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Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa By Hleziphi Naomie Nyanungo (PhD) Introduction: an invitation It began with what seemed like an ambitious invitation at the time. We were invited to go to Bukavu to join many other women in a march against rape and other forms of sexual violence in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on October 17, 2010. The invitation was extended by participants from the DRC to participants from nine other different countries who were attending a feminism workshop held in Mutare, Zimbabwe. It seemed like an ambitious invitation for all of us to go to the DRC to participate in the march. However, with a little creativity, it turned out that we could indeed join the march in Bukavu. But instead of us all going to Bukavu, we could march wherever we were. A nd that is precisely what we did at Africa University campus, a private, pan-African University located in Zimbabwe’s Eastern Highlands. A group consisting of staff and students organised a march against rape and other forms of sexual violence. The campus march was held on October 20, 2010 as an expression of solidarity with the women who were marching in Bukavu. United by the cause, and committed to supporting the efforts of others, we made a public statement against sexual violence and commemorated victims and survivors of this violence. The experience of organising and participating in this solidarity activity affirmed for me the importance of solidarity in the feminist movement. Solidarity is indeed the essence of ‘sisterhood’ and is the core of efforts to fight against injustice. The aim of this paper is to share some of my lessons and reflections about solidarity drawn from this experience. The paper begins by looking at what is meant by the concept of solidarity, specifically feminist solidarity. This is followed by a discussion about factors that influence the level of feminist solidarity in southern Africa, and suggestions for how to improve and strengthen feminist solidarity in the region. 88 116 Feminist solidarity as political solidarity Solidarity is one of those words that is used in many different ways. Depending on the context, solidarity may be used to refer to feelings of harmony or support towards another or team spirit. At times, solidarity is used to mean expressions of sympathy or the sharing of some human experience. In spite of (or perhaps because of) its frequency in usage, the concept of solidarity is not easy to define. I have found the work of Sally Scholz (2008) to be instructive in attempting to define the concept of solidarity. According to Scholz, solidarity is a form of unity that moves people to action. There are many types of solidarity but Scholz asserts three characteristics that are salient. The first characteristic of solidarity is that it mediates between an individual and a community. Through solidarity, an individual is connected to a community, and the community exists because of these individuals. The second characteristic of solidarity is that it is a form of unity, something that binds people together. The third defining characteristic of solidarity is what Scholz refers to as “positive moral obligations” (Scholz, 2008). The idea of moral obligations entailed in the notion of solidarity means that there are duties that need to be fulfilled in any expression of solidarity. With these three characteristics, solidarity is summed up to be “a form of unity that mediates between individual and community and entails positive duties” (Scholz, 2008). Expanding on her theory of solidarity, Scholz (2008) presents three classifications of solidarity: social, civic and political. Social solidarity refers to group cohesiveness. Thus, when one feels a sense of connectedness to others merely on the basis of some shared group identity, one is experiencing social solidarity. This kind of solidarity is exhibited in forms of unity that are motivated by a sense of responsibility or obligation to people in the same group. It is social solidarity when one’s actions towards another are motivated by group membership, for example family, church or club. Civic solidarity, in contrast, pertains to the relationship between citizens within a political state. As explained by Scholz (2008), civic solidarity “is the idea that society has an obligation to protect its members through programmes that ensure that adequate basic needs are met.” Civic solidarity is observed through actions that include aid and welfare programmes to citizens within a country as well as citizens beyond the country’s borders (e.g. global development policies). The primary interest in civic solidarity is protecting citizens against conditions that would limit their participation in civic life. The third and final classification of solidarity put forth is political solidarity. Unlike social solidarity and civic solidarity, political solidarity is observed where the form of unity is a response to situations of injustice or oppression. It is not motivated by group identity but by a desire to change situations of injustice or oppression. Political solidarity is characterised by individuals making conscious choices and commitments by joining others to transform a particular situation of injustice or oppression. What unites people in political solidarity is a common cause, not membership or citizenship. In other words, we form a unity not on the basis of what we have in common but on the basis of a condition or situation that we want to change because we deem it to be unjust. Thus, political solidarity occurs even when people do not share a common history of oppression, or reside in the same location, or even have similar interests. What they would have in common is the desire to challenge a specific situation of injustice or oppression. Given that the goal of the feminist movement is to challenge the oppressive patriarchal system, feminist solidarity is, by definition, political solidarity (Dosekun, 2007, Mbire-Barungi, 1999). Therefore, feminist solidarity is a form of unity that seeks to transform situations of injustice and oppression due to gender inequality. There was a time when feminist solidarity – or as it is commonly referred to ‘sisterhood’ – was more social than political. That is to say, it was solidarity based on, and motivated by, group membership on the basis of shared oppression. Citing the works of feminist scholars such as Bell Hooks, Scholz (2008) explains that the notion of ‘sisterhood’ in feminist solidarity has evolved over the years from being one based on shared oppression (social solidarity) to one based on a common cause. This evolution came about as a result of increasing recognition within the feminist movement that the assumption upon which social solidarity was based was a false one. Social solidarity within the feminist movement assumed that the experiences of oppression were the same for all women regardless of their identity locations (race, class, age, geography and so forth). The reality is that women’s experiences are not the same. Feminists recognised that a unity based on the false assumption of sameness weakened the feminist movement. Unlike social solidarity, political solidarity is not based on group cohesiveness or membership, but on the common cause. Therefore, ‘sisterhood’, or feminist solidarity, is now more political in nature based on common causes, rather than common experiences. In other words, it is a solidarity not based solely on who we are but rather on what we are fighting for (and against). In this way, the feminist movement is strengthened by our differences while maintaining the focus on the struggle to end gender-based oppression. The role of solidarity in the feminist movement Some would argue with the assertion that solidarity is at the core of the feminist movement. But it is solidarity that nurtures and strengthens the movement. The stronger the solidarity, the greater the chances of successfully bringing attention to the issues, and advocating for change. Without solidarity, the movement will cease to exist. BUWA! A Journal on African Women's Experiences 89 116 Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa The expression of collective responsibility shapes the behaviour and attitudes of the individuals involved. Solidarity strengthens commitment to the cause as individuals sense a greater connection to a broader community. Solidarity allows us to connect with and support struggles to change situations of oppression wherever they are. We do not need to be in the same place to make an impact. This was one of the key things I took from the DRC solidarity march on our campus in 2010. At first we framed the activity as supporting the efforts of women in the DRC around the issue of sexual violence, particularly the use of rape as a weapon of war. We quickly realised that this was not just an issue concerning women in the DRC. It was about women and men everywhere. We came to the realisation that sexual violence was not their (Congolese women) issue but our issue. One male student from Liberia expressed how important this issue was for him personally because of close family relatives that had been victims of rape during the war in his country. He too carries scars of sexual terror from witnessing sexual terror inflicted on others. Similarly, one young woman from Zimbabwe connected what was happening in the DRC with the acts of sexual violence happening in her own country, even where there is no violent conflict. In the spirit of solidarity, we were able to connect our individual struggles to the broader community struggles. It is in this way that solidarity mediates between the individual and the community in an effort to bring about change. This simple act of solidarity also highlighted our interdependence and helped to strengthen our unity. We recognised that if rape can be used as a weapon of war in the DRC, then it will be used in other places. In some sense, there was recognition that none of us will be safe if the women in the DRC are not. Even though we may live in a different geographical location, our well-being depends on their well-being. Solidarity nurtures and strengthens the feminist movement in at least two ways. In one way, solidarity mobilises actors from different 90 116 geographic and identity locations to work together for a common cause. As people acting in solidarity from different locations, awareness is raised, pressure is mounted, and the impact is greater. This was certainly true with the march on campus. There were many people who had not paid much attention to this issue until this activity. Another way that solidarity nurtures and strengthens the feminist movement is in how it transforms those who are part of the solidarity group. The people that engage in solidarity action are transformed in the process. The expression of collective responsibility shapes the behaviour and attitudes of the individuals involved. Solidarity strengthens commitment to the cause as individuals sense a greater connection to a broader community. Acknowledging and appreciating our relationship to a broader community helps to make us feel like we are a part of a project larger than ourselves. In the spirit of solidarity, we know we are not alone in fighting the problem at hand. We saw evidence of this on campus after the solidarity march. Many of those involved committed themselves to a continued effort to do more to fight sexual violence. Since then, an advocacy group has been formed to work specifically on this issue. Solidarity in southern Africa Much of the focus around transnational feminist solidarity has been on the relationship between feminists in the global North and those in the global South (Mendoza, 2002, Mohanty, 2002, Mbire-Barungi, 1999, Mikell, 1995). Scholars and practitioners have been concerned with finding ways to nurture and strengthen solidarity across differences. There has been little focus on transnational feminist solidarity in the context of South-to-South relationships. I am particularly interested in political solidarity between and among feminists in southern Africa. As someone living and working in southern Africa (based in Zimbabwe), my personal observation is that there is much more we can do to improve political feminist solidarity in our region. In my experiences, instances of feminist solidarity in southern Africa are few and far between. I will qualify this statement by noting that there are many more instances of solidarity among feminist activists that are social in nature (based on group membership) than there are instances of solidarity that are political in nature. Political solidarity is exhibited in conscious and deliberate efforts to form unity around specific causes that advance the feminist agenda. There are several factors that may be contributing to this situation of limited feminist solidarity within the region. One factor may be that information sharing is poor. There is generally little that is known about issues and efforts faced in the different countries. Sometimes we may hear about a specific situation of gender injustice in a certain country but will not have sufficient information about activities being done in that country, so that we can support their efforts. Another factor that limits feminist solidarity in the region is resources. Resource constraints limit the amount of activity that we can undertake at any given time. Thus much of our emphasis in networking with others is placed on relationships where we see potential for financial and other forms of material support. This means less attention is given to solidarity activities for the sole purpose of advancing the cause. Furthermore, one of the consequences of this focus on resources is that there is competition among activists for funding. Solidarity is unlikely in a situation where we view each other as competitors. There are programmes that take place in more than one country, such as the 16 Days of Activism campaign that focus on a particular issue. Different organisations within and across different countries organise different activities to raise awareness and advocate on a particular issue, in this case, violence against women. However, with the exception of such institutionalised programmes, efforts to connect struggles within and beyond national boundaries appear to be few. Instead, there is a tendency to focus on the struggles within our own countries so that we are not able to appreciate how our struggles connect with the struggles of others in our region. For example, reducing domestic violence is a top priority for activists in many countries in the region but there are few, if any, efforts to connect the struggles in our individual countries beyond the commemoration of institutionalised programmes such as the 16 Days of Activism. This list of contributing factors I have presented is by no means exhaustive. I am certain there are more factors than those that I have listed here. The point is that there are many factors that may be behind the low level of feminist solidarity in southern Africa. In appreciating the importance of solidarity to the feminist cause, it is important to consider means and strategies for improving the situation. I propose a few strategies in the following section. Strengthening solidarity We learned about the Bukavu march against sexual violence at a feminism training course. The young women from the DRC who extended the invitation deserve congratulations for using the space to build solidarity. Their simple invitation was an invitation to the rest of us to be in solidarity with them. The lesson for all of us is that we should use transnational spaces to build solidarity. We should use these spaces and situations to draw upon our shared struggles and efforts as well as to invite others to join us in our efforts. More and more spaces are opening up for such interaction – from conferences and workshops to blogs and social-networking sites. Sharing information is an important step in building solidarity. Organising the solidarity march on campus was possible because we had some knowledge of the event planned in Bukavu. That provided guidelines for a specific activity while allowing us to develop an activity that suited our context. Activities done in solidarity need not be coordinated, but it does help to know about other activities. If the example of the campus solidarity is anything to go by, knowing what others are doing can be a motivating force for others to take action. Another lesson I take from this experience is the centrality of the cause in building and sustaining solidarity efforts. Political solidarity happens because people want to see the end to some injustice or situation of oppression. I have come to appreciate that when individuals are able to personally connect with a particular cause and the reason for it, they are moved to action. Political solidarity is not charity (actions done to help another), it is collective action taken to address a situation of injustice or oppression that affects us all. Guided by specific causes, feminist solidarity ends up being solidarity for feminist causes rather than being merely social solidarity amongst feminists. Conclusion: Come along sister! Come join us! That was the simple invitation that sparked the idea of a solidarity march on our campus. Inviting others and responding to the invitation of others will help us form united fronts to fight against oppression. However, we need not wait BUWA! A Journal on African Women's Experiences 91 116 Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa for formal invitations to engage in solidarity. The standing invitation is the cause around which we are rallying. The desire to end injustice is what unites us and is the basis of the solidarity. A chant recited at feminist gatherings that I have recently attended goes as follows: Call: Sister! Sister! Response: Sister! Call: Sister! Sister! Response: Go ahead Sister! The potential of ICT for young women’s organising By Jan Moolman In light of what has been discussed in this paper, I propose that the last line of this chant be changed from “Go ahead sister!” to “Come along sister” as an invitation to join in solidarity – feminist (political) solidarity that is based on our commitment to fighting injustice and oppression. Hleziphi Naomie Nyanungoh is a lecturer at the Institute of Peace, Leadership and Governance at Africa University. References Dosekun, S. (2007) 'Defending Feminism in Africa'. Postamble, 3, 41 - 48. Mbire- Barungi B. (1999) 'Ugandan Feminism: Political Rhetoric or Reality?' Women's Studies International Forum, 22, 435 - 439. Mendoza, B. (2002) 'Transnational feminism in question'. Feminist Theory, 3, 313-332. Mikell, G. (1995) 'African Feminism: Toward a New Politics of Representation'. Feminist Studies, 21, 405-424. Mohanty, C.T. (2002) "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist Solidarity through Anticapitalist Struggles. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 28, 500 - 535. Scholz, S. (2008) Political Solidarity, University Park, Pennsylvania, The Pennsylvania State University. 92 116 My first professional job was as an intern at a feminist journal in South Africa. It was the first time I had access to a computer outside of my university campus, where my interaction with what I understood as ‘technology’ was limited to just two ‘word-processing’ classes a week. As an intern I shared an email address with the editor. I still have the email I received once from a friend. As an introduction he wrote: “I apologise if this email interrupts your day, Madam. This is actually intended for your intern: Janine Moolman. I hope this will not prejudice her as it is a personal email…”