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i ZUBAIRU, BITRUS SAMAILA PG/MA/13/64956 COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN ENGLISH AND HAUSA LANGUAGES FACULTY OF ART DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH AND LITERARY STUDIES Digitally Signed by: Content manager’s Name Godwin Valentine DN : CN = Webmaster’s name O= University of Nigeria, Nsukka OU = Innovation Centre ii TITLE PAGE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES IN ENGLISH AND HAUSA LANGUAGES BY ZUBAIRU, BITRUS SAMAILA PG/MA/13/64956 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH AND LITERARY STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA. IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF ARTS (M.A) DEGREE SUPERVISOR: DR LAZARUS,C. OGENYI iii DECEMBER, 2015 APPROVAL PAGE This thesis entitled” Comparative Study of Morphological Processes in English and Hausa Languages”, has been carefully examined and approved by the Department of English and Literary studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka as meeting the requirements for the award of Master of Arts in English as a second language -----------------------------Dr Lazarus Ogenyi (Supervisor) ---------------------------------Date -----------------------------Prof. Damian .U. Opata (Head of Department) ---------------------------------Date -----------------------------External Examiner --------------------------------Date iv DECLARATION I, Zubairu Bitrus Samaila, hereby declare that this research work titled “Comparative Study of morphological Processes in English and Hausa Languages” is a product of my effort accorded to my findings under the supervision of Dr Lazarus. C. Ogenyi; All material consulted were duly acknowledged by means of work citation. --------------------------------Zubairu Bitrus Samaila PG/MA/13/64956 ----------------------------------Date v CERTIFICATION This is to certify that the research work for this dissertation and the subsequent preparation of this dissertation by Zubairu Bitrus Samaila PG/MA/13/64956 were carried out under my supervision. ------------------------------------Dr. Lazarus Ogenyi Supervisor -------------------------------------Prof. Damian .U. Opata Head of Department -------------------------------Date vi DEDICATION This work is dedicated to God Almighty and to my beloved wife and children, Mrs. Sarah Bitrus Samaila, Rhema Bitrus Samaila, and Agape Bitrus Samaila. vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my heartfelt acknowledgement to God Almighty by whose grace and mercy I survived all forms of challenges; and by whose wisdom and inspiration this work has been scripted .To Him be all the glory power and honour forever. I must also confess that, i am indebted to so many people who have laboured with me directly or indirectly to ensure successful and glorious completion of this work. But few will be registered here for the want of space. My profound gratitude goes to Dr. Lazarus, Ogenyi my supervisor who did a thorough scrutiny of this work that resulted to early completion; I remain grateful to him. Sir i saw how you took the pain to carefully and meticulously go through the manuscripts of this work. I am personally convinced beyond every element of doubt that you are a father not only to your biological children, but to every one God places under you as an academic child. May God reward the relentless and selfless service you rendered to me. My appreciation goes to Prof. opata .U. Damian the Head of Department who also took his time to grill me on the nitty gritty of research in humanities. Thank you Prof. for helping me to understand the 7th edition of M.L.A works citation. I want to acknowledge all the lecturers of the Department particularly Prof. Sam Onuigbo, Prof E.J Otaburuagu, Prof Akwanya, Prof. Inyama, Dr. P.A Ezema, Dr. Mrs. F .O Orabueze, Mr. Okoro, Mr. Moses. O Melefa, Mr. Kingsley, etc, for responding to my academic quest. I sincerely express gratitude to my darling wife Mrs Sarah Bitrus Samaila for labouring for me in the place of prayer which has not only yielded my graduation but saved this work from lingering . May I quickly acknowledge my two kids Rhema and Agape for standing with me in the course of my academic sojourn in U. N .N. Thank you Rhema for always asking your mother “Mummy where is daddy now”? Thank you Agape for denying yourself the joy of a father for a complete one year. May God seal you with his divine seal. viii I want to acknowledge all my course mates especially Simeon Nwabueze Osogu, Abiola, Mary Oladipo, Benjamin Odemela, Onyedikachi Okodo, Sandra, Ifeoma, Sumto , Dianah Yerima Linda, Georgina,Wali Musa, Ruth Chioma Onamba, Mrs Utazy whose companionship has proved to me that I have been to the Den of lions and my dignity has been restored. I am proud to have you as course mates. I am indebted to all the members of graduate Students’ fellowship (GSF) UNN both past and present who have contributed spiritually to my life. I am particularly grateful to the 2013/2014 Executive committee members with whom I served as the Co-coordinator of the fellowship. It was an awesome experience. Thank you for all your encouragements. I will like to register my gratitude to my family members who also stood with me within the period of this academic pursuit. I remain thankful to my sweet mother Mrs Naomi Bitrus Zubairu, my uncles, aunts, brothers, and sisters. This acknowledgment cannot be complete if I fail to appreciate Dr. Ali Ahmadi Alkali of Languages and linguistics Department, Taraba State University who helped me with materials on the morphology of Hausa language and that helped to a great extent to my source of data collection. Liberation team stood with me in prayers too, I am grateful to all of them. Finally I want to appreciate all that have contributed in one way or the other either academically financially materially, spiritually or morally. Your name may not have reflected on this page but God who sees from heaven will reward your labour of love and meet you also at the point of your needs in Jesus name. ix ABSTRACT This work aims at investigating the relationships that exist between the English and the Hausa languages at the level of their morphological processes; and the implication this relationship will have on the teaching and learning situation. The study adopted a contrastive analysis theory cum contrastive analysis hypothesis which is an area of linguistic studies that deals with the scientific study of two or more languages so as to make critical, howbeit, pedagogical comments on their areas of divergence or convergence. The study discusses and compares some morphological processes such as back-formation, blending alternation, affixation, compounding, clipping, coinage, reduplication, acronym, and borrowing in both languages using the descriptive analysis method. The analyses were based on Kano dialect of Hausa language which is the standard Hausa dialect. From the analyses, it was discovered that, morphology which is the study of grammatical rules of word structures in any language operates in both languages with significant areas of differences and similarities; that English and Hausa use some processes to create some words; that affixation is one of the processes found in both English and Hausa; that some of the processes discussed in this study could be found in one and not in other language; that Hausa language interferes significantly on the teaching and learning of English as a second language. This research work can be used as a source of information or rather reference material to subsequent studies in English and Hausa languages in various components of linguistic structures. It would also provide a premise for the study and analysis of morphological processes in English and Hausa. Recommendations on how to overcome the pedagogical problems were offered and conclusion drawn. x TABLE OF CONTENTS Title page Approval page Declaration Certification Dedication Acknowledgments Abstract Chapter One i ii iii iv v vi viii Introduction 1 1.1 Background to the Study 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem 7 1.3 Objectives of the Study 8 1.4. Significance of the Study 8 1.5 Scope and Delimitation 9 1.6 Research Questions 9 Chapter Two Literature Review 11 2.0 11 2.1 Introduction Empirical Studies 11 Chapter Three Theoretical Framework and Research Methodology 27 3.0 Introduction 27 3.1 Theoretical Framework 27 3.1.1 Contrastive analysis theory 27 3.2 Research methodology 31 3.2. 1 Research Design 31 xi 3.3 Instruments for Data Collection 32 3.4 Data Collection Technique 33 3.5 Method of Data Analysis 33 Chapter Four Data Analysis 35 4.0 Introduction 35 4.1 36 The Comparative Analysis of the Processes in English and Hausa 4.1.1 Acronyms 36 4.1.1.1 The Division of Acronyms 36 4.1.2 Affixation 37 4.1.2.1 38 The Positional Categories of Affixes 4.3 Alternation 63 4.3.1 Total Modification in English 63 4.3.2 Partial Modification in English 65 4.3.2.1 Subtraction 68 4.3.3 Partial Modification in Hausa 70 4.4 Backformation 72 4.4.1 The Sources of Back Formants of Words 72 4.5 Blending 73 4.6 Borrowing 73 4.6.1 Loan Blending 78 4.6.2 Loan Shift 78 4.7 Clipping 4.7.1 Types of Clipping 80 80 xii 4.8 Coinage 82 4.9 Compounding 83 4.9.1 The Elements of Compounding in English 83 4.9.2 The Elements of Hausa Compounds 84 4.9.3 The Combination to Form Compounds in English 85 Regular Compounds 86 4.9.4 4.9.5 Irregular Compounds 86 4.9.6 The Combinations to Form Compounds in Hausa 86 4.10 Reduplication 88 4.10.1 Types of Reduplication in English 88 4.10.1.1 Partial Reduplication in English 88 4.10.1.2 Complete Reduplication in English 89 4.10.1.3 Complete Reduplication in Hausa (Cikakka Nannage) 92 4.10.1.4 Partial Reduplication in Hausa (Ragaggen Nannage) 92 4.11 Morphological Processes Across The Two Language 96 Chapter Five Summary, Recommendations and Conclusion 5.0 Introduction 103 5.1 Summary 103 5.3 The Research Findings 105 5.3 Recommendations 106 5.4 Conclusion 107 Works Cited 108 1 Chapter One Introduction 5.4 Background to the Study Language, an indispensable tool for human communication, is studied in divergent ways. Irrespective of the area in which it is being studied, the most central to language and relevant to human communication is the word. Words play an integral role in the human ability to use language with an infinite capacity of expressions. As a result of this, word is involved in almost all the levels of linguistic studies and analysis. Words are generally classified into phonological, grammatical, morph syntactic, content and function words. It is important to note that every word in the lexicon of a native speaker is encoded with phonological, syntactic, semantic and, above all, morphological information. A native speaker of a language knows how to structure the words of the speaker in accordance with the morphological rules of the language, and also how to order the sequence of words correctly to form expressions or sentences in accordance with syntactic rules. The aspect of linguistics which deals with words and their entire upshots is morphology. The goal of every morphological study, therefore, is to discover and make explicit the rules or principles, patterns, processes and systems that underlie the morphological processes in a language. It is possible, for instance, to break down Hausa word “budurwai” (girls) into smaller structural units: “budurwai” = “budurwa” + “i". The analysis here shows that “budurwai” (girls) can be broken down into two parts. This includes the first part “budurwa”, which refers to something in the world (+ young + female + human) and the second part “i” indicates a grammatical category of a number specifying plural. The same approach can easily be applied to the word “faraa” (started), which can be analyzed thus: “Faraa = ‘fara’ (start) + ‘a’, equivalent to English past tense morpheme (-ed). However, while” budurwa” can be described as a noun, “fara” (start) is a verb and the second part ‘-a’ indicates past tense to the verb “fara” (start). 2 In morphological terms, the minimal parts of the words that have been analyzed above are called morphemes. Not only are these morphemes considered as the ultimate elements of morphological analysis, but they serve as the building blocks of meaning and grammar. Unlike phonemes, morphemes have a physical, that is phonological and phonetic form, and they have meaning or function. With this, it is plausible that a morpheme is attached to words to serve a grammatical purpose as well as a semantic function. In linguistics, morphology according to Mark Aronoff and Kirsten Fudeman refers to “the mental system involved in word formation or to the branch of linguistics that deals with words, their internal structure, and how they are formed” (1). Ephraim Chukwu states that “it originally means the study of shapes or forms used in biology, but since the middle of 19th century, it has been used to describe the type of investigation which analyzes all those basic linguistics elements which are usually in language” (1). George Yule explains that “these elements are technically known as morphemes in linguistics” (75) Leonard Bloomfield highlights four morphological types of language as follows: a. Isolating languages which are those used by the Chinese. They have no bound forms and a great majority of morphemes remain independent words. b. Agglutinative language: here, the bound forms are supposed merely to follow one another, e.g., Turkish. c. Polysynthetic: these are languages that express, semantically, important elements such as verbal goals by means of bound forms as does Eskimos. d. Inflectional language shows a merging of semantically distinct features either in a single bound forms or in a close united bound forms as when the suffix Ō in a Latin form like ‘amō’ ‘I live’, etc. English is a good example of a fissional or inflected language in which morphemes are squeezed together and are often changed dramatically in the 3 process. All these can be a confusing concept, but looking at the morphology of the English language in its form, it retains a number of remnants (193). Morphology, therefore, studies how words are put together from their smallest parts and the rules governing this process. It is the branch of linguistics which deals with forms of words in different constructions. Charles Hocket sees morphology as “the grammatical study of words on construction of morphemes” (200). Eugene Nida states that “morphology is the study of morphemes and their arrangements in word formation” (100). Morpheme may be identified by its distribution and certain other characteristics. The meaning of morpheme has received a lot of controversial ideas from many linguists. According to Oxford Advanced Learners’ Dictionary, morpheme means the way units are ordered to give meaningful words. Some linguists approach the issue of the meaning of morpheme as form of units which have a meaning but based their combinations on distribution, while other linguists see morpheme as form of composite unit. Bloomfield asserts that we can attribute any meaning of phoneme and cannot analyze the meaning of morpheme (193). Jacek Fisiak, identifies with Bloomfield Leonard, et al, as the advocates of morphemes as units that have no meaning on their own (100). Note also that Allan Gleason (208) also describes morphemes as short sequence of phonemes. Since phoneme is said to be meaningless, then morpheme as well is meaningless. What then is morpheme? According to General Basic Dictionary, a morpheme is a linguistic unit of the system of words distinguishing sounds of a language as ideally represented by single letter of the letters of alphabet; that is, phonemes are speech sounds. Earlier, however, John Carrol (50) and his contemporaries describe morpheme as a form which embodies grammatical and lexical meanings. It is not all morphemes that have meaning. For instance ‘does’ in ‘does he’ is said to be a dummy morpheme because it has no meaning in the context, but has function which is to show that it is the question and singular; therefore it is a dummy. 4 Hocket (199) further asserts that morphemes are the smallest indivisibly meaningful elements in the utterances of a language. This means that morphemes are indivisible. That is, they cannot be divided and still have meanings. For example, the word ‘compound’ cannot be sub-divided into com + pound. Furthermore, David Crystal (300) defines a morpheme as a smallest bit of a language which has meaning and, moreover, this meaning is different from the meaning of all other morphemes in the language. What he is saying is that if a morpheme is added or removed from an utterance, the meaning of the utterance changes. Crystal identifies morphemes by comparing a wide variety of utterances. He looks for utterances which are partially the same. A morpheme could be described as the minimal linguistic unit, but it is not every small unit that is a morpheme as there are other characteristics that help one to identify a morpheme. According to Nida (100), there are also some criteria for the identification, recognition and understanding of morphemes. The length of a word does not determine the number of morphemes in it. For example, the word “discipline” has ten letters of the alphabet but has one morpheme. Likewise, the word “category” is a word with eight letters of the alphabet but has one morpheme. The word “oxen” has four letters of the alphabet but has two morphemes. “ox” is a lexical morpheme while “-en” is a grammatical morpheme meaning plurality. The same phenomenon is applicable to the Hausa language. For example, the following words have one morpheme each: Tsumagiyaa ---------- cane Taswiraa ---------- map Daankaali ---------- potatoe Kadaandooniya ----------millipede A morpheme may be a word or part of a word. The form of a morpheme and that of a word sometimes overlaps so that one concept presupposes the other (John Lyons 32). A 5 morpheme is not always an equivalent to a word. For instance, the grammatical unit such as “dig” and “-er” in English are morphemes while “dig” is a word and can stand on its own, “er” cannot stand independently as a word because it is a part of a word. In the Hausa language, the grammatical unit “manoomaa” (farmers) has ‘-ma’ and ‘noomaa’. While ‘noomaa’ (farming) is a word and can stand on its own to give meaning, ‘-ma’ is a morpheme that cannot stand independently as a word to make a meaning. In addition, morphemes cannot be divided into smaller parts without destroying or altering the meaning of the word. For instance, if the word “straight” is broken into /strei/ and /t/, /strei/ of course has a meaning which though not related to the meaning of the word “straight” is still a morpheme; but /t/ is a meaningless remainder. Therefore, /strei/ is not a morpheme so long as the word “straight” is concerned. Similarly, the word “tauraaroo” (star) cannot be divided into tau + raa + roo because they are meaningless parts. This therefore, characterizes the word as consisting of a single morpheme. Certain morphemes have a specific order in which they must occur. In English, the word “reconvene” (re-con-vene) cannot be reordered or rearranged as con-re-vene. This second arrangement is unfamiliar and meaningless to the native speaker of English. The order of morpheme in the Hausa language is also the same thing. For example, the word “maa+ sooracii” (fearful) cannot be reordered as soo-ra-cii-maa. Therefore, the meaning of a word depends solely on the meaning and arrangement of the morphemes. Nida maintains that forms which have common semantic distinctiveness and identical phonemic forms in the entire occurrence constitute similar forms. This shows that the form such as “-er” as in worker, singer and stranger are the same morphemes if they have the same meaning. Furthermore, a morpheme is also recognized by semantic and distributional criteria without its form being identical. A clear example is in the formation of plural in English. If we compare the final element in “hands” /z/, “cats” /s/ and “matches” /iz/, there is a common 6 meaning (plural), common distribution and common phonological resemblance. Just as the sound /l/ in “bottle’ does not really contrast in meaning anywhere in English with sound in “lamp” and just as we talk of the phoneme /l/ being realized by two allomorphs, so the morpheme plural is realized by different allomorphs /-z/, /-s/ and /iz/. Similarly, the English morpheme has its allomorphs in the different realizations of past tense as in worked /t/, raised /d/ and mended /id/. In addition, morphemes can appear in many different words; that is, morphemes are recyclable. Word analysis is such a powerful skill because the same morphemes show up over and over again in different words. For example, “reduce” means to diminish or lower; “deduce” to infer; “seduce” to lure away; “produce” to bring into being; “induce” to bring on. It should be noted, therefore, that every word which can be divided into meaningful parts contains more than one morpheme. The meaning of the word “capsize” for example has to do with overturning of boat in the water. It is not the same as the additive meaning “cap” (a headcovering worn by men) and “size” which is the degree of largeness or smallness of an object. A morpheme must have a relatively stable meaning wherever it occurs; for example, ‘-en’ must display the meaning of “to make” in any environment it occurs. Other examples are “ensnare”, “frighten”, “brighten”, “darken”, “quicken”, and so on. The importance of second language learner’s competence in morphological appropriateness is obviously paramount. Yule George, (126), contends that “grammatical competence helps greatly in facilitating communicative competence”. In view of this, ESL learners that lack both morphological and grammatical competence tend to communicate poorly in both written and spoken forms of English. Aliyu Kamal (20) explains that “English is an international medium of communication spoken as the second language (L2) in Nigeria and it is the official language. As such, the need for proficiency is not only desirable but absolutely necessary”. Ibrahim (208) asserts that “in Nigeria, English continues to be widely 7 used as a medium of instruction at all levels of education: primary, secondary and tertiary institutions. Despite its significance, the standard of Nigerian education is gradually becoming very poor.” This may not be unconnected with the fact that learners of English as a second language (ESL) have not adequately understood the word formation processes of the English language, especially when such processes contradict the word formation processes of their native language. Therefore, the descriptive nature of the study would reveal the theoretical significance of morphological processes available in the English and Hausa languages. This study investigates a theoretical explanation of the facts about morphological processes in the English and Hausa languages, their areas of similarities and differences and how second language learners of English will use the processes to effectively form new words. Despite the fact that there exists various studies that have accounted for the justification of morphological processes, most second language learners of English do not know how new words are formed using the process. As such, morphological errors are commonly observed in the written English of many ESL learners (Naama Friedman, et al. (56) The study has accounted for areas of similarities and differences in both languages and revealed how effective communication in English is enhanced among the Hausa learners of the English language using morphological processes. 1.2 Statement of the Problem Every language of the world has its own word formation processes and the rules governing the formation. English and Hausa are two different languages with different linguistic origins, backgrounds, and conditions that make them naturally different. It is obvious that the morphological differences in English and Hausa words create problems in the teaching and learning of English, the target language. Despite the fact that scholarly works have been done on the morphological processes of the Hausa and other languages, yet not much has been done on the English and the Hausa morphological processes. The researcher 8 intended to compare the morphological processes of the English and Hausa languages and unravel the implications the linguistic differences may have on the adequate teaching and learning of the second language called English. This research was set to fill this vacuum. 1.3 Objectives of the Study This study intends to: 1. examine the morphological processes of the English language in comparison with the Hausa language; 2. find out the characteristic features and distributions of the Hausa morphemes; 3. explore areas of similarities and dissimilarities; 4. find out how this relationship affects the word formation processes of the learners of English as a second language (ESL) in their written communication; and 5. Suggest ways through which communication competence of the learners of English as a second language can be facilitated using appropriate word-formation processes. 1.4. Significance of the Study The study will be of relevance as follows: 1. It will provide us with an insight into the morphological processes of the English and Hausa languages; 2. It will improve the knowledge of ESL learners and thus improve both students’ and teachers’ performances as it relates to the teaching/learning of English as a second language; 3. It will serve as another step towards finding an explanation to the relationship that exists between the English and Hausa languages in terms of their word-formation patterns and processes; 9 4. It will serve as a viable and valuable linguistic source of information to the students that are studying English and Hausa at the tertiary level thereby improve their teaching methodology with regard to morphological processes. 5. It will help teachers to focus on the areas of differences to enhance students’ understanding of the word-formation processes of the target language (English). 6. It will help authors and teachers of English as a second language to anticipate and predict what their Hausa students are likely to encounter in English word formation. This will also equip the teachers with possible solutions to their learners’ challenges; and 7. The curriculum designers and planners will find help in this study and therefore fashion school curricula and syllabuses to reflect word formation patterns of both languages especially in Hausa community- based schools. 1.5 Scope and Delimitation Language has several areas that can be studied. These areas include phonology, syntax, morphology and semantics. However, this study accounts for the area of morphology which is a part of linguistics. This research covers only the morphological processes (wordformation patterns) of the English and Hausa languages. 1.6 Research Questions The following research questions are used to generate data about the morphological processes of the English and Hausa languages. 1. What are the morphological processes obtainable in the English and Hausa languages? 2. What are the characteristic features and distributions of the Hausa morphemes? 3. To what extent do English and Hausa languages share similarities and differences in their morphological processes? 10 4. How do their similarities and dissimilarities affect the learning processes of the Hausa native speakers? 5. What are the ways through which communication competence of the learners of English language, be enhanced using appropriate word-formation processes? 11 Chapter Two Literature Review 2.0 Introduction This chapter takes a look at the available literature on the subject under investigation. The intention of the chapter is to give insight into what other scholars have done or otherwise on the problem, ascertain the current state of the art and/ or methodological approaches and as well as establish the gap in field that justifies this study. 2.1 Empirical Studies Akande Akimade studied the competence in English morphology of some senior secondary school one students. He considered eight morphological processes, namely: suffixation, prefixation, compounding conversion, acronym, blending, clipping, and reduplication with a view to finding out which of these processes are mostly employed by Nigerian learners of English. The elicitation procedure used was written essays. The result revealed that there is a discrepancy in the subjects’ acquisition and mastery of word-formation processes. This is because, while some of the processes are not regularly used, suffixation which is the most regularly used posed the greatest difficulty to the subjects. (36) In a related study, Akande (310) investigated the acquisition of the eight inflectional morphemes in English. The data used for the study were drawn from six Yoruba-speaking learners of English who were selected from four secondary schools in Oke-Igbo, Ondo State. He used two types of elicitation technique, written English composition and grammar exercise. The result indicated that, in the analysis of the compositions, the subjects have a poor mastery of use of English past participle, possessive inflection, past tense inflection and plural inflection. However, in the grammar exercise, the subjects performed relatively well as none of them got below 10 out of the 25 questions…’ (Akande, 323). 12 Ayo Babalola, and Akimade Akande, conducted another study in which they investigated some linguistics problems of Yoruba learners of English. They grouped the problems into phonological or ethnographic, morphological and syntactic problems. They argued that morphological—related problem is quite relevant. They further claimed that English is not free from inconsistency in the area of morphology. There are ambiguities which usually compound learners’ problems. They further observed that a morpheme may be phonologically conditioned; as a result of that, it may have allomorphs. For examples ‘-in’ which means “not” is realized orthographically as in ‘indecent’; insignificant is realized as ‘im’ in impossible, as ‘-un’ in unfair, as ‘-ir’ in irrelevant and as ‘-il’ in illegal. They also illustrate the morphological inconsistency by saying that suffix –er usually means “the person who performs an action indicated by verb”. So, the word writer/producer/teacher means somebody who writes/produces/teaches” but the word brother/sister does not mean somebody who brothes/sists, neither does type-writer also means “somebody who type-writes” (250). If someone who sings or writes is a singer or a writer respectively, why shouldn’t somebody who cooks, gossips, cheats, sponsors be a cooker, gossiper, cheater, and sponsorer? In English as a second language environment (ESLE), such as we have in Nigeria, learners are bound to make mistakes such as identified above. Aremo Bolaji carried out a study on conversion in English, i.e. nouns which are derived from adjectives through the process of conversion. He examined Hornby’s Oxford Advanced Learners’ Dictionary of Current English (edited in 2000 by Wehmier) and Collings Cobuild English Language Dictionary (edited in 1987 by Sinclair) for several examples of nouns illustrating adjectives – nouns conversion in English. He grouped them into various semantic classes according to the meanings expressed by those adjectives converted to nouns (200). Heidic Dulay and Marina Burt carried out a study on the acquisition of eight English grammatical morphemes which they call functors. The subjects used were one hundred and 13 fifty- one (151) Spanish speakers in the US whose ages range between 5 to 8 years. They used bilingual syntax measure (BSM) in order to elicit samples of speech from the subjects. The subjects consist of three groups: the East Harlem group, the Sacramento group, and the San Ysidro group. These groups have varying exposures to English. They discovered that, “within each group those morphemes in which subjects were most accurate and those in which they were least accurate were inconsistently the same. The result concludes that ESL speakers find some grammatical morphemes difficult to acquire regardless of their length of exposure to English. (40) Arthur McNeil, studied the “vocabulary knowledge profiles: evidence from Chinesespeaking ESL teachers”. He studied two groups of Chinese-speaking ESL teachers, the Hong Kong group and the Beijing group which were made use of as the subjects. The aspect of English tested, were word meaning, phonology, morphology and sentence production. The study was concerned with the aspect that deals with morphology. He noted that some morphological errors occur as a result of morphological deviant when forming adjectives from the nouns. Examples some of the subjects wrote such morphological deviant form of the noun surgery” as surgerive, surgerions, surgeral, and so on. He concluded that knowledge of meaning operates at word meaning and their ability to operate on morphological rule correctly. The extent to which morphological knowledge in L2 relies on conscious processing merits further investigation (56). Farogi-Shah Yasmeen conducted a study on the production latencies of morphologically simple and complex verbs in aphasia. In this study, he investigated the effect of morphological complexity (presence vs absence) of affixes on verb production. The result indicated that the morphological complexity plays little role in production difficulty and a 14 difficulty in usage of contextually appropriate verbs inflections, rather than in morphological encoding, is suggested. (725) Economou Elexandra, et al, studied the factors affecting production of verbs inflection in Greek aphasia. The errors of seven aphasic individuals performing a sentence competing task were categorized into errors in morphological suffixation, word form errors and mixed errors. The result revealed that participants made more morphological errors than either word form or mixed errors. (20) Another research conducted by Gabriele Miceli on morphological errors and the representation of morphology in lexical semantic system revealed that neuropsychological studies support that morphology is represented autonomously both at the level of wordmeaning and at the level of word form. In out-put process, morphology organizes semantic information which indicates that the activities of lexical representations of roots and affixes are composed before production. (93) Abukakre Olubunmi, conducted a study on the functions of compounding in Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba Languages using theoretical orientation of descriptive linguistics to show the crucial role of the process of compounding in the lexicons of the three languages. In doing this, he surveyed how compounding enriches the languages and enhances communication in terms of expression of new concepts and ideas. The study justified that functional relationship between the phonology and morphology of the languages contributes to the word formation processes. It also revealed that, most African languages have internal capabilities for lexical expansion, and do not always borrow words from other languages. The study concluded that compounding is a universal process of language development that is found across languages; although it manifests varying features. (42) 15 O. Abubakre also examined affixation, a morphological process in Hausa and Eggon languages with a view to describing and analyzing its manifestation into two languages. The similarities and differences in the affixation of Hausa and Eggon were the focus. He chose two genetically different languages to justify the fact that some of the universal properties of the natural language do vary from language to language irrespective of their genetic relationship. Hausa, being a member of Chadic sub-group of Afro-Asiatic language family and Eggon, being classified as a Benue-Congo language which is a sub-member of a Nigercongo family. The study had shown among others that, affixation in Hausa and Eggon either derivational or inflectional performs a productive role in the lexicons of the languages. Waya David carried out a study on contrastive analysis of Tiv and English Morphological processes where he examined the inflectional patterns evident in Tiv and contrasted with English language, with a view of detecting their similarities and differences. The study was an exercise in applied linguistics which adopted a contrastive analysis method in the description of the languages. He found out that in contrasting the morpheme distribution in the languages, similarities and differences are likely to influence teaching/learning of English by the native speakers of Tiv language. Unlike English the inflectional morphemes in Tiv language vary mostly on tone. In other words there are some rules on the plural formation or pronunciation. It was also indicated that there is set of Tiv morphemes referring to its particular gender as observed in English, whether plural or past tense; the affixes in Tiv language are only placed at the level of suffixation and infixation. The study further observed that difficulties in teaching or learning a language is most experienced in areas of differences. However, learning difficulties can also be in areas of similarities. The study therefore advocated that language teachers and syllabus planners should make adequate use of the finding of contrastive or error studies as reference guide in designing syllabus for the teaching learning of the second language. 16 Christiana Andrew conducted a study on a comparative analysis of English and Igala morphological processes. The notion of comparative analysis was essentially aimed at establishing the possibility of difference or similarities in any field of interest. In the study also the comparison is aimed at establishing the points of divergence and convergence in an international language (English) and locally spoken language (Igala). Firstly the theory of grammar universal proposes that all languages whatever their compositions and dispositions are structurally and semantically identical. Secondly, the notion of universality of morphology in the same vein proposes that there exists the concept of morphemes and morphological processes in all languages of the world. These claims account for the reason why the research looked at the morphological processes as used in both languages. The researcher had examined the notion of morphological processes in Igala. To establish what processes were employed and how the processes occurred in English, data had been generated for analysis as the findings of the research used the concept of Halliday (1975) Scale and Category theory, and Nida (1949) six principles for identifying morphemes in the study of both languages, the result had shown that the component of morphology in the study of natural human languages is exhibited in the structure of the two languages (Igala and English) and the concept of universality of morphology as widely acclaimed in the study of natural human languages exists in the structure of both languages. However not all morphological processes are applicable in both languages. While there exists some points of commonalities, there equally, exists some points of dissimilarities. Though the concept of morphology is eminent in both languages, it is unique to both respectively. Igala language is more agglutinating and semantic inclined than its English counterpart, which is more syntactic and inflectional. (6) 17 Zubairu Hussaini, and Waziri Ahmed, Carried out an investigation on nominal reduplication process in Hausa and Yoruba languages. They discussed reduplication as one of the three main morphological processes i.e. Affixation reduplication and modification in Hausa and Yoruba languages. From the three processes of word formation, they considered reduplication process in Hausa and Yoruba. Complete and partial reduplication were identified and illustrated. The reduplication process led to derivation and formation of nominal in two languages, and the processes also change grammatical category of a word, like changing adjectives, adverbs, nouns etc. to a nominal category. The study had equally revealed the process of reducing the intensification function of a word to a lesser function among the two languages. It also expressed how the reduplication change the grammatical item to specify a gender function, plurality, intensification of action etc. in a normal derivation. It was also found out that despite the fact that Hausa and Yoruba are entirely from different African language groups, but nominal reduplication occurs in the two languages. For instance Mu’azu (10) observes that Hausa is a gender language while Yoruba from an investigation is not. This indicated that the gender languages, among African languages are more in acquisition than the non-gender ones. Aliyu Salihu, Undertook a study on morphological processes of Gbari and English from the contrastive angle. In the study, he investigated the similarities and differences between the two languages. He used Gbari expressions which have been generated through interview and casual conversation. He classified and discussed the data obtained according to different morphological processes which include affixation reduplication, replacives, clipping (subtraction), borrowing (loans) conversion, coinage, elision and compounding. The result indicated that Gbari employs both inflectional and derivational morphemes just like English. However, most of the processes found in Gbari appear to be unique in their range of application order of appearance and distribution. It has shown for instance, that in English the 18 plural morpheme –‘s’ is suffixed to the operand (at the end), while in Gbari the plural morpheme ‘a’-, is prefixed at the beginning of a word. The result also revealed that the morphological processes in Gbari also vary significantly in terms of productivity. Prefixation, suffixation, compounding and reduplication for instance, appear to have the highest degree of productivity. Followed by clipping, borrowing and coinage; and the least of them all is replacive. However, the processes of ablaut, blending and acronym which exist in English are not realized in Gbari. (2) Tania Ionin and Keneth Wexler, Carried out a study on the first language (L1) Russian Children acquiring English as a second language (L2). They investigated the reasons behind the omission of verbal inflection in L2 acquisition and argued for presence of functional categories in L2 grammar the analyses of spontaneous production data had shown that the child L2 learner (n=20), while omitting inflection almost never produce incorrect cause/agreement morphology. Furthermore, the L2 learners use suppletive inflection at a significantly high rate than affixal inflection, and over generate be auxiliary forms in utterance lacking progressive participles (e.g; they are help people). A grammaticality judgment task of English tense/ agreement morphology similarly had shown that the child L2 English learners are significantly more sensitive to the “ be” paradigm than to inflection on thematic verbs. The findings suggested that tense is present in the learners L2 grammar, and that it is instantiated through forms of be auxiliary. It was argued that omission of inflection is due to problems with the realization of surface morphology, rather than to feature impairment in accordance with the missing surface inflection Hypothesis of Prevost and white (20) it was furthermore suggested that L2 learners initially associate morphological agreement with verbraising and thus acquired forms of be before inflectional morphology on in situ thematic verbs. (95) 19 Xiaoli Bao undertook an empirical study on the mongolian learners’ morphological errors in their English writing and tried to analyze why they make such errors. This was done using contractive analysis Error analysis and Inter language premises. The result of the study revealed that some of the mongolian students’ morphological errors are interlingua which are caused by the interference from mongolian students and others are intralingua which are caused by over-generalization, ignorance of the rule restrictions, incomplete application of rules, and false concept hypothesis. The rest are caused by Mongolian students’ Second language, Chinese. The result of the study also indicated that the characteristics of these errors are simple, and primary. As for the interlingual error, teachers should be patient, because students will little by little approach the target language with hard work. These errors may eventually disappear. As for the intralingual errors, it happens because, Mongolian students have had laid a solid foundation of English basic knowledge. Therefore, it is significant for mongolian students to work hard. (62) Aida Kurani, and Anita Muho Conducted a study on the morphological processes of Albanian and English languages. The aim of the study was to point out the similarities and differences of English and Albanian languages in the morphological level. They did this by comparing different parts of speech of both languages. They had analyzed nouns, verbs, adverbs, adjective structures, the use of articles, pronouns etc. They found out from the study that, morphological similarities between the languages taken in consideration are significantly greater than the differences. Grammatical categories of the Albanian language are very close to those of the English language. Nouns in the Albanian language show notable gender, case and number. Nouns in the English language have the category of number (singular, Plural) as in Albanian, but, don’t emphasize the grammatical category of gender. 20 The result of the study equally indicated that, in English language, gender does not manifest the characteristics of a grammatical category, but is generally regulated by the semantics and meaning. The Albanian language has three genders of nouns: Feminine, Masculine and neutral gender. English adjectives do not change as generally happens in Albanian language they remain unchanged, in both the number and gender. The Albanian language is a synthetic-analytical language, with a dominance of synthetic features and an analytical trend, While English is an analytical-synthetic language. Being an analytical language, English does not mark all words as the part of speech it belongs to, for example: the words break outlaw, have their own forms of verbal of nominal or suffix-ly is the indicator that defines the word as an adverb, but not all the adverbs end in the suffix-by and not all the words ending with the suffix-ly are adverbs. For examples: the words washed straight, clear, tomorrow, slow, fast crosswise are adverbs, while leisurely lovely, lively, womanly, princely school-ly, silly, ugly are adjectives (28) Acheoah J Emike Conducted a Study on the contrastive analysis of English and Afenmai Morphology. The study examined the morphological processes in English and Afenmai, a language of the Esako people of Edo State of Nigeria, a multilingual speech community. He based his analyses on the Agenebode dialect of Afenmai. Having examined the structure and word formation processes in Agenebode dialect of Afenmai and invariably in human language. Minute elements know as morphemes abound in many Afenmai and English words. However, these elements could be classified in binary opposition: free as opposed to bound, root as opposed to affix, prefix as opposed to suffix. The morphemic components could be combined in a variety of ways in the process of word formation both in English and Afenmai. He had aligned with Chomsky (11) who had contended that languages have universals. 21 The study has investigated morphological processes in English and Afenmai through a contrastive-analyst approach. Peculiarities in the morphological processes of the two languages as well as their areas of differences and similarities, believed to be of pedagogical relevance, have been elucidated. The study had observed that morphology is very relevant to grammar: the rules of word formation in English and Afenmai and by extension, in other languages of the word, help us to know word class (parts of speech) of different words. For example, the word “manage” which is a verb becomes a noun when the suffix “-ment” is affixed to it. similarly, Afenmai “mie” (see) which is a verb becomes an adjective when the prefix “ono” (agentive) is affixed to it to form” onomie” (one who sees); also the rules of word formation make it clear to us that there are cases of zero morpheme in the shifting of words (word class shift from one part of speech to another). The result of the investigation had shown the followings. The word formation process known as derivation is common in Afenmai. However, inflections are rare therein; thus, English is synthetic while Afenmai is analytic. The study had established that the morphological processes common to English and Afenmai are prefixing, compounding, derivation of one word-class from another and reduplication. Reduplication is more salient in Afenmai, while suffixation (both inflectional and derivational) is a more productive morphological process in English than in Afenmai; it is rare in Afenmai. Also, unlike Afenmai, English pronouns show clear-cut functional inflections. The two basic ways of forming words in English are derivation and Compounding. Inflection which is a change in the form of a word to convey grammatical concepts such as agentive, word-class shift, tense, number etc could be derived through affixation internal change of word elements, reduplication and prosodic features such as tone placement (29). 22 Peter .K. Muriungi et al embarked on another study on the errors of English as second language learners. The study focused on the nature and typology of errors that primary school pupil in Nembure Division, Embu County, kenya make in the acquisition of English as a second language. a written task in the form of a composition was administered to collect data from 182 class seven pupils. Error analysis approach was adopted in the analysis of the data collected. The following areas were examined to assess the errors of the L2 learners - Regularization of Irregular plurals and irregular verbs - Omission of plural ‘s’ - Omission/wrong use of proposition - Miss ordering errors - Wrong use of “me” as a subject - Lack of gender agreement - Errors regarding auxiliaries - Lack of agreement (disconcord) - attachment of the past marker to and infinitive - Omission of verbs - mother tongue influence, - spelling errors and, - use of wrong auxiliary Errors found in the learners’ work were classified as being morphological, phonological, and lexical and others fell into the general linguistic category. The fact that learners make mistakes indicated that they have not mastered English language rules and norms. The study has revealed that primary school pupils in Nembure Division have a serious problem in the area of spelling and phonetics. This is due to the fact that many spelling errors 23 were found in the data that was analyzed. This could also be explained by the fact that learners lack adequate exposure to the spoken and written English language. (87) Maria Moure Pena Ventured into Contrastive analysis Study on the word formation processes of English and Spanish languages. The aim was to contrast mechanisms English and Spanish have for coining words that prior did not belong to the language, to describe and exemplify each of them and to determine the frequency and productivity they have in each language. Data were sourced from specialized books in linguistics, dictionaries and WebPages, documentaries and the researcher’s intuitive knowledge. The word formation processes taken into consideration were: derivation compounding, clipping, borrowing, back formation, acronyms, blending and Neologisms. The outcome of the study has established that languages are constantly changing and in order to expand, they have a series of word formation processes. In English and Spanish, there have been corresponding coinage mechanisms, although, they vary in frequency and productivity. These processes are derivation, compounding, clipping borrowing, backformation, acronyms and blending. Derivation and borrowing are highly prolific mechanisms in both languages; compounding is very much used in English, but, not so common in Spanish; the rest are less prolific and more or less equally frequent in both languages. The study concluded that Spanish is more reticent to neologisms, particularly those who have entered the language from foreign words. English on the other hand on the overall praises itself for being so receptive and having such a wide lexicon. The particular status of English nowadays gives it much more freedom. As music, Science Politics and other fields are predominantly monopolized by the English speaking world other languages feel defensive for such a heavy load of terms that can be barely 24 assimilated by the language, and so there is tendency for acquiring needless words and expressions in detriment for the mother tongue. (398). Jamal A. Salim Carried out a study on the noun morphology of the English and Arabic languages. The aim of the study was to compare and contrast the noun, morphology of both languages and to determine the points where they differ. These differences are the main causes of difficulty in the learning of the second language. This is to direct teaching at those points where there are structural differences, which in turn determines what the teacher has to teach and what the learner has to learn. The study adopted contrastive analysis method in the analysis of the data which are purely noun morphological processes of English and Arabic languages. The end product of the study unveiled the following facts. That both languages share some common features as well as several differences. In the light of such findings, the linguistic problems of the Arabic speaker learning English may be solved. In other words, through the comparison and contrast, the teacher will be aware of the structures of the two languages and the areas of difficulties of the learners at the morphological level. The study also aspired to benefit both the teachers and the textbook writers of English and Arabic as foreign languages. (122) Johanne Paradis had undertaken another study on the language characteristics of the second language learners. The study was conducted to examine whether the expressive language characteristics of typically developing (TD) children learning English as a second language (ESL) have similarities to the characteristics of the English that is spoken by the monolingual with specific language impairment (SLI), and whether this could result in the erroneous assessment of TD English-language learners (ELLs) as language impaired. Twenty-four TD language minority children who had been learning ESL for an average of 9.5 months participated in the study. The children’s accuracy and error types in 25 production of the following grammatical morphemes were examined in spontaneous and elicited speech: third person singular [-s], past tense [-ed] irregular past tense, Be as copula and auxiliary verb, Do as an auxiliary verb, progressive [-ing], prepositions ‘in’ and “on”, plural [-s], and determiners “a” and “the”. The elicitation probes were part of a recently developed standardized test for identifying language impairment, the Test of Early Grammatical Impairment (TEGI; Martins Rice and Kenneth Wexler 200). The result explained that the English language learners’ accuracy rates and error patterns with the grammatical morphemes were similar to those that have been reported for same-age monolingual children with SLI, in both spontaneous and elicited speech. In addition, the Ell’s elicitation probe scores were compared to criterion scores and group means from the sample of monolingual children used to develop the TEGI and their performance on the TEGI was in the range of the clinical population even though, there is no reason to suspect that any of these children is language impaired Both analyses point to the possibility that Typically Developing English Language Learners could be mistaken as language impaired (172). Silvina Montrul also conducted another study on the morphological errors in Spanish Second language learners and heritage speakers. The study was done consequent upon the fact that post puberty second language (L2) learners often omit or use the wrong affix for nominal and verbal inflections in oral production, but less so in written tasks. The study used the Missing surface hypothesis which states that, second language (L2) learners have in fact functional projections, but errors stem from problems during production only (a mapping or processing deficit). The study indicated that morphological variability is also characteristic of heritage speakers (early bilingual of ethnic minority languages) who were exposed to the family language naturalistically in early childhood but failed to acquire age-appropriate linguistic competence in the language. However, because, errors in heritage speakers are more frequent in written than in oral tasks, the missing surface inflection hypothesis does not apply 26 to them. The discussion considers how morphological errors in the two populations seem to be related to the type of experience. The study sourced data from a large-scale research project conducted with 72 second language learners (L2) of Spanish and 70 Spanish heritage Speakers. It investigates the overall linguistic competence of L2 learners and heritage speakers in a variety of grammatical areas, including phonology, lexical knowledge, gender agreement, object clitics and object marking, Wh-movement, and tense-aspect and mood. The study concluded that the second language learners of Spanish and Spanish heritage speakers differ from fully fluent native speakers in the percentage rates of morphological errors with gender agreement, DOM and tense-aspect and mood morphology in oral production and in untimed written tasks. Because, inflectional morphology is (apparently) equally problematic in the two groups. The study enquired whether the existing theories of morphological variability in second language acquisition (SLA) can easily be extended to heritage language acquisition. It also declared that morphological variability may be symptomatic of underlying syntactic deficits: Second language learners make errors because; they lack the relevant abstract morph syntactic knowledge at the level of linguistic representations. A specific prediction of this position formulated by prevost and White is that second language learners should have the same problems with inflectional morphology in oral production and untimed written tasks (163). As a result of the above, this study can project that morphological problems are likely to be found among the Hausa English learners in their written expressions due to variations in word-formation processes in English and Hausa languages. This validates the current Endeavour which is to examine the similarities and differences that exist in the morphological processes of the two languages. 27 Chapter Three Theoretical Framework and Research Methodology 3.0 Introduction The chapter dwells on the procedures and methods employed in collecting of data for the research work. The discussion is principally done on the following sub-headings: Theoretical framework, Research design, Data collection technique, and Method of data analysis. 3.1 Theoretical Framework 3.1.1 Contrastive analysis theory Contrastive analysis is the systematic study of pair of languages with a view to identifying their structural differences and similarities. Contrastive Analysis was rooted in the practical need to teach a second language in the most effective way possible. Its psychological base is behaviorism and linguistic base is structuralism. Contrastive analysis theory was first formulated by Fries in 1940’s and brought into academic discourse by Robert Lado when he wrote his famous monograph Linguistics Across cultures(190). In this book, he claimed that “those elements that are similar to his native language will be simple for him and those elements that are different will be difficult.” This conviction that linguistic differences could be used to predict learning difficulty produced the notion of contrastive analysis hypothesis (CAM): “where two languages were similar, positive transfer would occur, where they were different, negative transfer or interference would 28 result” (Larsen-Freeman, 253). Lado also emphasizes the importance of comparison between the second language and the native language in terms of teaching. He holds that” the teacher who has made a contrast of the foreign language with the native language of the students will know better what the real problems are and provide for teaching them.” (102) Contrastive analysis theory also has a certain guiding significance to today’s English teaching in our schools. It can help foreign language teachers to understand and predict what kinds of errors students may make in their English learning so as to nip in the bud. According to Lado quoted in Gast “Contrastive analysis is a scientific description of language to be learned carefully compared with a parallel descriptive of the native language of the learner” (qtd in Volker Gast 2). The observation of Lado aptly highlighted the linguistic variants and discrepancies as well as similiarities that are inherent in human languages across the globe. Though it was propounded in (1957), for pedagogical reasons, the theory swayed in the 1960s and early 1970’s. According, to wikipedia 2012: Contrastive analysis was exetensively used in the field of second Language Aquisition(SLA) in the 1960s and early 1970s as a method of explaining why some of the features of a target language were more didfficult to acquire than others. According to the behaviourist theories prevailing at the time, language learning was a question of habit of formation and this could be reinforced or impeded by existing habits. Therefore, the difficulty in mastering certain structures in a second language (L2) depends on the differences between the learners’ (L1) and the language they are trying to learn. The views of scholars at the time were what Lado claims: that those elements which are similar to (the learner’s) native language will be simple for him, and those that are different will be difficult.(NP) 29 Several other scholars have their views as to what Constrastive analysis is all about too. Johnson opines that contrastive analysis is “contrasting of series of statements about similarities and differences between two languages”. He doubts the effectiveness of the theory. He claims that the theory has been over estimated and is of the view that not all errors committed by a language learner can be predicted (qtd in Sam Onuigbo &Joy Eyisi 76). He points out that the differences identified in contrastive analysis may not cause the same degree of difficulty, neither can such degree of difficulty be predicted. He suggests using contrastive analysis to explain difficulties already found, rather than prediction of such problems or difficulties. Johnson further adds that contrastive analysis should therefore be integrated with error analysis, as this will better form an explanatory stage in error analysis. James in Uzoigwe, Benita (73) and Jacek Fisiak in Rustipa (18) agree with the view by stating that constrative analysis and error analysis are tools commonly used to solve certain problems encountered in pedagogy. However, Dipietro and Corder cited in Uchegbuanam (11) agreed with Lado to have done a critical work “having explanatory power” with a structural linguistic orientation. The basic premise of Lado’s (263) Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis is that language learning can be more successful when two languages (the native and the foreign) are similar. Some linguists call this situation “positive transfer” in an overview of Lado’s contrastive analysis hypothesis. On the other hand, the theory stipulates that learning willl be quite difficult or even unsuccessful when the two languages are different. Hence, second language teaching should concentrate on the differences with little or no emphasis on similarities (Khansir Akbar 1028). Fries in Lado claims that the problems of learning a second language do not arise as a result of difficulties in the features of the new language itself, but because of the already existing habits formed from the first language acquisition. Meisel Jurgen, in Onuigbo and Eyisi (76) makes an interesting contribution to the concept of contrastive analysis. He states that modern 30 contrastive analysis is concerned primarily with synchronic study of two languages- L1 and L2. Within the synchronic study, he points out that the analyst engages in what he calls “confrontive” Linguistics analysis and “contrastive analysis derived from the distinction between “Confrontive Grammar, which shows the correspondence and similarities between two languages. He also does a good job by tracing the componential nature and origin of contrastive analysis that it emanates from contrastive grammar. Lazarus Ogenyi (665) opines that a proper understanding of English grammar (morphology and syntax) is difficult without a thorough knowledge of word-classes and the rules governing their combination. Chinyere Ngonebu (19) maintains that the nature of the English poses problems to the learners of English as a second language, explaining that such problems emanate from the inherent features of the phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics of English. She reveals that those inconsistencies are sometimes confusing and complicated to a second language learner. L. C. Ogenyi (680) notes, “The very nature of English language makes it difficult for second language learners to achieve the type of efficiency contained in Hodges and Whitten’s words”. He further states that, English has peculiar inherent characteristics; and these characteristics have adverse implication in the enterprise of teaching and learning the language by second language teachers and learners respectively”. The relevance of a theory or theories to scholarly research must always find a premium. The relevance of Contrastive Analysis theory to this study is a synchronic study that focuses on the current Hausa and the English morphological processes. As such, the theory of contrastive Analysis (CA) is used in this study. The work employs Contrastive analysis theory because it deals with word structures of two languages: English and Hausa. The theory is 31 adopted on the account that no two languages are completely the same with the other. Uzozie agrees with this view: that every human language has its own peculiarities in word-formation, syntax, phonology, semantics and pragmatics (79). The theory will enhance the achievement of the primary objective of this work, which is to compare the two different languages, Hausa and English, with the aim of underscoring the similarities and differences of their morphological processes for pedagogical purposes. With regard to the above reasons, it is observed by the proponents and supporters of contrastive analysis that for proper learning to take place, the second language teacher must be conversant with the rules guiding the structures in the first language which are similar to the second language and those that are different so as to detect where to encounter problems. If this is not properly outlined, the learner is liable to commit errors in the target language, because, he will transfer those habits from the L1 to the target language (TL). Allen John and Corder Pit (14) state: “a learner of a foreign [second] language has already had well developed articulatory movement and perpetual strategies before his exposure to a new language. As such, he hears and produces words in the target language in terms of his native phonological categories”. This means that for an English learner who has possessed the Hausa language as L1 to learn English, his major impediments can be morphological processes, hence Contrastive Analysis theory for this work. 3.2 Research methodology 3.2. 1 Research Design According to Merrian-Webster Dictionary, design is a plan or protocol for carrying out or accomplishing something (as a scientific experiment). It can be looked at as an outline from which something may be made. Research design can be a plan or a blue print which specifies how data relating to a given problem would be collected and analysed. It provides 32 the procedure and/or outline for the conduct of any investigation. It is a detailed outline of how an investigation will take place (Boniface Nworgu, (67). A research design will typically include how data is to be collected, what instrument will be used and the intended means for analysing data collected (Business Dictionary.com 2013). This study makes use of descriptive research design since the study is aimed to undertake a comparative study of morphological processes of two different languages, English and Hausa. Descriptive research design is a type of research method that is used when one wants to get information on the current status of a person or an object. It is used to describe what is in existence in respect to conditions or variables that are found in a given situation. To Onyekachi Eze, (29) descriptive research design studies are “mainly concerned with descriptive events as they are without any manipulation of what is being observed. Any study which seeks merely to find what is and describes it, is known as descriptive research” (69). This research design is appropriate to the work because the research is basically to probe the topic to generate ideas for it as a native speaker of Hausa and user of English as a second language. The generated data will be effectively analysed without manipulation or distortion. This will be in consonant with the definition of descriptive research as “the type used to describe characteristics of a population or phenomenon being studied. It does not answer questions about how/when/ why the characteristics occurred. Rather it addresses the ‘what’ question (what are the characteristics of the population or situation being studied?). ( Patricia Shields and Nandhini Rangaranjan 109-158). 3.3 Instruments for Data Collection Sequel to the above exposition, data for this study were obtained from various sources principally of secondary source such as textbooks, journals, articles in English and Hausa languages as well as electronic media. The researcher has visited several libraries particularly 33 Nnamdi Azikiwe Library of the University of Nigeria Nsukka, Department of Hausa language, College of Education, Zing, Department of languages and linguistics Taraba State University, Jalingo. The researcher, being a native speaker of Hausa language and the user of English as a second language made a great deal of his personal observation and analysis of the English and Hausa Word-formation processes. Equally, through in-depth interview using unstructured questions, the researcher had obtained data from renowned Hausa linguists at College of Education Zing and Taraba State University, Jalingo where the Hausa language is studied at N.C.E and Degree levels respectively. 3.4 Data Collection Technique Within each general research approach one or some data collection techniques may be used. Typically according to Lars Lyberg and Daniel Kisprzyk “ a researcher will decide for one (or multiple) data collection techniques while considering its/their overall appropriateness to the research, along with other practical factors such as : expected quality of the collected data, estimated cost, predicted non-response rates, expected level of measure errors and length of the possible data collection period” (Wikipedia, 2013), Kerlinger observes that” it is of course possible that a given research question may not be satisfactorily studied because specific data collection techniques do not exist to collect data needed to answer such a question” (Wikipedia 2013). The most popular data collection technique include: surveys, secondary data sources or archival data, objective measures or test and interviews. 3.5 Method of Data Analysis The main aim of the study basically is to do a comparative analysis of English and Hausa morphological processes. As the research design is descriptive, the comparative 34 analysis method to be employed for data analysis is descriptive in nature.”In the descriptive method, the data collected are organised in such a way that it describes the nature and type of data collected. This can be done by using tables” (Thomas Lindlof & Bryan Taylor 2010). This will be helpful in making better decisions. It will also be easier to identify the differences and similarities in the English and Hausa word-formation processes compared using tables. 35 Chapter Four Data Analysis 4.0 Introduction In this chapter we present and analyze the data collected for the purpose of this study. An attempt is therefore, made to compare the principal morphological processes of the languages, bringing out their inherent similarities and differences. It is assumed that establishing the differences and similarities will aid in the examination of the linguistic relationships that exist between the two languages under study. By so doing, we will determine the degree at which English interferes with Hausa at the morphological level. Rather than adopt the pedagogic or prescriptive approach in our analysis, the researcher has adopted the descriptive with the help of Nida model in line with the views of Oyetunde when he asserts that: Teaching needs to be based on the best possible description of the language being taught. And the better, the fuller, the more accurate description is the more the chance the teacher will have to assist the learner in his growing mastery of the structure of the new language. Without such knowledge, there will be little possibility of satisfactory sequencing of materials, no chance of distinguishing mistakes from systematic errors which are the best evidence that language learning is taking place (27). Thus, the analysis carried out in this chapter is predicted on the following: 1- Acronyms 2 -Affixation 3 - Alternation 4 – Backformation 36 5 – Blending 6 – Borrowing 7 – Clipping 8 – Coinage 9 – Compounding 10 - Reduplication Therefore, a sample of the comparative analysis is given, taken each process one after the other. 4.1 The Comparative Analysis of the Processes in English and Hausa 4.1.1 Acronyms English exhibits this feature as one of its word – formation processes, thus a lot of its words are formed through acronyms. These are pronounced either alphabetically or as words (retaining or losing their capital letters) as can be seen below: 4.1.1.1 The Division of Acronyms (a) Those pronounced alphabetically which are called ‘alphabetisms’, e.g. CD (‘Computer Disk’), VCR (‘Video Cassette Recorder’), NFL (‘National Football League) etc. (b) Those pronounced as single words (with capital letters) e.g. NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Agency), UNESCO (United Nation Educational, Science and Cultural Organization), UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund), AIDS (Acquire Immune Deficiency Syndrome), etc. (c) Those pronounced as single words but lost their capitals e.g. laser (light amplification by stimulated emission of radiation), radar (radio detecting and ranging), scuba (self-contained underwater breathing apparatus), zip (zone improvement plan), etc. 37 It is observed that this is the only group of acronyms that is written without capital letters, the rest appear in capitals. (d) Those formed as names of organizations, e.g. MADD (mothers against drunk driving), WAR (woman against rape), etc. (e) Those, recently, used in banking sector, e.g. ATM (Automated Teller Machine), PIN (Personal Identification Number), etc. It should be noticed that Hausa lacks it; thus, it does not form any word through acronyms. 4.1.2 Affixation Abubakar Abdulhamid considers affixation as ‘a morphological process which involves attaching a formative to an existing word: complex words which can be neatly segmented into roots and affixes are realized by means of affixation’ (1). In English, there are several categories of affixes depending on their position with reference to the stem or simply according to their physical position relative to roots. It has been observed, therefore, that English exhibit categories of affixes which are far more than that of Hausa. English uses affixes like prefixes, suffixes or postfixes, infixes, circumfixes, interfixes, duplifixes, transfixes, simulfixes, suprafixes and difixes; while Hausa uses only prefixes suffixes and infixes. Perhaps this may be the reason that made Quirk et al point out ‘affixation’ as one of the chief processes of English word-formation (78). Let us look at some examples of the common affixes in the two languages: 38 Affixes Prefix Example English–disagree Schemes Prefix –stem Hausa – bahaushe (Hausa man) Suffix/postfix English –beautify English–abso-bloomin-lutely Appears at the front of a stem Stem-suffix Appears at the back of a stem St (infix)em Appears within a stem Hausa–gafarta (forgiveness) Infix Description Hausa-guragu(cripples) Circumfix 4.1.2.1 English –uncountable Circumfix-Stem- One portion appears at the front of a stem and the circumfix other at the rear. The Positional Categories of Affixes Affixes are divided into several categories, depending on their position with reference to the stem, as Elson Benjamin and Pickett Velma who observe that “several kinds of affixes can be recognized depending on the way they occur with roots” (12). Based on that, Robins (10), Matthews (97) and Crystal (80) agreed that in English affixes are divided into prefixes, suffixes and infixes. In another development Elson and Pickett (12) classify affix morphemes based on their physical position relative to roots as prefixes, suffixes, infixes, suprafixes and simulfixes. According to Elson and Pickett, prefixes occur before roots; suffixes occur after roots, infixes occur inside the roots themselves (that is inside the words). They go further to explain that “in some languages, morphemes are composed of (or include) suprasegmental phonemes such as tone or stress. Frequently, segmental phonemes (vowels and consonants) and suprasegmental phonemes combine to form morphemes, but in some cases the suprasegmental phonemes alone indicate the meaning. Such morphemes may be called “suprafixes”. Suprafix 39 morphemes are usually described in statement form, but also may be symbolized by using a neutral symbol for the segmental phonemes with which they occur. In contrast to prefixes, suffixes and infixes which are pronounced before, after, or in the middle of the root, suprafixes are pronounced simultaneously with the root. In addition to that, another kind of simultaneous affix has been called a simulfix. This term, for Elson and Pickett, could be applied to any simultaneous morphemic features other than those considered to be composed of suprasegmental phonemes (that is, pitch, stress, length). Wallis (1956) uses this term in describing the aspect system of Mezquital Otimi, which includes a simultaneous addition of certain phonemic features to the initial consonant of the stem. The addition may be a single phoneme, sometimes pronounced before the initial consonant, sometimes after it; or it may be less than a phoneme (e.g., voicing), and pronounced simultaneously with the initial root consonant as one phonetic segment. For example, completive aspect is signaled by a feature of palatization simulfixed to roots beginning with /? / or /h/, and by a component of voicing simulfixed to roots beginning with a voiceless consonant and other than /? / or /h/. According to The free encyclopedia (2008), prefix and suffix are extremely common terms. Infix and circumfix are less so, as they are not important in European languages. The other terms are uncommon, as listed below: Affixes Prefix Suffix/post fix Infix Circumfix Examples Undo Schema Prefix-stem Looking Stem-suffix Saxomaphone Scattered St(infix)em Circumfix>stem <Circumfix Interfix Speedo meter Stema–interfixstemb Duplifix Teeny-weeny Stem-duplifix Description Appears at the front of a stem Appears to the back of a stem Appears within a stem One portion appears at the front of a stem, and the other at the rear Links two stems together in a compound Incorporates a 40 Tran sfix Simulfix Maltese: ‘kiteb’ (he wrote) compare root ktb (write) Mouse –mice Suprafix Produce (noun) Produce (verb) Disfix ;Alabama:“tipli” (breakup) Compareroot “tipasl;” stm (break) The free encyclopedia (2008) reduplicated portion of a stem (may occur in front, at the rear, or within the stem) S<transfix>te<transfix>m A discontinuous affix That interleaves within a discontinuous stem Changes a segment of a stem A stem The elision of portion of a stem Furthermore, prefix and suffix may be combined as “adfix”, a term that is rarely used except in contrast with infix. In transcription, for example, in the third column in the chart above, simple affixes such as prefixes and suffixes are shown connected to the stem with hyphens. Affixes which disrupt the stem, or which themselves are discontinuous, are often marked off with angle brackets. Reduplication is often shown with a tilde. At this juncture, let us have a comparative analysis of affixation in the two languages: (1) Prefixation Both English and Hausa exhibit this feature in their morphological process. In the two languages, prefixes are used for derivational and inflectional purposes, for example: English – pre (prefix) + school (stem) = preschool Post (prefix) + war (stem) = postwar Inter (prefix) + national (stem) = international Hausa – ba (prefix) + kauyee (village) = bakauyee (villager) ma (prefix) + kiira (blacksmithing) = makeerii (blacksmith) mai (prefix) + barnaa (destroying) = maibarnaa (destroyer) a 41 It can be seen from the examples that English uses many prefixes which Quick et al (442) describe as: (i) Reversative prefixes these reverse the action or the meaning of the stems to which they are attached. English, therefore, uses four prefixes such as: un, non, dis and iI, to reverse the action to their attachments, such as: un + believable = unbelievable non + standard = nonstandard dis + respect = disrespect il + legitimate = illegitimate Hausa which is used to indicate negation exhibits only one that shows this linguistic phenomenon – marar; as it appears in such words as: marar + kookarii (intelligent) = marar – kookarii (dull) marar + goodiya (grateful) = marar – goodiyaa (ungrateful person) (ii) Pejorative prefixes express contempt. In English, there are two prefixes of this kind – mis and mal as in: mis + calculate = miscalculate mis + adventure = misadventure mal + administration = maladministration mal + nutrition = malnutrition In Hausa, one could not find pejorative prefixes. (iii) Prefixes of degree or size – This kind of prefixes, in English, shares grade or size or extent of something such as super, under and out as in: super + structure = superstructure super + impose = superimpose under + weight = underweight 42 under + state = understate out + building = outbuilding out + class = outclass This group of prefixes is not found in Hausa. (iv) Prefixes of attitude – These indicate the behaviour of something or somebody towards another, such as anti, counter and co as in: anti + climax= anticlimax anti + personnel = anti-personnel counter + balance = counterbalance counter + blast + counterblast co + produced = co-produced co + exist = coexist Prefixes of attitude do not exist in Hausa, too. (v) Locative prefixes – English uses this kind of prefixes but Hausa does not use them. Locative prefixes indicate the actual setting, or position, or mixture of something, such as trans and inter as in: trans + form = transform trans + figure = transfigure inter + link = interlink inter + connect = interconnect (vi) Prefixes of time and order are such prefixes that could be found in English, but not in Hausa. They are used to indicate time, suchprefixes include, pre, port, and re as in: pre + caution = precaution pre + date = predate 43 post + impressionist = post-impressionist post + date = postdate re + decoration = redecoration re + entered = re-entered (vii) Number prefixes are used in English to indicate quantity such as di, bi, mono, uni and tri as in: di + syllabic = disyllabic di + plane = biplane bi + annual = biannual mono + plane = monoplane mono + rail = monorail uni + corn = unicorn uni + lateral = unilateral tri + lingual = trilingual tri + colour = tricolour These prefixes, also, are not found in Hausa. (viii) Conversion prefixes are those prefixes that English uses to create some words that indicate state of conversion, but Hausa lacks such prefixes; for example be and en as in: be + little = belittle be + friend = befriend en + danger = endanger en + case = encase Hausa, on the other hand, exhibits only four prefixes: ba, ma, mai and maras. The ba prefix, in Hausa, has the idea of “man of” as in: 44 ba + Turai (Europe) = batuuree (European) ba + kudu (south) = bakudee (southerner) Another Hausa prefix is ma which has the idea of “doer of” as in: ma + rubuutu (writing) + marubuucii (writer) ma + gini (building) maginiii (builder) The prefixes ma, in Hausa, also indicates the idea of ‘places’ as in: ma + rini (dying) = marinaa (place for dying) ma + auna (weigh) = ma’aunaa (place for selling grain) Furthermore, ma prefix indicates the idea of ‘instrument’ as in: ma + buudi (open) = mabuudii (key) ma + kulli (lock) = makulli (locker) Another prefix that Hausa uses to create words is mai which indicates “owner of”, literarily; as in: mai + tsafta (cleaniness) = mai – tsafta ( tidy man/woman) mai + tafiyaa (traveling) = mai – tafiyaa (traveler) The last Hausa prefix is maras which is a contraction of mai-rasa (loser of), which becomes marar (lacking) as in: marar + waayoo (wisdom) = marar – waayoo (foolish) marar + hankalii (sense) = marar – hankalii (rude person) (2) Suffixation Suffixational morphemes exist in the morphology of the two languages. In English, suffixation is considered as the commonest process that is involved in most lexical derivations and in most inflectional formations. A derivational suffix, therefore, changes the syntactic category of one word into another; for instance, in English, an adjective changes to noun (happy - happiness), an adjective changes to verb (modern – modernize), a noun changes to 45 adjective (nation – national), a noun changes to verb (beauty – beautify), a verb changes to adjective (pay – payable) or a verb changes to nominal (forming nouns from verbs), or adjectival (forming adjectives from nouns, verbs and other adjectives) and adverbial (forming adverbs from adjectives). Let us look at some examples: (i) Verbs to nouns: bombard + ment = bombardment (ii) Adjective to nouns: blind + ness = blindness (iii) Verbs to noun: signify + ant = significant deter + ent = deterent confess + or = confessor compose + er = composer (iv) Adjectives to verbs: conceptual + ize = conceptualize black + en = blacken Note – it should be noted that en could also be used with nouns to form adjectives which indicates the idea of ‘made of’ as in: gold + en = golden verbal suffixes wood + en = wooden (iii) Nouns to verb: code + ify = codify, solid + ify + solidify (iv) Noun to adjectives: dust + – y = dusty, ice + – y = icy Note that – y could also be used with verbs to form adjectives (which indicates the idea of “tending to”) or nouns (which indicates the idea of “the action or process of”) as in: run + – y = runny Adjectives stick + – y = sticky inquire + – y = inquiry Nouns expire + – y = expiry 46 It should also be noted that – y (also – ie) appears with noun indicating small size or as a form of a name, indicating affection as in: piggy, doggie, daddy, Suzie, etc (v) Nouns or verbs to form adjectives plenty + – ful = plentiful beauty + – ful = beautiful master + – ful = masterful forget + – ful = forgetful care + – ful = careful (vi) Nouns to form adjectives: tree + less = treeless meaning + less = meaningless hope + less = hopeless (vii) Verbs to form adjectives: pay + – able = payable perish + – able = perishable reverse + – ible = reversible Note that ‘– able’ could be used with nouns to form adjectives (having or showing the quality of) as in: fashion + able = fashionable (viii) Adjectives to adverbs: stupid + – ly = stupidly accurate + – ly = accurately Note that – ly could also be used with nouns to form adjectives (which indicate ‘having the quality of’) as in: coward + – ly = cowardly scholar + – ly = scholarly 47 (ix) Nouns to adjectives and adverbs: quarter + – ly = quarterly (adjective) quick + – ly = quickly (adverb) Suffixation in Hausa, on the other hand, occurs with the help of what Rufa’i calls ‘derivational suffixes’ to form some Hausa words (6). The Hausa derivative suffixes, therefore, include: – ta, –nta, – taka, – ntaka, – ci, – nci, – wa, – au, – ayya and – eriya. These suffixes are generally identified in deriving abstract ideas (or abstract nouns) or verbs as in the following table: Base (i) - ta (ii) –nta (iii) taka Class Meaning Derived Word Class MEANING gzajeeree Adj short Gajartaa n(abst) Shortness baawaa n slave bawtaa n(abst) slavery kuturuu n leper kuturtaa n(abst) leprosy Saaboo Adj new Saabuntaa n(abst) newness baakoo n guest baakuntaa n(abst) being guest muuguu adj wicked muguntaa n(abst) wickedness Kadai Adj alone Kadaitakaa n(abs) Loneliness jaarimii n jaarintakaa n(abst) bravery samaari n brave man samartakaa n(abst) youth hood youth (iv) – ntaka gwauroo N unmarried gwaurantakaa n(abst) being unmarried bara n servant barantakaa n(abst) being servant abookii n friend abookantakaa n(abst) friendship 48 (v) –ci (vi) -nci (vii) – (viii) eni ya Aadalii N just man aadalcii n(abst) albarkaa n blessing albarkacii n(abst) sake kusa adj near kusaaci n(abst) nearness Jaamus N Germany Jaamusancil n(abst) German faransi n France Albarkacii n(abst) French tuurai n Europe n(abst) English Aikata V work aikatayyaa n(abst) mutual work So v love soyayyaa n(abst) mutual love Saaka v revenge saakayyaa n(abst) vengeance V agree yarjeejeeniya n(abst) v push tureereeniya n(abst) mutual agreement v slap mareereeniya n(abst) yard a tuura kusaaci maar i (ix) –wa (x) –au Justice pushing one another slapping one another faara V begin faarawaa n(abst) beginning gama v finish gamawaa n(abst) finishing jika v to wet jikawaa n(abst) soaking/wetting Mant a V forget Mantau n(abst) very forgetful v be late makarau n(abst) be very late v playfulness gaagarau n(abst) very playful Mak ara Gaag araa Rufa’i (19) Derivational Suffixes A derivational suffix is that morpheme that changes the class of a word to which it is added: for example, “ly” changes the word ‘slow’ to ‘slowly’, and the word class changes from adjective to adverb. According to the free encyclopedia (2008), in linguistics derivation 49 is used to form new words, as with ‘happi-ness’ and ‘un-happy’ from ‘happy’, or ‘determination’ from ‘determine’. A derivational suffix usually applies to words of one syntactic category and changes them into words of another syntactic category. Some examples of English derivational suffixes: (a) Adjective – to – noun: ness (slow - slowness). (b) Adjective – to – verb: ize (modern - modernize) (c) Noun – to - adjective: al (recreation - recreational). (d) Noun – to – verb: fy (glory - glorify) (e) Verb – to – adjective: able (drink - drinkable). (f) Verb – to – noun: ance (deliver - deliverance). According to Agezi (98), derivational suffixes are used to derive a form class from another. For instance, the noun (derivational) suffixes include: - ment as in govern - establish government - establishment - er as in teach - dance - - al as in refuse - revive teacher dancer refusal - revival A derivational suffix can change a word from indicating a state of being into a process, for example: (a) She is good to everyone. (b) The goodness of the situation excites everyone. Furthermore, with the adverbial suffix (-ly), there is a change from state to manner plus the deletion of some words. For example: (a) She is slow in her work. (b) She works slowly. 50 The verb “is”, the preposition “in” and the possessive “her” in sentence (a) are deleted. The free encyclopedia (2008) gives a sample of derivational suffixes in the following table: Suffix Class(es) of word to Nature of change in which suffix applies meaning Suffix Adjective ‘-ity’ Suffix Noun ‘-ous’ Suffix Verb Examples Changes to noun Electric/electricity obese/obesity Changes to adjective Fame/famous Glamour/glamorous Changes to adjective Print/printable means ‘can undergo Drink/drinkable action of verb’ ‘-able’ The free encyclopedia (2008) Derivational suffixes could also be grouped according to the words they form, as Agezi (44) observes. These include: (1) Nominal Suffixes This group of suffixes is used to form nouns from verbs and adjectives, e.g.: Suffixes Added to Verbs (a) – ment amaze amazement establish establishment develop Derived Words development Added to Adjectives (b) – ness happy careless lazy happiness carelessness laziness Added to Verbs (c) – ant (d) – or inhabit disinfect act dictate conduct inhabitant disinfectant actor dictator conductor 51 (e) – er drive teach play driver teacher player (2) Verbal Suffixes These are suffixes used in forming verbs from mostly adjectives and nouns. Examples: Suffixes Added to Adjectives Derived Words (a) – ize popular natural civil popularize naturalize civilize (b) – en deaf weak soft deafen weaken soften Added to Nouns (c) – ify person glory beauty personify glorify beautify (3) Adjectival Suffixes These are suffixes used in forming adjectives from nouns, verbs and other adjectives, as the case may be. Examples: Suffixes (a) – y (b) – ful (c) – less Added to Nouns hair dream gum faith help care mother mercy child Added to Verbs (d) – able read teach count force eat Derived Forms hairy dreamy gummy faithful helpful careful motherless merciless childless readable teachable countable forcible eatable 52 It should be noted that “able” is one of the exceptional morphemes that can stand both as a bound morpheme (as seen in the given examples) or a free one, which can stand alone without being attached to any root or base, as shown in the sentences below: - She should be able to read simple sentences in Arabic. - They seemed able to work together efficiently. - You will be able to relax for some hours. (4) Adverbial Suffixes Some adverbs are formed from adjectives with the suffix below: - ly Added to Adjectives slow deliberate decisive slowly deliberately decisively To sum up this unit, it is found that derivational suffixes change the grammatical class of the morphemes to which they are attached. Furthermore, in many cases, derivational affixes change both the syntactic category and the meaning: modern - modernize (“to make modern”). Thus, the modification of meaning is sometimes predictable: Adjective + ness the state of being (Adjective) e.g. stupid - stupidness. Inflectional Suffixes An inflectional suffix performs a grammatical function in a word without changing the word class of that particular word, as Agezi observes: “Inflectional suffixes perform a grammatical function without changing the word class of the morphemes they are attached to” (47). In English, inflectional suffixes come at the end of a morpheme and no other affix can come behind them. According to Agezi, English has eight inflectional suffixes, which are: (1) The plural suffix “-s” as in cats, dogs. 53 (2) The possessive suffix “s” as in hers, yours. (3) The present (inflectional) suffix “-s” as in works, kicks. (4) The past (inflectional) suffix “- ed” as in killed, slapped. (5) The participle (inflectional) suffix “-en/-ed” as in eaten, chosen. (6) The – ing (progressive) inflectional suffix as in teaching, cooking. (7) (8) The comparative (inflectional) suffix “-er” as in finer, taller. The superlative (inflectional) suffix “-est.” as in finest, tallest.(48) According to Rubba Johanna, English has only three categories of meaning, which are expressed inflectionally, known as inflectional categories. They are numbers in nouns, tense/ aspect in verbs, and comparison in adjectives. Number The English nouns could be either in singular or plural form. The plural suffix “- s”, which is phonetically realized as /s/, /z/ and /iz/ (as in ‘cats’ and ‘rats’ /kǽts/, /rǽts/; ‘bags’ and ‘dogs’ /bǽgz/, /dogz/; ‘churches’ and ‘houses’ /ts3:tsiz/, /hauziz/, respectively), is syntactically important in relation to number. Number is associated with the English nouns: therefore, a noun phrase must agree with the verb it precedes in any construction. Examples are drawn below: (a) The cats are licking the milk. (b) *The cats is licking the milk. (c) The men are working on the farm. (d) *The men is working on the farm. Sentences (b) and (d) violate the rule that a singular NP or a singular subject takes a singular verb, while a plural NP or a plural subject takes a plural verb (concord agreement). Subject could be a noun, pronoun or their equivalent. Morphologically, the pronouns of 54 English can be divided into three groups, which are personal, relative and demonstrative pronouns. The personal and demonstrative pronouns are inflected for number. Examples: Singular I Plural We You You He/She/It They This These Personal Demonstrative That Those Based on the above examples, it is only the second person, personal pronoun “you” that shows no change in the plural form. However, it has a plural in the reflexive (yourself – yourselves). Pronouns are also inflected in relation to case, that is, there are nominative, objective and genitive cases. Examples: Nominative Genitive Objective I Mine Me He His Him She Her(s) Her Who Whose Whom You Your(s) Your As can be seen above, the first person singular “I” and the third person singular “she” have irregular possessive formation. Tense/Aspect Tense inflection in English affects the verb category. English verbs demonstrate inflection in the following ways: i. The infinitive “to” as in ‘to walk’, ‘to teach’. ii. The (- s) agreement morpheme or 3rd person singular form as in ‘walks’, ‘teaches’, etc. iii. The (- ed) form (past tense) as in ‘walked’, ‘washed’ 55 iv. The (-en) form (past participle) as in “written”, “driven”. The (-ing) form (progressive or gerundive) as in” writing”, “driving”. The various verb forms are exemplified below: Infinitive 3rd person singular form To Teaches Progressive/gerundive Past Tense form Teaching Past participle Taught Taught Sinking Sank Sunk Singing Sang Sung teach To Sinks sink To sing Sings To forget Forgets Forgetting Forgot Forgotten To dance Dances Dancing Danced Danced To praise Praises Praising Praised Praised To kill Kills Killing Killed Killed To talk Talks Talking Talked Talked To go Goes Going Went gone To Has Having had Had have The free encyclopedia (2008). The infinitive is the base form of a word and is regular, while verb inflection is not regular in all cases. While the 3rd person singular and the progressive/gerundive remain unchanged, the past participle shows variations in its inflectional forms from verb to verb, although its regular forms are (-ed) and (-en), respectively. English verbs can be roughly grouped into two categories: regular and irregular verbs. Concord is also another important 56 feature in the English verb system. There is the third person singular (inflectional) morpheme ‘-s’, which must always be suffixed to verbs in the present tense form. It demonstrates a peculiar case in concord. Examples: - John appears neat always. - Patience cooks deliciously. It is also germane to say that the tense used in a sentence should agree with the time of the action, and this agreement is morphologically indicated in the main verb of the sentence. Here, the present and past perfect forms demonstrate special features while relating action to time. In English, the morphemes of the present and past perfect are ‘have + en’ and ‘had + en’, respectively. The perfect, whether present or past takes the form have (had) + past participle of the main verb. The (-en) is suffixed to the main verb of the sentence to form the past participle of the verb. Examples: Present perfect form Main verb singular plural Go I have gone We have gone You have gone You have gone He/she has gone They have gone Past Perfect Form Main verb Singular Plural Go I had gone We had gone You had gone You had gone He/She/ It had gone They had gone In the progressive (present or past), the progressive morpheme (-ing) is suffixed to the main verb of the sentence. Examples: 57 Present Progressive Singular Plural 1st person I am going We are going 2nd person You are going You are going 3rd person He/She/ It is going They are going Past -Progressive Singular Plural 1st person I was going We were going 2nd person You were going You were going 3rd person He/She/It was going They were going Comparison The comparative and superlative inflectional suffixes /-er/ and /-est/ operate in the adjectival and adverbial categories. The /-er/ and /-est/ show the importance of morphemes and generally inflections in syntax. /-er/ morpheme in adjectives is used when two things are compared, while the /-est/ morpheme is used when more than two things are compared. For example: big bigger biggest as in: Sule has a big kettle Bala’s kettle is bigger than Sule’s. Musa’s kettle is the biggest of all. /-er/ and /-est/ are used to show degree in adjectives. Longer adjectives, however, are not inflected, rather lexical items ‘more’ and ‘most’ are added to the base. For example: Positive Comparative Superlative Beautiful more beautiful most beautiful Handsome more handsome most handsome Wicked more wicked most wicked 58 The process of suppletion also occurs with the English adjectives, for example: bad worse worst Morphologically, English adverbs are at times inflected with the morphemes (-er) and (-est) for degree just like the adjectives. For example: Positive Comparative Superlative Soon sooner soonest Often oftener oftenest Concerning the inflectional categories of English affixes, Rubba (204) divides them into two and summarizes them in a tabular form: Regular and irregular, thus: Inflectional Categories and Affixes of English 1. The Regular Affixes Word class to which Inflectional category inflection applies Nouns Verbs Regular affix used to express category Number -s, -es; book/books, bush/bushes Possessive -s, -‘: the cat’s tail, Charles’toe 3RD Person singular -s, -es: it rains, Hafsah writes, the water present slashes Past tense -ed: paint/painted Perfect aspect -ed: paint/painted (has painted) (past participle) Progressive aspect -ing: fall/falling, write/writing (present participle) Adjectives Comparative (comparing two items) Superlative (comparing + 2 items) -er. Fall/taller Fine/finer 59 2. The Irregular Affixes Here are some ways English inflectional morphology is irregular: Type of irregularity Noun plurals Unusual Oxen, suffix Antennae Change of stem Verbs: past Verbs: past tense syllabi Taken, participle seen, fallen, eaten Foot/feet Mouse/mice Run/ran, come/came, Swim/swum vowel flee/fled, meet/met, fly/flew, stick/stuck, Sing/sung get/got, break/broke Change of stem Brother/brethren Feel/felt, kneel/knelt vowel with unusual Write/written, do/done, suffix break/broken, fly/flown Change in base form Send/sent, bend/bent, (sometimes with think/thought unusual suffix) teach/taught, buy/ bought Send/sent Bend/bent think/thought buy/bought Zero-marking suffix, no (no Deer, sheep, fish Hit, beat stem change) More ways in which inflection can be irregular: Sometimes, instead of a suffix to change, the whole word changes – this could be a verb to be (be – am – are – is – was, - were, been); a main verb (go –went – gone); adjective (good – better best), etc. This process is termed “suppletion”, a form of modification or alternation, 60 as observes in The Free Encyclopedia (2008) – which will be discussed fully in the next process of word-formation. Infixation This process, as Crystal observes, is not commonly found in European languages, English inclusive, but it is commonly found in Asian, American, Indian and African languages, Hausa inclusive (80). Fromkin Victoria and Rodman Robert note that English has a very limited set of infixes, normally found in adjectives and adverbs (72). The common infix used in America is the word ‘fuckin’ and all its euphemisms (e.g., friggin, freakin, fuggin); while in Britain, a common infix is ‘bloody’ and its euphemisms too (e.g., bloomin). However, in Hausa, infixation occurs in form of pluralization as in: kurame (deaf people) – kurma (root) + -a (infix). It should be noted that whereas the availability of prefixes and suffixes in the Hausa language is not in doubt, that of infixes is believed to have resulted from an erroneous perspective. Thus, there is a great controversy on the existence of infixes in Hausa. For instance, Al-Hassan Bello says: The so-called infixes in Hausa are, in truth, either transfixes or a relay of suffixes that became obscured by phonology or deletion envisaged parallactically as infixation. In two other instances, infixation either arose as a simple case of unscrupulous use of terminology or was established on a seemingly desperate premise, namely the non-occurrence of a tonal phenomenon. (6) According to him, most of the instances that seem to be infixation are not really infixation, but probably a process called “transfixation”. Furthermore, Al-Hassan states that samples of the best enterprise in Hausa grammar discuss infixation with intersecting examples (6). For instance the -aa- infixation is found in such cases as ‘kurtu’(recruit) > ‘kuraataa’ (recruits),and ‘kwalba’(bottle) > ’kwalaabee’(bottles). Those with –ee- infixation include ‘garmaa’(plough) 61 > ‘gareemanii’ (ploughs), and ‘salka’(skin bottle) >’saleekanii’ (skin bottles). There is –oo infixation in ‘dabba’ (animal) > ’dabbobii’ (animals) and ‘mootaa’ (automobile) >’mootoocii’ (automobiles). Most of these and numerous other examples can be seen in Abubakar (4), Al-Hassan (7) explains the formation of certain plurals in Hausa as the result of the interaction of a tri-radical root and a composite affix. A word like ‘jirgi’ (boat’) forms its plural by allowing the interlacing of the composite affix aa……..ee with the tri-radical root jirg- where the first part of the composite affix (i.e., aa) enters the root before the third consonant while the second part of the composite affix (i.e., ee) enters after the third consonant to give rise to ‘jiraagee’(boats), the plural form. However, a word like ‘damoo’(monitor lizard) with its bi-radical root (like the above examples) dam- requires a third consonant, which the language supplies by reduplicating the last consonant of the root (i.e. /m/) to give rise to the required form damm-,thus fulfilling the condition of tri-radicality. The interaction of the resultant root damm with the compound affix aa……ee now follows to give rise to the plural damaamee (monitor lizards). This kind of morphology where a discontinuous affix combines with a discontinuous root is known as transfixation. Specifically, that affix is a transfix and not an infix. Transfixes lack the homogeneity and the completely intra-root location of infixes, as seen in the examples above. Therefore, the claims for the existence of infixation in Hausa, though justified, have failed to stand the taste of time. Circumfixation English exhibits this linguistic feature while forming some words; Hausa, on the other hand, lacks it. For instance, in English words like: understatement –under (prefix) + state (root) + ment (suffix); transformation – trans (prefix) + form (root) + ation (suffix); disappointment – dis (prefix) + appoint (root) + ment (suffix are formed via circumfixation. 62 Furthermore, in English circumfixation could be noticed in several words such as: unfriendly, ascattered, dislikeness, illegally, transplantation, monolingualism, bilingualism, multilingualism, disestablishment, uncountable, etc which could be divided into parts thus: Prefixes root words suffixes words realized un – friend -ly unfriendly a– scatter -ed ascattered dis – like -ness dislikeness il – legal -ly illegally trans – plant - ation transplantation mono – lingual -ism monolingualism bi – lingual -ism bilingualism dis – establish -ment disestablishment un - count -able uncountable Fromkin and Rodman (73) In the above examples, it could be observed that all the circumfixed words are formed with a formula: prefix + root word + suffix e.g. un (prefix) + friend (root word) + -ly (suffix) will give the word “unfriendly”; the same process applies to other words given. This, evidently, shows that more than one process of affixation could be applied to a single word to create some English words. To sum up this unit, affixation has been identified as one of the processes of wordformation. Affixation is an important process of morphology through which both derivational and inflectional processes of morphology are realized. Affixation could be broadly divided into two sub-processes: prefixation, and suffixation. There exist other minor processes of affixation, too, such as infixation and circumfixation. Prefixation is a sub-process of affixation in which morphemes known as prefixes are added before the “operand” (bases, roots, stems). 63 Suffixation, on the other hand, occurs when an affix or morpheme known as a suffix is added after the operand. Infixation is another way of forming words when an affix known as an infix breaks the root of the word and inserts itself in the middle. Circumfixation, as reviewed, is realized when both prefix and suffix come before and after a single root word. 4.3 Alternation Both languages exhibit this feature even though total modification or suppletion could be exclusively seen in English irregular verbs while changing from present to past tense (as in go – went or be – was ) or in comparative forms of some adjectives (as in good – better or bad – worse) or even in using the bound plural form (morpheme) -/en/ added to the underlying form ‘ox’ (to form ‘oxen’) as a suppletive alternate of /-s, -z, -iz/ ( which are the normal plural morpheme); but none could be found in Hausa. 4.3.1 Total Modification in English In English, total modification occurs when the whole word changes. According to Matthews, total modification is usually called suppletion (139). Rubba is of the view that suppletion occurs when the whole word changes rather than having a suffix. Suppletion is a bit tricky but is also rare in English (204). It is the result of a historical process frozen in time. Briefly, historically there were two words with similar meanings in the language (English), typically used in different dialects. Over time, the two words merged into one paradigm. For instance, in an earlier stage of English there were two words for ‘to be’, ‘wesan’ and ‘eom’. These two were combined into one, and forms of both formed the paradigm for ‘to be’ e.g. ‘be’ – ‘am’ – ‘are’ – ‘is’ – ‘was’ – ‘were’ – ‘been’. Other examples include: mouse/mice, louse/lice, catch/caught, go/went, etc. Matthews is of the view that suppletion is any alternation which cannot be explained by any rule (94). For instance, the English bound plural form (morpheme) /-en/ added to the underlying form ‘ox’ is a suppletive alternative of /– s; – z’; – iz/ because English grammar 64 has no rule for the occurrence of the alternant. Furthermore, Asher extends the term ‘suppletion’ to a much commoner phenomenon whereby different affixes fulfill the same inflectional function, e.g. the different plural suffixes ‘books’, ‘children’, ‘formulae’, etc (58). According to Aronoff and Fudeman suppletion takes place when the syntax requires a form of a lexeme that is not morphologically predictable (168). They cite the example of the paradigm for the verb is which is characterized by suppletion. Thus, am, are, is, was, were and be have completely different phonological shapes, which are not predictable on the basis of the paradigms of other English verbs. In addition to that, suppletion could be found with pronouns; compare I and me or she and her. Other examples of complete suppletion could be found in verbs (e.g. go – went, is – was); nouns (e.g. louse – lice); adjectives (e.g. some - much - most), etc. Examples of suppletion given by Rubba (204) include: (a) be – am – are – is – was – were – been (b) go – went – gone (c) good – better – best (d) bad – worse – worst (e) some – more – most Fromkin and Rodman posit that some English words tend to violate the regular rules of inflectional morphology in forming their plurals (nouns) or past form (verbs). These irregular forms must be listed separately in our mental lexicons as suppletive forms. That is, one cannot use the regular rules of inflectional morphology to add affixes to words that are exceptions like ‘bring/brought’, but must replace the non-inflected form with another word (92). 65 4.3.2 Partial Modification in English Different linguists will inexorably view and describe things differently. Based on Matthews’ division, partial suppletion is otherwise known as vowel change because it involves a process whereby changes occur in words as a result of changes in vowels (136). According to Aronoff and Fudeman, in certain cases, such as with catch – caught or think – thought and other similar verbs like them in English, it is most convenient to speak of partial suppletion. In these cases, the initial phoneme or phonemes of the word remain the same, but there is both internal change and change to the end of the word (loss of segments) and addition of a past tense indicator [t] as in: think – thought, sleep –slept etc (168). Matthews also posits that in English the partial modification of man to men is an obvious example; another is the more extensive change in ‘catch’ - ‘caught’ or ‘teach’ ‘taught’, vowel change – [æ] - [e] (as in man – men), [i] - [æ] (as in sing - sang and [^] in sung), [u:] - [o] (as in shoot - shot), [au] - [ai] (as in mouse - mice), conversely [ai] - [au] (as in find - found). In postulating vowel change or any other sort of ‘change’, one has to check that the direction of the process can be justified as seen in the examples below: (136) (a) Examples of vowel change in the formation of plurals: woman – women foot – feet tooth – teeth goose – geese (b) Examples of vowel change in the formation of past tense: come – came blow – blew grow – grew 66 Another type of modification involves accent or tonal pattern, which, Matthews observes, is in close association with a process of affixation. Thus, when the shift accompanies the suffix, the suffixes always require the stress in that position; in such cases, the accentual modification can be seen as a direct repercussion of the process of suffixation (139). These instances occur in English word – formation. Examples in ‘generation’ or ‘automation’ the stress changes from its position in the bases ‘generate’ and ‘automate’ to the syllable before the suffix – ion. There is a pattern in English, for example, in which a noun is accented on the first syllable (‘conflict, ‘insult, ‘export) and a corresponding verb on the second (conf’lict, in’sult, ex’port). In most grammars, the noun is said to be derived from the verb. But an alternative view is that the two stress patterns (for nouns and verbs) are added equally to roots that, in themselves, are unaccented. In this analysis, both ‘conflict and conf”lict consist of the root conflict (unstressed) plus what has sometimes been called a ‘superfix’ – an accentual affix superimposed on it. Other examples of the stress change in English include: Nouns Verbs ‘refuse re’fuse ‘import im’port ‘export ex’port ‘combine com’bine ‘implant im’plant ‘transport trans’port According to the free encyclopedia (2008), this process is called stress shift. Here, stress shift is considered as another process of word-formation where no affix is added to the base, but the stress is shifted from one syllable to the other. With the stress shift comes a 67 change in category. For Yule, stress shift is termed “conversion”. Yule posits that “a change in the function of a word, for example, when a noun comes to be used as a verb (without any reduction), is generally known as ‘conversion’” (67). He (Yule) is of the view that conversion can be subdivided into: ‘category change’ and ‘functional shift’. He cites examples of nouns, such as ‘paper’, ‘butter’, ‘bottle’, and ‘vacation’, which can, via the process of conversion, come to be used as verbs, as in the following sentences: - He’s papering the bedroom walls. - Have you buttered the toast? - We bottled the home-brew last night. - They’re vacationing in France. Yule (67). Furthermore, the conversion process is particularly productive in modern English, with new uses occurring frequently. The conversion can involve verbs becoming nouns, with guess, must and spy as the sources of a guess, a must and a spy. More so, phrasal verbs (to print out, to take over) also become nouns (a printout, a takeover); one complex verb combination (want to be) has become a very useful noun as in: - He isn’t in the group, he’s just a wannabe. Verbs (see through, stand up) also become adjectives, as in see – through material or a stand-up comedian. Or adjectives, such as ‘dirty’, ‘empty’, ‘total’, ‘crazy’ and ‘nasty’, can become the verbs to dirty, to empty, to total, or the nouns a crazy and a nasty. One may even hear of “people doing the nasty”. Cornelius (2008), on his part, sees conversion as another highly productive wordformation process whereby a word class changes without any morphological marking. Examples: (1) - party (noun), party (verb) 68 - We will be at the party (noun). - They like to party (verb) (2) - Must (noun), must (verb) - It is a must that you call him (noun). - You must eat your soup (verb). Cornelius (2008) It should be borne in mind that conversion exists when it is clear that a word has been “copied” from one word class to another. 4.3.2.1 Subtraction The final subtype of modification, as Matthews observes, is of subtraction, otherwise known as “minus formation” (42). Subtraction has been dealt with many times since Bloomfield’s classic exposition in the 1930s, as observed Matthews He posits that subtraction can be seen where masculine in French seems to be derived from feminine, e.g. ‘bone’ (good) feminine - ‘bon’ (good) masculine (by the removal of /e/); ‘bonne’ feminine - ‘bo’ masculine (by the removal of /n/ with accompanying nasalization of /ﬤ/, etc. Furthermore, in English, subtraction could be noticed in some verbs when changed to past form, e.g. meet - met, bleed – bled, etc (43). Based on the findings, alternation otherwise known as modification has been identified as one of the processes of word-formation in English. Modification occurs when changes occur in words as a result of changes in vowels or the entire form of the word. When a whole word changes its form completely to form another, it is referred to as ‘suppletion’ in the words of Fudeman is of the same view with Asher, Matthew and Schane that complete modification or suppletion could not be predicted; hence could not be explained by any rule. 69 Furthermore, Fromkin and Rodman (199) accept such a view of irregularities in the formation of suppletion. To summarize this part, it appears important to mention that this work finds all works cited as vital even though there are deficiencies in some respects. Thus, for suppletion to be complete, it should be a whole modification in which the words are changed completely. These words could be either verbs derived from nouns, past forms of verbs derived from present forms or even adjectives derived from nouns, etc. Furthermore, it is observed that if vowels are changed to form another category of word, it is called partial modification. Aronoff and Fudeman observe that in such a process (what they termed ‘partial suppletion’); the initial phoneme(s) of the word is retained while changes occur internally on the vowel(s). The internal change could be a single vowel as in man - men; sing- sang or doubles as in tooth teeth, foot – feet, etc (245). Moreover, some linguists like: Bloomfield, Matthews, Yule and Cornelius identify other sub-types of modification, e.g. stress shift, conversion and subtraction. Yule’s contribution appears more explanatory because he divides stress shift, or what he and Cornelius call conversion, into two, namely: category change and functional shift (261). Matthews adds that modification could also be in the form of subtraction – this happens when vowel are removed from some words to form other words. This linguistic phenomenon mostly occurs in forming French words (182). It has been observed that in such cases, the last consonant is subtracted to derive masculine from feminine (in French). In English, subtraction may occur within the stem to form other words (meet - met). According to some linguists, this process should not be considered as one of the processes of vowel change or alternation of the operand, but rather a special instance of affixation, involving what has sometimes been called a ‘discontinuous morph’ (or morpheme realized ‘discontinuously’). 70 4.3.3 Partial Modification in Hausa We noted here that vowel alternation or modification in Hausa occurs only within verb stems and the derived forms are nouns. Thus, all the vowels alternate from the Hausa verb stems to noun forms, e.g. gaada inherit (verb) – gaadoo inheritance (noun) - vowel /a/ alternate with /o/; buga beat (verb) – buguu beat (noun) - vowel /a/ alternate with /u/; zaânaa draw (verb) – zaânee drawing (noun) – vowel /a/ alternate with /e/, etc. Consider the following cases given by Fagge (26): (i) /a/ alternating with /i/ Verb stem derived form gloss Tuukaa tuukii driving Taafaa taafii clapping tsaraa tsarii lying out buudaa buudii opening (ii) /a/ alternating with /u/ kaamaa kaamuu catching buga buguu beating saamaa saamuu obtaining (iii) /a/ alternating with /e/: kaamaa kaâmee catching zaanaa zaânee drawing aura aúree marriage jeeraa jẻeree arrangement (iv) /e/ alternating with /a/: 71 tseefee tsiifaa combing feekee fiikaa sharpening deebee diibaa plucks (v) /o/ alternating with /u/ sooyaa suuyaa frying googaa guugaa rubbing (vi) /a/ alternation with /o/ gaada gaadoo inherent toonaa toonoo dig gooyaa gooyoo carry on back Fagge (26). One important thing noticed by Rufa’i is that alternation, as a kind of derivation, is also combined with a change in tone pattern. In Hausa, according to him, specifically the tone of the first syllable (if the base is a verb) is normally high but becomes low after the derivation (9). Examples: Base Class Meaning Taafa V to clap dasa V saya Derived word Class Meaning taafii n(abst) clapping to plant dashee n(abst) planting V buy sayee n(abst) buying fasa V cut open fasoo n(abst) cutting buga V beat buguu n(abst) beating daama V mix daamuu n(abst) mixing ciiza V to bite ciizoo n(abst) biting jeefa V to throw jiifaa n(abst) throwing 72 Concerning partial modification, both the languages exhibit this feature. English, for instance, features it in verbs (while changing from present to past e.g. bleed – bled {/i: / - /e/}) and nouns (while forming their plurals e.g. louse –lice {/au/ - /ai/}). In Hausa, on the other hand, vowel modification or alternation takes place where the root word is altered (basically the vowels) and it occurs with a change in tone pattern. Specifically, the tone of the first syllable (if the base is a verb) is normally high but becomes low after the derivation. Thus the alternation occurs from the verb stems to noun forms, as in auraa (to marry) – verb – auree (marriage) – noun {/a/ – /e/}. Thus, the research revealed that alternation in Hausa creates noun forms from verb forms. 4.4 Backformation One of the productive words – formation processes of English is backformation but Hausa lacks it. Some English words appear ‘naturally’ with morphemes that seem to be affixes. Some words are, therefore, created by removing such morphemes. Such words are mostly nouns and the created words are verbs (that is, nouns are backformed into verbs) as in: editor – edit. 4.5 Blending This is a common process of word-formation in English, however Hausa does not employ this process in forming any of its words; thus parts of two words are taken – blending the initial position of the first word with the final position of the second word and a new word is created; for instance: television + broadcast – tele (vision) + (broad) cast = telecast. Many English words have originally come out through the process of blending. Thus, many linguists such as: Quirk and Greenbaum (449), Yule (66), Fromkin and Rodman (89), Rubba (64), among others, cite some examples of words formed via blending, e.g. –brunch (‘a meal subsuming breakfast and lunch’) is derived from 73 br (eakfast) + (l) unch. - motel from motor + hotel. - smog, from smoke + fog - transistor from transfer + resistor - spork from spoon + fork - chunnel from channel + tunnel - chortle from chuckle + snort - bit from binary + digit - urinalysis from urine + analysis - crabapple from cranberry + apple - broasted from broiled + roasted - telethon from television + marathon, etc Furthermore, in order to describe the mixing of languages, people use terms which are formed via blending. For instance, Franglais (French + English), Spanglish (Spanish + English), Hinglish (Hindi + English), Tanglish (Tamil + English), Banglish (Bangla + English), Taglish (Tagalog + English), and in the Nigerian context, we come across Engausa (English + Hausa), etc. This research has shown that even though both compounding and blending use a combination of words, blending takes only a part of each word (the other part is deleted), while compounding combines the whole words to create new words. 4.6 Borrowing Borrowing is a linguistic feature that not only English and Hausa exhibit in forming their new terms, but it appears universal to all living languages. English, for instance, borrows words from several languages of the world like Arabic,Bantu, Dutch, German, African languages, just to mention a few. Hausa employs borrowing too which increases its vocabulary. In Hausa, borrowing differs on two grounds: the level of contact between the two languages concerned and the level of dependency on the donor language by the borrowing language. Thus, Hausa borrows numerous words from the two international languages it comes in contact with: English and Arabic. Linguists like Ahmed Daura (70) observes that two devices have commonly been employed while borrowing words from Arabic to Hausa. 74 (1) By changing the form of the source words to reflect the structural form of the Hausa language e.g. littafi from kitabun (book) allo from allauh (slate), Annabi from Annabiyu (Prophet) etc. (2) By adopting the source words as they are in their Arabic form e.g. addu’a (prayer), jarida (newspaper), Kur’ani (Qur’an) etc. Due to intimate contact with similar Arabic words the original meaning of some Hausa words has been slightly changed and adopted their Arabic counterparts as in: The original Hausa words The adopted Arabic words Gloss Ubangiji Allah God Kushewa Kabari Grave Sani Ilimi Knowledge Tsotsayi Hadari accident Thus, some Hausa linguists, such as Abubakar (172), Zarruk (78) and Wurma (197), suggest some Hausa words that are borrowed from Arabic in relation to religion, administration, judiciary, scholarship, food, dress, days, accounting, culture, etc. Examples of such words include: Hausa Arabic Gloss Allah Allah God annabi an-nabiy prophet Religion sallaa salat prayer daulaa daulatun kingdom mulkii mulkun administration hukumaa mukumatun government Administration 75 sharriaa sharia law hukumcii hukum judgment adalcii al -adl justice maalamii mu’allim teacher daalibii talibun student darasii darasun lesson sukarii sukkarun sugar albasaa al-basl onion inabii inabun grape kaftaanii kaftan long shirt for men jabbaa jubbatun sleeveless gown farmalan hurmulatun waist coat asabar al-sibr Saturday alhamis al-khamis Thursday jumuaa al-juma’a Friday ishirin ishirun twenty talaatin thalathun thirty arbain arba’un forty Judiciary Scholarship Food Dress Days Accounting 76 saabuluu sabunn soap kazantaa gazaratun dirty Customs janaa’izaa janaza funeral etc It is found out that borrowing Arabic words in these areas is likely to continue as a result of change of governments, people’s way of life and economy. These changes, however, are not hidden; as such the media houses will continue to search for words that will explain these changes. Furthermore, it should be noticed that Hausa people have been borrowing many scientific, technical as well as economic words from languages in their bid to write science in Hausa: scientific researches are being conducted because of the ever increasing demand of our lives. However, the borrowed words should be simple and easy to pronounce by Hausa people. The contact with the British has paved the way for the intrusion of new ideas, concepts, education and technology into the Hausa social life. Thus, it was natural for Hausa to adopt the English strange words in relation to administration, judiciary, security, scholarship, science and technology, trade, food, dress, etc. Some of these words include the following: Hausa English gwamnaà governor kwamishinaà commissioner ministaà minister jooji judge lauyaà lawyer kootu court Administration Judiciary 77 samanja sergeant - major sufeetoò inspector Security manjo major furaamaareè primary school furincifal principal digirii degree Scholarship janareetoo generator lantarkii electricity Science and technology reediyoo radio bankii bank farashii price kamfanii company burodi bread ket cake farfeesuu pepper soup kwat coat shat shirt Trade Food dress singileeti singlet etc This is far from being a complete list of the borrowed words, but it will suffice to give the reader an insight of the extent to which Hausa is indebted. The present study has, 78 however, found this linguistic borrowing useful for showing the extent to which English (a language that has survived through borrowing) has, in turn, given words to Hausa. Also Salim Bala explains the linguistic borrowing of English loan words in Hausa by showing the various assimilative processes in which English words undergo (through phonetic modification and adaptation) to rhyme like the original Hausa words (98). Furthermore, Rufa’i identifies two processes which could be discussed under borrowing: loan blending and loan shift (15). 4.6.1 Loan Blending According to Rufa’i (15), loan blending is: The process part of a model language. That is from the receiver idea or meaning. of creating new idioms whereby borrowers adopt and replace part of it with something in their something from the giver language and something language are blended together to give a different Consider the following: Arabic Meaning Hausa Meaning jaahilii an ignorant person jaahilcii ignorance makirii a cunny person maakircii cunningness shakiyancii roguery shakiyyi rogue Here, agentive nouns in Arabic have Hausa suffixes added to them to give common nouns in Hausa. For instance, Hausa borrowed the word ”jaahil” and then blend it with the Hausa suffix “cii” to create the word “jaahilcii”. 4.6.2 Loan Shift Another feature of borrowing, which involves lexical and semantic changes, is loan shift. Rufa’i (ibid) is of the view that loan shift could be called loan translation or semantic 79 loan. He cites examples of a few Arabic loan words; the Arabic models carrying one meaning and another after they have been borrowed into Hausa. Arabic model meaning Hausa loan meaning al’aayaa verse laayaa amulet al’azan call to prayer laadan prayer caller ard land lardii provinc In sum, borrowing has been recognized as one of the major processes of forming Hausa words. As already mentioned, we have seen that Hausa borrows a great deal of its vocabulary form Arabic because of the continuous contact that exists between Arabic and Hausa languages. Furthermore, Hausa also borrows from English to build up its vocabulary even though that of Arabic is greater. We should note that Arabic and English are not the only languages that Hausa lay its hands on in terms of borrowing, but they are of the fore front. Thus, Hausa borrows from local languages too (the Nigerian languages that surround it), for instance, Yoruba, Kanuri, Fulfulde and Nupe. Furthermore, a special type of borrowing called calque or loan translation exist, both in English and Hausa. In this process, a direct translation of the elements of words takes place in the borrowed language into the target language. For instance, the French word ‘ungratteciel’ was literally translated to ‘a scrape – sky’ which English loan it as ‘skyscraper’; others include: Donor Target language The words Donor Target language The words German English Lehwort loan-word German English Ubermensch Superman French English Ungrattecial Superman 80 In Hausa, on the other hand, Rufa’i (15) identifies two processes of calque that Hausa employs: loan blending and loan shift. Creative new idioms by blending some parts of the giver language and some part of the receiver language to give a different idea or meaning is considered as loan blending e.g. ‘jaahil’ is an Arabic word which means ‘ignorant’; Hausa takes the word and blended it with a Hausa suffix “cii” to creat the word “jahilcii”. Loan shift or what He calls semantic loan involves lexical and semantic changes. Examples: “ard” means land but when Hausa loan it, it becomes ‘lardii’ which is semantically shift to ‘province’. 4.7 Clipping Clipping is a very common linguistic phenomenon in English. Thus, a lot of English words are formed via clipping, such as fax (‘facsimile’), gas (‘gasoline’), bra (‘brassiere’), cab (‘cabriolet’), ad (‘advertisement’), condo (‘condominium’), fan (‘fanatic’), sitcom (‘situation comedy’), phone (‘telephone’), plane (‘airplane’), bro (‘brother’), pro (‘professional’), veg (‘vegetate’ as in veg out in front of the TV), sub (‘substitute or submarine’), info (‘information’), flu (‘influenza’), etc. Furthermore, Yule (66) observes that the educational sector encourages clipping because many words that underwent clipping could be found there; he says that “there must be something about educational environments that encourages clipping because just about every word gets reduced as in chem, exam, gym, lab, math, polysci, prof, and typo.Yule” (66). Similarly, English speakers like to clip each others names – that is, what Aronoff and Fudeman (216) called nicknames as in Al (‘Albert’), Ed (‘Edward’), Rob (‘Robert’), Trish (‘Patricia’), Sue (‘Susan’), Tom (‘Thomas’), Sam (‘Samuel’), etc. 4.7.1 Types of Clipping Clipping in English, according to Cornelius (154), could be divided into three types: 81 (1) Front clipping – This is the process of trimming words in the front. In this order, the front syllable is taken to stand as a word. For example: airplane - plane, telephone phone, etc. (2) Back clipping – This is another process of clipping where the trimming takes place in the back thus, the back syllable is trimmed. For instance: advertisement - ad, gasoline - gas, fanatic - fan, polytechnic - poly, etc. (3) Front and back clipping – This is where the clipping process takes place both in front and back of the word, for example, Influenza – flu, etc. However, Fagge posits that clipping in Hausa is of two types: back-clipping and front – clipping (21). By way of an example, let us consider the following cases: a. Back - clipping: (i) Personal names Full Form Clipped Form Abubakar Bukar Muhammad Madu/Muda Khadija Dija/Dije Aishatu Shatu (ii) Names of items Apart from names of people as mentioned above, back clipping could be noticed in other names (of items), such as: Full form clipping form gloss kuskure kure make a mistake kwakwalwa kwalwa brain substance hajiijuwa juwaa giddiness 82 b. Front – clipping Full form clipping form gloss fate – fate fate a musky food kuli – kuli kuli groundnut cake It has been found that in English many words happen to be clipped related to education sector, names of people and other fields of endeavor, for example: poly (polytechnic), Chris (Christopher) and fan (fanatic), respectively. However, in Hausa, clipping occurs either in personal names or other sectors; excluding the educational sector, for example: Manu (Sulaimanu) and kure (kuskure). Furthermore, the research revealed that in English three types of clipping are observed: front, back and the combination of the two (front and back), while in Hausa the first two are common. More so, one important thing to put into cognizance is that even though blending and clipping may appear similar, yet clipping takes place within a single existing word, while blending takes place between two words. We should noe here that, though clipping appears common in English, it is rather informal than formal. 4.8 Coinage This fature is found only in English but Hausa lacks it. In English, therefore, different sources of words that are formed via coinage include invented trade names, brand names and words from Greek, as well as names of the company inventors. Examples: Kodak Nylon Invented trade names Orion Dacron 83 Xerox Kleenex Brand names Jell-O Vaseline Thermometer (from “Thermos hot” plus “metron” nesure) Acrophobia (from akros “topmost” and phobia “fear”) From Greek words Pornophobia (from prone “harlot” and phobia “fear”) Sandwich Hoover Celsius Hertz etc. 4.9 Compounding Compounding is a common process of word- formation that exists both in English and Hausa. 4.9.1 The Elements of Compounding in English Asher observes that compounding is a linguistic unit, which is composed of elements that function independently in other circumstances (94). This brings the question of how many elements make a compound. According to Fromkin and Rodman, compounds may contain two or more free roots, thus, some compounds have more than one root and bound morpheme, as in ‘wastepaper basket’; ‘waste’ + ‘paper’ + ‘basket’ and ‘truck pusher’; ‘truck’ + ‘push’ + ‘er’ (34). The compounds of English words, therefore, may consist of two or more words, which could be either from different categories or even from the same category of words. 84 Though two-word compounds are the most common in English, it would be difficult to state an upper limit, for instance, ‘three-time loser’. Other examples of compound words include the following: (a) Two-word compounds: - classroom = class + room - skyscraper = sky + scraper - wallpaper = wall + paper - good-looking = good + looking - full-time = full + time (ibid) (b) More than two – word compounds These are group of compounds, which are formed with more than one root words, thus; - commander – in – chief = commander + in + chief - brother – in – law = brother + in + law - second – in – command = second + in + command - sergeant – at – arms = sergeant + at + arms - mother – of – pearl = mother + of + pearl (ibid) - four-dimensional-space-time = four + dimensional + space + time This shows that the elements of compounds could be two, three, four (as in fourdimensional–space-time) or even more (as observed in the example given by Aronoff and Fudeman (2005) – “She is a high voltage electricity grid systems supervisor”). 4.9.2 The Elements of Hausa Compounds According to Rufa’i compounding, in Hausa, involves several combinations of elements, such as noun + noun, verb + noun, adjective + noun and some others (2). Examples: (i) Noun + noun bakan – gizo (bow of spider) = rainbow; 85 karen – motaa (dog of motor) = bus or truck attendant ‘yar – sandaa (daughter of stick) = police woman (ibid) (ii) Verbal noun + noun kisan – kai (killing of head) = murder jin – kai (hearing of head/self) = arrogance cin – zumaa (eating of honey) = collection of honey from bee hives usually by using smoke to drive the bees away (ibid). (iii) Verbal noun + noun hada – kai (joining head) = unity auna – arziki (weigh wealth) = escape danger or evil happening baata – rai (spoil soul) = to be angry (ibid) (iv) Adjective + Noun bakin – jinii (darkness of blood) = being hated jan-halii (red character) = bravery farar-zuuciyaa (white heart) = good intention or good will (ibid). 4.9.3 Noun Compounds in English and Hausa In English noun compounds are those compounds that perform the functions of nouns, while in Hausa, they are the compounds which consist of two noun bases for the formation of compound nouns. Thus, in English, for instance, noun compounds could have the combination of some elements which include: subject and verb (e.g. earthquake), verb and object (e.g. call – girl), verb and adverbial (e.g. walking stick), verbless compounds (e.g. blood stain) and Bahuvrihi compounds (e.g. blockhead). In Hausa, on the other hand, the 86 structure of noun compounds are always noun + noun as in ilimin manya (adult education), mulkin- kai (self independence), juuyin mulki (coup d’etat) etc. 4.9.4 Adjective Compounds in English and Hausa Adjective compounds, in English, are those compounds that function as adjectives; while in Hausa, they are the compounds that are based with adjectival morphemes – in other words, they have adjectives as their core. The English adjective compounds are formed with the help of different elements such as: verb and object (e.g. breath-taking), verb and adverbial (e.g. law – abiding) and verb less compounds (e.g. homesick). Hausa adjective compounds, on the other hand, are formed with the help of ‘adjective + noun’ formula as in gajen-hakurii (impatience). 4.9.5 Verb Compounds in English and Hausa Verb compounds, in English, are those compounds which act as verbs such as ‘sight see and baby – sit’ while in Hausa, verb – based compounds are those compounds which have verbs as their core, as in gamoo-da-katar (accidental fortune). Apart from those discussed so far, Hausa has additional categories of compounds which do not exist in English, for instance: adverb – based compounds (shekaran-jiya – day before yesterday), adverbial compounds (dazu-dazu– a while ago), and idiophone – based compounds (subul da baka – slip of tongue) and pronoun based compounds (Ta annabi, a feminine nick name). 4.9.6 The Elements of Hausa and English Compounds Several elements combine together to make both English and Hausa compounds. These elements obviously function independently in other circumstances as Asher (1994) and Rufa’i (1979) confirm. Thus, both English and Hausa compounds could contain two elements, three elements or even more. However, Fromkin and Rodman (84) observe that English compounds may contain two or more free roots thus, some compounds have more than one 87 root and bound morpheme as in table – cleaner = ‘table’ + ‘clean’ + ‘er’; where ‘table’ and ‘clean’ are roots and ‘er’ is a bound morpheme (which has a semantic value of ‘doer of’); while Hausa compounds may contain two or more roots but no bounds morpheme is employed here as in: wasan – kwaikwayoo (play or drama), ‘yan – fashii (armed robbers) and rufaa – ido (trick) where each element may stand as a root or a free morpheme. Let us look at some examples on the two languages: cat lover finger print Two word compounds in English white wash fidda kai (charity) cin – hancii (corruption) Two word compounds in Hausa jan – halii (courage) mother – in – law More than two word compounds in English four – dimensional space – time nagari – na – kowa (upright person) More than two word Compounds in Hausa yaakii – da – jahilci (literacy education) Now, it is important to observe that the combination of the elements that makes English compounds and Hausa compounds differs. Hence, whereas some elements could be combined to make compounds in both the languages, some elements could be used in just one language for instance, noun + noun, verbal noun + noun, verb + noun, adjective + noun could be found in English and Hausa. However, combinations such as adjective + adjective, noun + adjective, verb + adjective, adjective + verb, noun + verb, noun + -ing participle, noun + -ed participle and adjective or adverb + -ing participle could only be found in Hausa. 88 To sum it up, compounding as a process of word-formation plays a vital role in words creation not only in Hausa, but in other languages of the world, e.g. English and Arabic. As seen so far, compounding helps to form many of the English and Hausa words, far more than those mentioned in this research work. The research finds this very important because it helps in displaying the unification of linguistic elements existing in different languages of the world. 4.10 Reduplication Reduplication has to do with morphemic repetition. It is a morphological process that both English and Hausa use while building some of their vocabularies. It could be full or partial as Rufa’i (10), Al-Hassan (22), Aronoff and Fudeman (265) and Encyclopedia (2008) posit. 4.10.1 Types of Reduplication in English and Hausa According to Rufa’i, duplication can be either full or partial. A partial duplication is the one in which a part of a base morpheme is reduplicated. A full duplication is the one in which the base as a whole is duplicated (10). Furthermore, Al-Hassan posits that two types of reduplication may occur in a language: complete reduplication, where the whole word is copied and partial reduplication, where only a part of the word is copied (220). 4.10.1.1 Complete Reduplication in English and Hausa The complete reduplication is otherwise known as total or full reduplication, which occurs when the whole word is copied. In other words, complete reduplication takes place when the whole of the operand is reduplicated, that is, completely repeated. In the words of Rufa’i (265), complete reduplication occurs when the base of a word is repeated. Quirk and Greenbaum (448) and Aronoff and Fudeman (167) observe that most reduplications are highly informal or familiar, many of which are derived from the nursery (e.g. ‘din – din’ for dinner) 89 or children acquiring language (for instance, an English speaking child says ‘shoe’ for one shoe, but ‘shoe shoe’ (complete reduplication) for two shoes. Furthermore, Matthews (1974, cited in Agezi (20) observes that reduplication in English may be: a. Suffixal – suffixal reduplication occurs when the end of the base is repeated. b. Infixal – Infixal reduplication happens in a case where the structure of the base itself is broken into parts and reduplication formative comes at the middle. c. Prefixal or initial – In this kind of reduplication, the reduplicated formative is added before the base and it is the beginning of the base which is repeated (Matthews 310). Quirk and Greenbaum have agreed with the above classification that “this difference between the two elements (involve in reduplication) may be in the initial consonants, as in walkie-talkie or in the medial vowels e.g. criss-cross” (Quirk and Greenbaum 448). At this juncture, it should be observed that even though reduplication could be categorized into two bases – in one base, reduplication is viewed according to its morphemic analysis (where three groups – suffixal, infixal or prefixal reduplication are realized). In the other base, reduplication is viewed according to the processes where changes occur on the reduplicative (here: partial and complete reduplications are observed). Though the general categorization is the latter, yet the former is also important morphologically. 4.10.1.2 Complete Reduplication in Hausa (Cikakka Nannage) Complete reduplication or full duplication as in the words of Rufa’i, occurs when the base of a word is repeated. In his view, Rufa’i mentions that an area in which we see much of full duplication is idiophones. Examples: lakakai – lakakai (slowly) kyamus – kyamus (thin) lif – lif – (blooming - as when trees grow green leaves) (ibid) 90 According to Fagge ( 36), complete reduplication in Hausa, occurs in three areas: (a) Qualification compounds These happen when words are reduplicated to indicate an amount or number of things. Thus, it is produced by a complete reduplication of the stem base. Consider the following examples: Words Complete reduplication derived rumbu (store) rumbu-rumbu (in storages) jaka (bag) jaka-jaka (in bags) dami (bundle) dami-dami (in bundles) (ibid) (b) Numerical compounds Numerical compounds could be produced by complete reduplication of the base. Consider the following cases; Word Complete reduplication uku (three) uku – uku (in threes) hudu (four) hudu – hudu (in fours) biyar (five) biyar – biyar (in fives) (ibid) (c) Color based compounds These occur when colors are produced through complete reduplication of the stem base (of colors). Consider the following cases Word rawaya (yellow) Complete reduplication derived form rawaya – rawaya (yellowish) fari (white) fari – fari (whitish) jaa (red) jaa – jaa (reddish) (ibid) 91 Furthermore, Al-Hassan (22) posits that complete reduplication could show pluralization, intensification and detensification. (i) Pluralization Salim (198) is of the view that reduplicative pluralization occurs in Hausa when the base (singular) is reduplicated to form the plural of a simple nominal; he says: “In the case of simple nominal, the singular base form is simply repeated with no change either segmentally or tonally”. He goes further to cite examples: Singular Plural yaakii (war) yake – yake (wars) zaagii (abuse) zaage – zaage (abuses) buguu (to hit) buge – buge (to hit several times) (ibid) (ii) Intensification Reduplication could occur in full form in Hausa to show intensification. For intensification, the base form is copied without any segmental or tonal change. Examples: Simple forms Intensified form yau (today) yau – yau (compulsorily, today) yanzu (now) yanzu – yanzu (immediately) kusa (near) kusa – kusa (very much close) (ibid). (iii) Detensification Complete reduplication occurs to show detensification in Hausa. In detensification, there is a segmental change, shortening the final vowel of the base form in the reduplicated form. Examples: Simple form Detensified form bakii (black) baki – baki (blackish) 92 doogoo (tall) doogo – doogo (not quite tall) mahaukacii (lunatic) mahaukaci – mahaukaci (not quite mad) (ibid) 4.10.1.3 Partial Reduplication in English and Hausa Reduplication is said to be partial when only part of the operand or root is reduplicated. Matthews (134) affirms that “It is partial (in the sense that only part of the base is reduplicated), and it is prefixal and initial (in the sense that the reduplicative form is added before the base and it is the beginning of the base which is repeated” (Matthews (134). Examples of partial reduplication include zigzag, rift – raft, tip – top, wishy - washy, higgledy – piggleddy, etc. 4.10.1.4 Partial Reduplication in Hausa (Ragaggen Nannage) Partial reduplication occurs when a part of the stem base is duplicated –the part could be the initial part of the base, the medial part of the base or even the final part of the base as Al-Hassan (24) observes: “Partial reduplication involves the copying of only part of the word”. According to him, partial reduplication in Hausa is of two types “the first is the one in which three consecutive phonemes in the word, the second of which is a syllabic are copied, thus in isolation the copied form represents a syllable in Hausa – the CVC type the second one is that in which a consonant in the root is copied in the reduplicated form” Al- Hassan (24). (a) CVC reduplication In Hausa, this kind of reduplication occurs in two respects: intensivization and derivation of adjectival nouns. (i) Intensivization. Examples: Verb Derived form saaree (to cut) sassaaree (cut several times) gyaaraa (to repair or arrange) gyaggyaara (arrange several times) keewayaa (to go round) kekkeewayaa (circumnavigation) (ibid) 93 (ii) Derivation of adjectival nouns. Examples: Nouns Adjectival nouns karfii (strength) kakkarfaa (somebody strong or something hard) kyaawoo (beauty) kyakkyaawaa (somebody or something beautiful) saukii (cheap/simple) sassaukaa (something cheap or somebody simple) (b) Consonantal reduplication Consonantal reduplication occurs in two ways in Hausa, as Al-Hassan (25– 26) observes. According to him, partial reduplication in form of consonantal reduplication is employed in forming some Hausa plural words and in the derivation of exclamatory adjectives. (i) Pluralization In pluralization, the reduplication of the last consonant in the base form is accompanied by a change of last vowel. Where the change of vowel is from a front to a central or back vowel, depalatlization occurs. The tonal pattern of the singular form is H - L while the plural form is either L – H or HL – H. Examples: Noun plural form muuguu (wicked man) muggaa (wicked people) tuduu (hill) tuddai (hills) reeshee (branch) rassaa (branches) (ibid) (ii) Derivation of exclamatory adjectives In the derivation of exclamatory adjectives, the last consonant of the base word is copied and inserted between two long /e/’s. The tone pattern of the base word is H – L (H), while the exclamatory adjective has a low tone on the last syllable. All other syllables carry high tone. Base form exclamatory adjectives 94 shirgi! (What a head!) shirgeegee! dirki! (What a thrust!) dirkeekee! malkwadi! (What a disfiguration!) malkwadeedee! (ibid) According to Rufa’i (10), partial reduplication is generally prefixal, e.g. yanka (cut) yayyanka (cut several times) hankada (push) hahhankada (push several times) lauya (blend) lallauya (bend several times) (ibid) Fagge (37) posits that partial reduplication could be used to form some numerals in Hausa. For instance: daddaya (one by one), bibbiyu (in twos), hurhudu (in fours), etc. Based on the analysis, it is found that complete reduplication occurs in both English and Hausa. Some English linguists like Quirk and Greenbaum (448) and Aronoff and Fudeman (167) are of the view that most of the English reduplicatives are highly informal or familiar and many are, therefore, derived from the nursery or while English children are acquiring language. This shows that there are few English words that are formed via complete reduplication. Hausa, on the other hand, creates a lot of its vocabularies with the help of the process of complete reduplication. For instance, Rufa’i posits that an area in which we see much of it in Hausa is idiophones e.g. kif-kif (vigorously – as of walking on hard surface). Fagge (36) adds that it could also be found in three areas: qualification compounds, numerical compounds and color-based compounds, as in dami-dami (in bundles), tara- tara (in nines) and baki – baki (blackish), respectively. In addition to that, Al- Hassan (22) posits that complete reduplication could also be, in Hausa, to show pluralization (e.g. yakeyake – wars), intensification (e.g. gobe-gobe – surely tomorrow) and detensification (e.g. mahaukakimahaukaci – not quite mad). 95 Concerning partial reduplication, it occurs in both English and Hausa. In English, it occurs in a prefixal position that is when the beginning of the base is repeated e. g. zigzag. In Hausa, however, it occurs when part of the stem base is duplicated which could be either initially (as that of English), medial or even final part of the base as Al-Hassan (24) observes. Furthermore, while English has only one type of partial reduplication, Hausa has two types: CVC (as in fesa – {spray} – the stem base – fef {prefix} +fesa {the base} = feffesa {the derived form}); or consonantal reduplication (as in takobi {sword}-the base form – takubba {swords} i.e. reduplication of the last consonant). In addition to that, reduplication could be viewed on its morphemic analysis. Based on that, therefore, partial reduplication in English may be suffixal, infixal or prefixal as Mathews (1974, cited in Agezi 28) and Quirk and Greenbaum (448) observe; for instance, walkie – talkie, zigzag and criss –cross. In Hausa, on the other hand, partial reduplication is generally prefixal as in: hankada (push) – the base form hah (prefix) + hankada - the base = hahhahnkada (push several times) – the derived form At this juncture, a sample of the comparative analysis is given in a tabular form as shown below; 96 4.11 Morphological Processes Across The Two Languages Process Acronym English Hausa i-Pronounced alphabetically e.g. KSA (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia) Remarks English forms several words via acronyms while Hausa lacks this feature; thus, it does not form words via acronyms. ii- pronounced as words but retain their capitals e.g. naca (national agency for the control of aids) iii- pronounced as words and lost their capitals e.g. zip (Zone Improvement Plan) Affixation i- dafa-goshi (prefixes)ba + hausa =bahaushe (Hausaman) ii- ma + sakaa = masakaa (weaving .factory) I – prefixes – dis + agree = disagree - co + existence = coexistence ii- Infixes-abso + blomin + lutely iii- dafa ciki (infixes)-turmi (motar) absoblominlutely - tur + a+ me = turame (mortars) iii – suffixes-beauty +fy = iii dafa-keya(suffixes). beautify - gafara + ta = gafarta (forgiveness) iv – circumfixes - un + count + able = uncountable -Whereas prefixes, infixes, and suffixes are common to both English and Hausa language,s circumfixes are common to English alone. - While infixatiiiion is formal in Hausa, it appears informal in English. 97 i- total modification-go-went -Total modification is not common in Hausa, but in English the feature is common. Alternation -be-was -think-thought ii partial modificationbegin-began- [i] –[a] Partial modificationGaada-gaado/a/---/0/ mouse-mice-[au]-[ai] - Both English and Hausa languages exhibit partial modification. Jeefa-jiifa /e/--- /i/ Backformatio n Words formed backformation: via -Even though English exhibits backformation, Hausa lacks the linguistic feature. -swindler-swindle -moving picture-movie -editor –edit Blending Borrowing Blended words: -Some English words are -breakfast + lunch = brunch formed via blending but -smoke + fog = smog Hausa could not use such -motor + hotel = motel linguistic feature to form any word I Borrowing words- alcohol i- borrowing words (from Arabic), robot, pistol (from Czench),boss (from -Ubangijii – Allah (God) Dutch), zebra (fromBantu) –sani—ilimi (knowledge) etc. - bokitii (bucket) - All the languages exhibit borrowing as a process of forming words. ii-calque– -loan word from lehnwort ii- calque- - Calque could also befound in English and Hausa languages 98 -superman from ubermensch - ard + ii =lardii (province) -jaahil+cii=jahilcii (ignourance) Clipping i- front clipping– -airplane –plane -Augustina-Tina i–front clipping – - fate – -Whereas front and back fate –fate ( a mushy food) AbubakarAbu (a clipping could be found in personal name) both the languages, the ii - back clipping – ii- back clipping – combination of the two could be found in English alone. -kwalwa-kwakwalwa (brain substance ) -bra – brassiere - gas – gasoline -juwaa-hajijuwa (giddiness) iii - front and back clipping – -flu – influenza Coinage i- invented trade names: Kodak, Xerox, Kleenex. This feature could be found in English but ii- names of inventors: sandwich, Volt, Jumbo iii- Brand names: Hausa lacks it. 99 Xerox, Vaseline iv- Greek origin: Thermometer, Acrophobia i – noun compounds: Compounding walking stick, earth quake, call – girl ii - adjectival compounds: breath – taking, home-sick, law – abiding iii - verb compounds: sight see, baby – sit i- noun –based compounds: i - Even though compounding is ilimin-kimiyya (adult education) mulkin- kai (self independence) juyin – mulki (coup d’ etet) found in both English and Hausa languages, the former exhibits fewer types (three times) than the ii-adjectivebasedcompounds: latter(seven times) farar –hulaa (civilian) gajen-hakuri (impatient) tsawon –rai (long life) ii-While each type tends to perform the functions their names represent, in English; in Hausa iii- verb –based compounds: the emphasis is not on function fasa –kwabri (smuggling) Formation. For instance, while but on the core-based of the noun compounds perform the girgizar–kasaa (earthquake) functions of nouns in English, noun-based those iv-adverb–basedcompounds: tsakar –gida (compound) compounds are formed with nouns as their core, in Hausa. 100 saman –bakwai (sky) v- adverbial compounds: yanzu–yanzu (immediately) nan – gaba (later) vi-idiophone–based compounds: kyal-kyal-banza (good for nothing) Subul-da-baka (slip of tongue) vii-pronoun–based compounds: kaa–shaa–maikoo (bridegroom) kaa –fi –zaboo (a kind of seasoning) Reduplication i- complete reduplication: i- complete reduplication din- din (dinner) ( cikakken nannage): i- Though it seems the two types of reduplication appear in the two shoe - shoe (shoes) (a)Idiophones: languages, Lakakai-lakakai(slowly) complete reduplication (b) qualification compounds: is considered formal in Hausa but Jaka-jaka ( in bags) highly informal in English (c) numerical compounds: Shida- shida (in sixes) 101 (d) color- based compounds: Kore-kore (greenish) ii-while complete reduplication is not freely realized in English, in (e) pluralization: Yake-yake (wars) Hausa it is commonly realized in forming several Words. (f) intensivazation): Yanzu-yanzu (immediately) (g) detensification: Gajere-gajere (not that short) iii- whereas in Hausa partial reduplication is use to show intensivization ii- partial reduplication: ii- partial reduplication and pluralization, in zig-zag rift – raft (ragaggen nannage): English it does not show Such. tip – top (a) CVC reduplication intensivization: saaree (to cut) sassaree (to cut several times) - derivation of adjectival nouns: Kaifii (sharp) – kakkaifa iv- whereas in Hausa partial reduplication is 102 used to derive adjectival (b)consonantal reduplication - pluralization: muuguu (wicked man) muggaa (wicked people) - exclamatory adjectives: Shirgi! (What a head!) Shirgeegee! nouns and exclamatory adjectives, in English they Could not be derived. 103 Chapter Five Research Findings, Summary, Recommendations and Conclusion 5.0 Introduction This chapter consists of the research findings based on the data collated summary of the research work, recommendations and conclusion. 5.1 The Research Findings The major findings of the study are listed as follows: (1) The English and Hausa languages form their words by using some processes, for instance, affixation, acronyms, alternation, blending, borrowing, clipping, compounding, reduplication, etc. (2) Affixes in Hausa have counterparts in English. For example: i. Hausa has prefixes, which could also be found in English; ii. Hausa uses a lot of suffixes, so also does English; iii. However, while infixes are common in Hausa, English realizes quite a few. Furthermore, circumfixes take the reversal position, while circumfixation occurs commonly in English. Hausa employs a little (none of it in creating words). (3) Hausa has morphemes in its structure like most languages, such as English. (4) Hausa employs word- formation processes just like English. For instance: (a) Hausa uses a lot of affixation to create some words likewise English. (b) Even though Hausa employs alternation in forming some words, it employs only one type, i.e. the partial, while English employs both partial and complete modifications. (c) Both English and Hausa borrow a lot of words from other languages of the world. 104 (d) Clipping, as one of the processes of forming words, is being used to form several English and Hausa words. However, while Hausa employs two types (front and back clipping), English employs three (front, back and a combination of the two). (e) Compounding is another common process of forming words in English and Hausa languages. Here, it is discovered that both the languages use nouns, verbs, and adjectives, etc. as their bases. Furthermore, the elements that make such compounds (in English as well as Hausa languages) could be two or more. (f) Even though Hausa and English employ reduplication in forming some words, it is realized that: (i) Complete reduplication is more common in Hausa and the derived words could be used formally, whereas English uses complete reduplication to create words, which are considered as highly informal. (ii) Concerning partial reduplication, it is realized that while in English it occurs at the initial position, in Hausa it occurs at initial, medial or even final positions. (5) Both Hausa and English languages employ many words- formation processes, such as coinage, backformation, borrowing / claque, etc. (6) Some of the processes of word- formation (in this study) could be found in both languages (e.g., affixation, alternation, borrowing, clipping, compounding and reduplication); others are employed by alone (e.g. acronyms, back-formation, blending, and coinage). Even though the researcher is not unaware of the fact that the findings are limited to the materials randomly sampled from texts, internet and native speakers’ constructions, he wishes to posit that such findings and discussions are generalizable within the context of comparative linguistic analysis. 105 5.2 Summary The work is an attempt to respond positively to the current trends of intellectualism from the point of view of language. It is the synchronic study revealing the similarities of genetically unrelated languages, which are contained in the linguistic structures of the languages under study. The Hausa and English languages were chosen to be worked upon comparatively by implication contrastively at the morphological level. It is presumed, in this work, that the two languages under comparison share a lot in their processes of word – formation, and it is only through an extensive research study that such an assumption can be affirmed. The work, therefore, investigated some processes of forming words in English and Hausa, which include: acronyms, affixation, alternation, backformation, blending, borrowing, clipping, coinage, compounding and reduplication. It, thus, looked at literature related to the topic, to enhance the effectiveness of some arguments. For a comparative analysis of the word-formation processes in English and Hausa, examples of each process in both languages were drawn. The researcher employed the descriptive analysis method in the analysis of his data. The approach is adopted, because, Nida emphasizes the idea that linguistic features and systems must be descriptive as they are – that is clearly (23). Based on this assertion, data for description and analysis were collected. So, these processes were compared in the two languages: English and Hausa, in that similarities and differences were realized and remarks were given. From the description, analysis and interpretation of the morphological processes in the two languages under comparison, the researcher comes up with some findings above. 106 5.3 Recommendations From the study undertaken, the following recommendations are made: All that have stake in the study of English and Hausa languages should know that these languages are of different origins and typologies. Therefore, attention should be paid to identifying where the differences and similarities exist. Teachers should learn from this study and be conversant with the differences and similarities in the word structures of the two languages. This is because the study will help the teacher to detect where to encounter problems. If such problems are not properly outlined, the learner is liable to commit errors in the English language. Teachers should emphasize teaching the differences where problems are arising using assorted prepared and improvised instructional materials and methods carefully chosen for planning and the development of actual classroom teaching of the target language. The use of oral drills and practices that are based on the English language word formation processes emphasizing how to surmount the negative transfer emanating from Hausa language should be employed. In a similar vein, teachers should take a gradual approach in the introduction of the different types of morphological processes based on inflection, derivation, modification, compounding and so on. Emphasis should be paid to their internal composition and constituents using affixes for clearer delineation of their immediate constituents. Curriculum designers/planners, educationists and theorists, authors and textbook writers in the English language in Hausa communities and schools should in their work reflect clearly the differences that exist between the word structures of English and Hausa. 107 Further researches should be done on English and Hausa morphological processes using Error and Needs Analysis approaches to save the on-coming grammar students and Hausa speakers of English from the problem of native language interferences. 5.4 Conclusion Learning by definition is relatively permanent change in behaviour as a result of past experience. It deals with the acquisition of new things and transfer of the existing habits that are compatible with the new knowledge progressively. Therefore, this study on Comparative Study of Morphological Processes in English and Hausa languages shows that the route to acceptable grammatical expressions is in the formation of correct word structures. However, this poses a lot of challenges and problems for many learners of English as a second language as a result of multi-dimensional linguistic factors which mother tongue interference is one of them. It is on record that word formation types are many in English. Yet, there is a high demand on the learners of English as a second language irrespective of his background to make correct grammatical expressions in both written and spoken communications. With the flexible rules governing word formation in English, a learner of English as a second language turns to overgeneralization based on analogy and similitude to form word structure. However this is rarely correct. As earlier noted in the Lado’s (1957) Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis, every language has its own peculiarities, though with certain similarities. 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