random rambling of some groups of ethnicity, but dialect also has three
basic factors as a language: vocabulary, even grammar, and pronunciation. She also
stated that vernacular, being a non-standard language, contrasts with standard
language, tends to be learned at home and in informal contexts.
To be a standard language, it needs seven criteria to acknowledge a language,
as introduced by Bell (1976) in Wardaugh (1992: 30). These criteria include
standardization, vitality, historicity, autonomy, reduction, mixture, and de facto
norms. This means that standard language does not become a standard in an instant;
it needs a process first from standardization, autonomy, until de facto
acknowledgement. Meanwhile, in Hudson (1987: 32), Haugen (1966) revealed the
process of being standard language in a simpler way; it has to pass through 4 stages;
selection, codification, elaboration of function, and acceptance. Except for being
simpler, it is also a kind of summary of Bell’s process. After selection of the
language that wants to be standardized, it then codified, look for the functions, and
then look for the acceptance of the language. It is different from non standard
languages or generally called as vernacular, which does not need or have any of the
process above. Holmes (2008: 75) also adds three basic components of a vernacular
language; the first one is the vernacular is an un-codified or un-standardized variety;
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second is how it is acquired - usually it is acquired at home; third is how the
vernacular used for relatively circumscribed functions. Therefore, the vernacular
language is taught and used mainly among family members or group of friends. That
is why, the vernacular language identical with informal context. In addition, it is also
used under certain circumstances, not in every circumstance, for example people are
not expected to use AAVE or other vernacular languages when speaking to respected
or older people in an upper class setting. In this thesis, in order to analyze AAVE
linguistics characteristics and factors causing language change, the writer had
gathered some theories regarding the discussions.
2.1 The Linguistic Characteristics of AAVE
In AAVE, although it is different from Standard English, but some forms,
systems, and syntactical features are found in the AAVE. It has different syntactical
and phonological features. Fromkin and Rodman (1983: 254-255) also added that
there are also some morphological and lexical features found in AAVE. These
features will be explained thoroughly below.
2.1.1 Phonological features of AAVE
Phonology is related to how words, letters are being pronounced. Finegan
(1989: 395) stated that people who use AAVE tend to simplify their consonant
clusters. Usually people who speak Standard English also simplify their
pronunciation, it will sound very formal to pronounce all the letters. Therefore, it can
be said that Standard English speaker also simplify their pronunciation, but what
distinguish the AAVE speakers from Standard English speakers is they simplify their
pronunciation every day in every usage. Below are some phonological features of
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AAVE.
2.1.1.1 Consonant
1. Consonant Cluster simplification
Most English speakers will automatically simplify consonant clusters in some
context and will sound normal. However, AAVE speakers tend to do the
simplification more extensively than other English speakers (Holmes, 2008: 187).
The simplification occurs on the final consonant, where the speakers tend to simplify
the words by deleting the consonant at the end of the word. Thomas (2007: 455) also
added the rules of the simplification; deleting the consonant is happened only if the
two consonants in the end are either voiceless (as in test) or voiced (as in hand), but
it is impossible if one consonant is voiced and the other is voiceless as in pant, it
cannot be pan. The only exception is the auxiliary can’t and don’t which has
voiceless t and voiced d but can be pronounced as consonant simplification. In
addition, the deletion or reduction of the final consonant is not or seldom found in
the past tense marker. Thomas (2007: 456), in his article, also stated that sometimes,
consonant cluster simplification can happen to that’s or it’s which the consonant is
yielded or deleted, for example that’s /ðæts/ becomes /ðæs/. Wolfram in Thomas
(2007) also stated that this feature is more common in Southern AAVE than in
Northern.
2. Realization of /θ/ and /ð/ as /t,f/ and /d,v/
Upon pronouncing some words containing the fricative /θ/ and /ð/, AAVE
speakers often change them in some circumstances. For example when located at the
beginning of a word, the interdental fricative /θ/ is realized as /t/. For example, the
word thin /θɪn/ is pronounced as /tɪn/. When located word-medially or word-finally,
the interdental fricative /θ/ is realized as /f/. For example, the word bath /bæθ/ is
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pronounced as /bæf/. Other explanation is when located at the beginning of a word,
the interdental fricative /ð/ is realized as /d/. For example, the word this /ðɪs/ is
pronounced as /dɪs/. When located word-medially or word-finally, the interdental
fricative /ð/ is realized as /v/. For example, the word brother /brʌðr̩/ is pronounced as
/brʌvə/. These circumstances are quite consistent in AAVE. Therefore, it is
considered ungrammatical if the speakers violated the rules above. (Thomas, 2007:
454.)
3. Liquids /-r/ and /-l/
The phonological features that is unique in AAVE is the not voiced -r and -l.
Thomas (2007: 453) in his journal stated that when /-r/ and /-l/ are not in the
beginning of a word, they often undergo the process known as vocalization where the
/l/ and /r/ are pronounced as /uh/. This appears often on the post-vocalic position
(after vowel). For example, sister or steal which become /sɪstah/ or /stiːah/. Thomas
also said that /r/ is not pronounced after vowel /o/ and /u/ like door, four, and sure,
which become /dɔː/, /fɔː/, /ʃʊ/ make it difficult to differentiate them with doe, foe,
and show. The /l/ can also be deleted if placed after a vowel and before a labial
consonant in the same syllable. Seen in help becomes /hɝp/ and Rudolph becomes
/ruːdɒf/ (Pollock, Bailey, Berni, Fletcher, Hinton, Johnson, Roberts, & Weaver,
1998). For /r/ usage, Pollock, et al. also suggested that /r/ can be non-rothic (not
voiced) and deleted.
‘Vocalic /r/ (also known as syllabic /r/ or a rhotic vowel) produced as a non-rhotic vowel.
Postvocalic /r/ (also known as a rhotic diphthong) produced as non-rhotic vowel or deleted.
Following front vowels, most often replaced by non-rhotic vowel. Following back vowels,
most often deleted. Intervocalic /r/ may also be affected, esp. when following mid back
vowel.’ (Pollock, et al., 1998)
The examples are bird, zipper, deer, car, story, and hurry which are become
/bɝd/,/zɪpə/,/dɪ/,/kɑː/,/stɔːi/,/hɜːi/. In syllabic /r/, the /r/ becomes non-rhotic as in bird
/bɝd/, meanwhile in postvocalic /r/ becomes non-rhotic or deleted as in deer /dɪ/ and
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hurry /hɜːi/.
4. Devoicing of /d/ /g/ /b/
One of the uniqueness of AAVE is also involving devoicing of morphemefinal /d/, /g/, and /b/. Like in mud /məd/ becomes /məʔ/ or / məʔt/. According to
Thomas (2007: 456), the devoicing can extend to voiceless stops, for example, rack
becomes /ræ/. From Fasold (1981) and Wolfram (1969) which is quoted by Thomas,
the feature is common in Southern areas and in low socioeconomic conditions.
5. Nasals /ŋ/
The replacement of /ŋ/ to be /n/ according to Pullum (1999: 51) is a popular
phonology feature of AAVE. The /g/ is not dropped, the one that is changed is the
sound. The sound of /ŋ/ is replaced by /n/. For example; singing /sɪŋɪŋ/ after replaced
by /n/; /sɪŋɪn/.
2.1.1.2 Vowels
1. The sound of /ɪ/ as /æ/ or /ɝ/
Often AAVE speakers pronounce /ɪ/ as /æ/ or /ɝ/. (Pollock, et al., 1998).
When Standard English speakers pronounce sing as /sɪŋ/ but AAVE speakers will
pronounce it as /sæŋ/ or /sɝŋ/.
2. Vowel /e/ to be /ɪ/
Other features involving vowel is the inverse of the previous features; AAVE
speakers pronounce the pen (/pen/ as the Standard English pronunciation) as /pɪn/.
Therefore there is no difference between pin and pen. Another example is again (in
SE /ə'gen/) which becomes /ə'gɪn/ in AAVE. (Pollock, et al., 1998).
3. Following /l/
Other features involving the vowel is before /l/, vowel tends to be laxed like
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in wheel, AAVE speakers pronounce it as /wɪl/ whereas the original pronunciation is
/wiːl/ with a longer /ee/. The AAVE speakers tend to lax the word. Other example is
tail in SE it is pronounced as /teɪl/ but in AAVE it is more laxed and it becomes /tɝl/.
(Pollock, et al., 1998).
4. Diphthongs
Diphthong in linguistics is a term to a pronunciation involving the movement
of the tongue from one place in the mouth to other place. Most of SE speakers are
aware of this and pronounce diphthongs clearly. However, to AAVE speakers, as
Thomas (2007: 458) explained, have the weak movement of the tongue. Hence, the
AAVE speakers lost some pronunciation as in my /maɪ/ which pronounced as my
/ma/.
2.1.1.3 Stressed and unstressed
1. Stressed
If usually, SE speaker stressed final syllables, in AAVE, the stressed syllables
are usually on the first syllables (Thomas, 2007: 466.). For example; police is
stressed on police rather than in SE, police.
2. Unstressed
In the unstressed syllable, AAVE usually deletes it, only in initial and medial
word position (Pollock, et al., 1998). For initial position, in SE, about is pronounced
as /ə'baʊt/. However, in AAVE, it becomes /‘'baʊt/ because the unstressed syllable is
located on the front/initial position and the AAVE speakers tend to delete them. The
rule is valid also for the medial word position as in government /gʌvərmnt/ which
becomes /gʌvmnt/.
3. Haplology
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Other kinds of features including in unstressed syllables is haplology
(Pollock, et al., 1998), where there are two same syllables in one word and the
speakers tend to delete the same syllable. This feature is also used in AAVE where
the unstressed syllable is deleted. For instance; Mississippi that becomes /mɪsɪpi/ and
probably /prɑbli/. Despite the deletion of the same syllables, the words still can be
understood.
2.1.2 Morphological Features
Morphology tries to discuss internal structure of words and the rules of how
words are formed (Fromkin & Rodman, 1983: 113). As a vernacular, AAVE also has
a particular morphology forms. Although it is commonly combined with syntax or
morphosyntactic by other researchers, the writer in this thesis separated these two
categories and focused on the difference in morpheme in this part. Below are the
summary from Wolfram (2004: 124-126) and Champion, Cobb-Roberts, and BlandStewart (2012: 82-83).
2.1.2.1 Suffix -s Variation
1. Plural -s
The morpheme -s which is usually added after plural noun in SE, is not added
in AAVE. The suffix -s is missing.
2. Possessive -s
The possessive -s is also missing in AAVE, while in SE, it is essential to
reckon the possessive marker.
3. Third person Singular –s
This feature is involving the subject and verb agreement of a sentence. If
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usually in grammar, the third person singular is usually followed by verb plus suffix
–s, in AAVE, the third person singular does not followed by verb + suffix –s.
2.1.2.2 Past Tense Markers
In past tense structure, people know the structure with suffix –ed. However in
AAVE, people tend to omit the suffix –ed. This is usually known in phonology but
also as a mark in morphology.
2.1.2.3 Comparative and Superlative
The irregular use of a comparative and superlative adjective is often found in
AAVE sentence. The endings –er and –est can be applied to most adjective, for
example; baddest, worser.
2.1.3 Syntactical features
Syntax is the study of structure in phrases and sentences (Akmajian, Demers,
Farmer, & Harnish, 1998: 135). Therefore, this sub chapter will discuss mainly about
the structure of phrases and sentences in AAVE language that is definitely different
from Standard English structure.
2.1.3.1 The zero auxiliary
Being a vernacular language, AAVE has its distinctive features which are not
found in standard language; the zero auxiliary. There are omission of copula be,
auxiliary verbs, auxiliary modals, together they are called as zero auxiliary. AAVE
allows the omission of copula be in a sentence. Example: That my bike when it
should be like this in standard English, That is my bike. The copula be is missing in
the sentence, but people are still able to understand the sentence, though
grammatically/syntactically wrong. To omit the copula be, it has the simple rule, if
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the be can be contracted in standard English, then be can be omitted in AAVE as it is
explained by Labov (1969) in Wardaugh (1992: 335). Therefore, if we can contract is
in the sentence everybody’s not happy, then in AAVE the contracted ’s becomes
everybody not happy. However, if is cannot be contracted like in I know where he is
cannot be contracted to I know where he’s. Therefore, the sentence cannot be I know
where he in AAVE, because is is an important word in the sentence, when losing
that, the sentence becomes meaningless. Usually AAVE speakers use this
grammatical feature to simplify a sentence. Originally, the English speakers also
simplify the sentence. However, they only simplify it by shortened the is into ‘s,
never omit one whole is. Therefore, the AAVE speakers have a distinct characteristic
of omitting copula be.
From another source, Pullum (1991: 45-46) in her journal put some rules that
have been collected for the use of copula be. Below are the summary.
a. If the copula be bears accent (stress), it is not omitted.
Because the stress is meant for emphasizing the meaning. If it is left
behind, the meaning will be unclear.
b. When appear in the end of a phrase, copula be is always present.
c. The copula be is not omitted when it is at end of a phrase like She know
what her shirt material is. It has the important meaning of the sentence. If
the copula is missing, the sentence will be nonsensical like She know what
her shirt material. The sentence will not be finished if it is like that.
d. When used in a present perfect function, been is included as a copula and
not omissible. This is proven in the example; He been learned English.
This means that He has learned English. However, instead of omit has,
AAVE put been to replace has.
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e. The use of ain’t is not omissible.
When a sentence is negated in AAVE, ain’t is used as the marker of
negation replacing the original be and cannot be omitted.
Those are the rules about the copula be itself. However, this omission can be
also applied to other auxiliaries; such as modals and verbs auxiliaries.
2.1.3.2 Negative Inversion
Negative inversion, according to Foreman (1999: 2.), is the sentence in which
has the subject and auxiliary inverted to become form of question, but interpreted as
declarative sentence. So the negative is inversed from after the subject to be before
the subject. From the sentence it ain’t nobody complaining to become ain’t nobody
complaining after the existential it is gone. The Standard English normally does not
have the form of negative auxiliary in front of the subject. Usually the grammatical
pattern should be subject first and then auxiliary. Though the auxiliary can be placed
precede the subject, it only appears on interrogative sentences.
2.1.3.3 Multiple negations
The multiple negation is also a feature in the AAVE. This means the use of
more than one or more negation in a sentence (multiple). In general context, use
double negation is unusual but it is likely spoken by AAVE speakers. No other
English speakers use this. The characteristic is also identical with the lower social
class. Since these usually are used by the lower social class (Holmes, 2008: 150). In
the example; “It ain’t no cat can get in no coop”, three negations are used; ‘ain’t’,
‘no’, and ‘no’. These multiple negations give the ambiguous feeling about the real
meaning, while actually the real meaning is ‘no cat can get into any coop’. See, the
negation used in the meaning is actually using only one negation. However, the
AAVE speakers use it multiple times to get the emphasize. Remembering that AAVE
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is a negative concord language (Pullum, 1999: 50). A negative concord language
means that the AAVE wants to emphasize the negative more. Fromkin and Rodman
(1983: 256) also stated in their book that the rule is simple in negative inversion or
any other negatives in AAVE. Take the Standard English example; somebody,
something, and some when they are negated, they changed into any-; anybody,
anything, and any. However, in AAVE, when the sentence is negated, the words
become nobody, nothing, and none. It is odd because they don’t conform with the
original rules.
2.1.3.4 Negative ain’t
The other uniqueness from AAVE is the use of ain’t. The AAVE speakers
almost always use ain’t to express negativity. The auxiliaries that are normally used
in Standard English, like isn’t and haven’t are replaced all with one auxiliary, ain’t,
that covers almost all the auxiliary negated. This auxiliary represents be (am, is, are)
and perfect auxiliary (have and has) and negative not. Example; She ain’t here or she
ain’t been here lately. Meaning can be She is not here and she has not been here
lately. In addition, ain’t is also surprisingly used to represent didn’t too (Wolfram,
2004: 124), as in She ain’t do that, which supposedly be She didn’t do that.
2.1.3.5 Existential It
The use of is it instead of there is also one of the characteristics of AAVE. As
in Wardaugh (1992: 335), it usually is used to replace there which is normally used
in Standard English. One example is it ain’t no heaven for you to go to in here, the
use of it replaces function there.
2.1.3.6 Question formations
Often, a sentence can be seen as a question in Standard English, but actually
it functions as a statement (Wardaugh, 1992: 335). The example I asked Billy what
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can he do and can’t nobody do that, this is functioned as a statement. Meanwhile if
it is read in Standard English, it obviously has the question form. However, the
meaning is still a statement. In Wolfram (2004: 126) also added the question
formation that seems to be a statement but actually it is a question. What that is?,
Who this is? are the examples . The auxiliary and the subject do not invert to each
other.
2.1.3.7 Invariant be
Holmes (2008: 187) also added the use of invariant be, or as it is known too
from Wolfram (2004: 118) as ‘habitual’ be, as to indicate recurring or repeated
actions. This is the most salient grammatical feature mentioned by Wolfram in his
book. For example; He be at office on weekdays. This explains that he is always at
the office on weekdays. Instead of using will, the AAVE speakers use be. This may
sound ungrammatical at all because there is no will, but instead, it is replaced by be
out of nowhere. Wolfram also argues that actually the invariant be is appeared
because the process of degemination. Degemination is the process of simplification
of the words. In other words, when seeing the example, He be at office on weekdays,
the original sentence can be seen as He will be at office on weekdays. AAVE
simplifies He will into He be, instead of He‘ll be. AAVE just takes out the ’ll and left
be. Similarly, it is also valid for would and do
Example: 1.a. If they get a DVD player, they would be happy
b. If they get a DVD player, they be happy
2.a. Sometimes they be playing tag
b. Sometimes they are playing tag
Seeing from the examples; the be word hence might be used not only for
habitual actions but it can also be used as a contractions of auxiliary. However, as
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Pullum stated in his article (1999: 53); the use of be can also be misunderstood as a
replacement of auxiliary as many Americans trying to copy the way African
Americans speaking, but in the end, forget about the habitual meaning. Therefore,
what you be talking about, which is what you do you habitually talk about in
meaning, is wrong in AAVE, since it does not contain habitual expression or
contractions.
2.1.3.8 Completive Done
According to Wolfram (2004: 119), the verb done is used before the past
form to show the perfect tense function, referring to the action that is done in recent
past. In the example; they done used all the good ones, meanwhile when change it
into standard English; they have used all the good ones. This suggests that the modal
auxiliary have is changed into done. Almost like the deletion of copula be, but this
one is not just delete the copula, since if the have is deleted, then the sentence will be
read as past tense sentence not in perfect tense sense anymore. In AAVE, Wolfram
also mentions that done can be used as auxiliary, with the basic form of verb;
example they done go. The function is to highlight the change of state and to
intensify the activity.
2.1.3.9 Future Perspective be done
Be and done can be combined in a sentence and functions as future
conditional state (Wolfram, 2004: 120). My ice cream be done melted by the time we
get there, it is conform with the idea of will have melted. AAVE speakers tend to
change will have like when they deal with done. This time, they change the will have
into be done. There are the other idea pronounced by Dayton (1996), cited in
Wolfram (2004: 120) that the use of be done is more like a future resultativeconditionals meaning that may be associated with threats or warning in pragmatics
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use like in If you love your enemy, they be done eat you alive in this society.
However this usage are rarely used among AAVE speakers.
2.1.3.10 Remote been and unstressed been
The use of remote been in the sentence is to mark the activity in the distant
past. Been is used with past tense form. (Wolfram, 2004: 120). An explanation from
Trotta (n.d.: 146) been in the example ‘But, y’all been broke up, right?’ indicates
‘but you two broke up a long time ago, right?’ in SE. Therefore, been indicates past
action that happened long time ago not the prefect tense. In addition, according to
Green that is quoted by Trotta, the been can also indicate prefect tense sense in
following sentence: ‘He been working since he was a kid’. It is simply a case of
omitting be (has). Looking from this, it looks the same like present perfect function.
2.1.3.11 Subject-verb agreement
In the subject-verb agreement, the AAVE sentence is recognizable if the
subject does not agree to the verb in SE. This feature is actually almost the same with
the morphological feature of third person singular. However in this discussion, the
subject-agreement discussed is the one aside of the third person singular verb with
suffix -s. According to Wolfram (2004: 122), it relates to the conjugated forms of
past and present be forms. It means that the use of be in a sentence is different from
SE. Example; she have money, the folks is at home, etc. the second example showed
that the subject is plural and the be is in singular form.
2.1.3.12 Verbal tense marking
In this discussion, the focus is on the verb and tense. Rickford (1999: 7)
stated that in AAVE, the past participle form (v –en) can also be used in past tense
context, as in she seen him yesterday. So, here, the verb seen is actually not correctly
placed in the past tense sense sentence, however, in AAVE, it is understood
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correctly. There is also the use of verb stem as past tense or preterite form (v –ed), as
in she come here yesterday. The same as before, the different state of verb is used to
replace the original verb.
2.1.3.13 The preterit had + past verb
If usually the perfect tense is using had plus past participle verb, in AAVE, it
is not past participle verb, but instead is a past verb. Rickford (1996: 229) explained
that had + v-ed is used as an absolute tense and in situation where simple past occurs.
The preterit had is meant to refer to the form that is similar to perfect tense but in
past tense function (preterit).
2.1.3.14 The usage of gon’ or gonna and I’ma
In Green’s book (2002: 36), gon’ or gonna is usually used in future function.
She also added the use of I’ma, which is the reduction form of I’m gonna used by
first person singular.
2.1.3.15 Specialized auxiliaries
There are some other auxiliaries that are used to fill the usual auxiliaries in
the AAVE sentence. Come, finna, steady, and fixin’ are the examples of the special
auxiliaries used in AAVE. Come is used to indicate a stage of indignation. Steady is
used to mark a continuative intensifying activity. Finna is used to indicate a near
future or planned event. Finna according to Wolfram (2004: 121), is derived from
fixin’ to which is spread in the Southern area.
2.1.3.16 Nominals
The nominals explain about noun phrases. As it is summarized below from
Wolfram (2004: 124-126).
1. Associative plural an ‘em. In the AAVE sentence, the word and and them,
when put together will be devoiced and reduced becoming an ‘em. This
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feature becomes a replacement for and friends.
2. Second person plural y’all, youse, young’uns, youns. The second person
plural is usually replaced with y’all, which is shortened form from you all,
or there is also young’uns, a phonological characteristic uns from ones also
a shortened form from young ones.
3. Possessive pronoun. The possessive form of a thing in an AAVE sentence
usually use they instead of their. The use of mines is also regularized.
4. Reflexive pronoun. AAVE also has the regularization of the reflexive
hisself as in He washed hisself. The extension of the objective form them
used for attributive demonstratives such as She likes them apples.
5. Benefactive datives as in I got me a new car. This feature involves the use
of object pronoun after verb as personal datives. It will be I got myself a
new car in SE. (Rickford, 1999: 8)
6. Pronoun case. In addition, the undifferentiated pronoun; nominative,
objective, and demonstrative pronouns are used in AAVE sentences.
Example: him did boxing, us got yelled. (Washington & Craig: 224)
2.1.4 Lexical features
From the word, lexical, means something related with the certain words that
only used in AAVE. Being a vernacular, AAVE also has some different words that
used by its speakers. From Green (2002: 14) in her journal, she explained that in
AAVE, certain words shared the same characteristics as Standard English. However,
the meaning is different. Here are some the examples of lexical features in AAVE;
Bread ‘money’, Crib ‘house’, Mojo ‘personal magic’ Fula moco’o ‘medicine man’,
Wigga or wigger---white youth who identify with AA culture, Mickey D’s
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‘McDonald’s’.
As their own dialect, AAVE speakers also have words that are different to
standard words. They are often influenced by the words from West Africa, blended
with English words until combine distinct words. Green also added that the lexical of
AAVE is seen from three points of view; general words that are used to have
different meaning from original meaning if used in AAVE, verbal markers (like
been, and another verbs that are used differently), and current slang used by the
speakers and the environment. Although the words themselves are not very different
from English, but the meaning is different. AAVE speakers usually replace the words
they do not know with words they know but not necessarily have the same meaning
with the supposed words. That is why there are many familiar English words but the
functions or the meanings are not the same with our interpreting. They use the words
to represent something else.
2.2
Social Class Dialect
Every society has different dialects. Dialect is the language difference
according to place and social group people are living in. Dialect is not standing
alone, according to Finegan (1999: 15) ethnic, socioeconomic, and gender and age
groups also determine dialect. Looking at those determiners, dialect can be
influenced by social groups and also ethnicity. On the side of social, we have social
class, ‘Social class here is a term coined for the differences people have according to
social prestige, wealth, and education‘ (Holmes, 2008: 140). If we are talking about a
lecturer and a merchant in a traditional market, it definitely has different language. It
is impossible if a lecturer speak with the language of a merchant in a traditional
market to the students. Thus, when talking about social class, we are talking about
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language that is influenced by social status, wealth, and education. As in every
language, dialect also can be differentiate based on their vocabulary, pronunciation,
and grammar.
2.2.1 Vocabulary
As in the ethnicity characteristics, vocabulary also is a factor in the social
dialect. This is the distinct characteristics, as the vocabulary of each social dialect is
different. On Holmes (2008: 141), she explained that vocabulary is the most obvious
difference. Holmes gave example by mentioning ‘lavatory’ that is used more often
by prestigious people of England than ‘toilet’ that is used rarely and mostly used by
the non prestigious people. She called it ‘U-speakers’ for upper class English people
and ‘non U-speakers’ for the other.
2.2.2 Pronunciation
For pronunciation, it has to be seen frequently than vocabulary difference, as
pronunciation needs to be looked at carefully. Holmes on her book (2008: 142)
mentioned ‘groups are often distinguished by the frequency with which they use
particular features, rather than by their use of completely different forms.’. From this,
the writer can conclude that the speaker is likely to become a member of a group not just by
their use of a completely different form, but also their frequency of those particular forms.
The more often they use the form, then they are likely to be one group.
There was a study from William Labov, in which he studied the way of
different pronunciation in New York that reflects the social class of their speakers.
He found out that the lower social class tend to speak the feature like /in/ instead of
/ing/, while the upper social class tend to be more standardized in speaking (Holmes,
2008: 144). Thus, from here, the social class can be determined through the
pronunciation.
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2.2.3 Grammar
Every dialect has grammar structure. However, the grammar is still different
from Standard English. It is perceived as minority and inferior due to lack of
grammar that is not conform to Standard English. Holmes (2008: 149) added that
‘the higher social groups use more of the standard grammatical form and fewer
instances of the vernacular or non-standard form.’ This brings the idea of the
differences between social groups reflect their language of use. Where people from
lower social group usually use more vernacular grammar than people from upper
social group. Moreover, Holmes also gave the notion that people are more aware of
social stigma when using vernacular grammatical forms.
2.3 Ethnicity
Discussing the African American, we can have a point of view from the
ethnicity matter. Ethnic groups mostly use their distinctive language associating with
their ethnic identity the african americans actually do not need something distinct to
differentiate them with other americans. From the visual appearance, they are already
visibly different. Nevertheless, they still have one distinct characteristic with other
Americans, which is their vernacular language or African American Vernacular
Language (AAVE forward). As in Holmes (2008: 186) stated, this AAVE acts as a
symbol of ethnicity which express the sense of cultural distinctiveness of many
African Americans.
2.4 Social Network
In Sociolinguistics study, each language is determined by the social network.
When people speak to particular group of people and also another group of people,
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they shared different language characteristics. Hence, the language will be varied and
even can be changed through the social network influences. Below is the summary of
how social relation in one’s network from Holmes (2008: 193-197).
2.4.1 Plexity
The term refers to a measure of the range of different types of transaction
people are involved in with different individuals. For example; one can be in touch
with other as a workmate and also as a friend from the former high school
1. Uniplex
The link with other person is in only one area
2. Multiplex
Involve interactions with others in several dimensions. A workmate can
also
be a college mate, etc.
2.4.2 Density
The term refers to whether members of a person’s network are in touch with
each other. For example; Harry’s friend, Tony also know Harry’s cousin. This means
Tony has a dense relation. ‘When adults belong to more than one network, they may
signal this by unconsciously altering their speech forms as they move from one
context to another.’ (Holmes, 2008: 195). From this, we can say that the speech can
change through the interaction between people in different social network.
2.5 Language Change
Similar to people who can change throughout time, caused by certain issues,
language can also change. If people read some novels from Shakespeare’s or in
Austen’s time, they will encounter some words that have different meaning from
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today’s usage. For example, the word ‘entertain’, today the word is used to refer to
the effort of singers and comedians to keep us entertained. However, in past time, the
word is intended to be ‘keep occupied’. These differentiations show that the language
can change from meaning. There are also languages that become extinct since the
speakers of the particular language are not survived in preserving the language. This
is also a kind of language change. Moreover, Holmes (2008: 204-227) also defines
and classifies the language change as it is summarized below:
2.5.1 Variation over time
The language change has classification regarding how the language changes.
Here, the variation over time is the only one discussed since the variation is
appropriate to the research.
1. Spatial or Regional
According to Holmes, people from monolingual society tend to use the same
language. Meanwhile those who travel from one region to another have tendency to
change the use of their language to conform to the new varieties of language. Hence,
the language can change.
2. Social
In some society, if people interact with each other and in different social
factor, it will change them, not only in behavior but also in term of languages. There
are some social factors like social status, class, race, ethnicity, etc. and all these
social factors can influence people when they interact. It is due to the feeling of the
sameness. People when interact with each other want to feel the same with the person
they speak to. This is why the language can change.
These are factors influencing people to change their language. However,
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eventually there are still some features that they cannot change. These highly because
are because the ethnicity and social network case which has been introduced on the
previous part. People are resistant to the changes because they have the strong bond
to the ethnicity and also the community where they live is a monolingual community.
That is why the people can resist the change.