Download Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa

Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa
Reflections on feminist
solidarity in southern Africa
By Hleziphi Naomie Nyanungo (PhD)
Introduction: an invitation
It began with what seemed like an ambitious invitation at the time. We were invited to go to Bukavu
to join many other women in a march against rape and other forms of sexual violence in the east of the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on October 17, 2010. The invitation was extended by participants
from the DRC to participants from nine other different countries who were attending a feminism
workshop held in Mutare, Zimbabwe. It seemed like an ambitious invitation for all of us to go to the DRC
to participate in the march. However, with a little creativity, it turned out that we could indeed join the
march in Bukavu. But instead of us all going to Bukavu, we could march wherever we were.
A
nd that is precisely what we did at Africa
University campus, a private, pan-African
University located in Zimbabwe’s Eastern Highlands.
A group consisting of staff and students organised
a march against rape and other forms of sexual
violence. The campus march was held on October 20,
2010 as an expression of solidarity with the women
who were marching in Bukavu. United by the cause,
and committed to supporting the efforts of others, we
made a public statement against sexual violence and
commemorated victims and survivors of this violence.
The experience of organising and participating in this
solidarity activity affirmed for me the importance
of solidarity in the feminist movement. Solidarity is
indeed the essence of ‘sisterhood’ and is the core of
efforts to fight against injustice. The aim of this paper
is to share some of my lessons and reflections about
solidarity drawn from this experience. The paper
begins by looking at what is meant by the concept
of solidarity, specifically feminist solidarity. This is
followed by a discussion about factors that influence
the level of feminist solidarity in southern Africa,
and suggestions for how to improve and strengthen
feminist solidarity in the region.
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Feminist solidarity as political solidarity
Solidarity is one of those words that is used in many different ways.
Depending on the context, solidarity may be used to refer to feelings
of harmony or support towards another or team spirit. At times,
solidarity is used to mean expressions of sympathy or the sharing
of some human experience. In spite of (or perhaps because of) its
frequency in usage, the concept of solidarity is not easy to define.
I have found the work of Sally Scholz (2008) to be instructive in
attempting to define the concept of solidarity. According to Scholz,
solidarity is a form of unity that moves people to action. There are
many types of solidarity but Scholz asserts three characteristics that
are salient. The first characteristic of solidarity is that it mediates
between an individual and a community. Through solidarity, an
individual is connected to a community, and the community exists
because of these individuals. The second characteristic of solidarity
is that it is a form of unity, something that binds people together.
The third defining characteristic of solidarity is what Scholz refers
to as “positive moral obligations” (Scholz, 2008). The idea of moral
obligations entailed in the notion of solidarity means that there are
duties that need to be fulfilled in any expression of solidarity. With
these three characteristics, solidarity is summed up to be “a form of
unity that mediates between individual and community and entails
positive duties” (Scholz, 2008).
Expanding on her theory of solidarity, Scholz (2008) presents three
classifications of solidarity: social, civic and political. Social solidarity
refers to group cohesiveness. Thus, when one feels a sense of
connectedness to others merely on the basis of some shared group
identity, one is experiencing social solidarity. This kind of solidarity
is exhibited in forms of unity that are motivated by a sense of
responsibility or obligation to people in the same group. It is social
solidarity when one’s actions towards another are motivated by group
membership, for example family, church or club.
Civic solidarity, in contrast, pertains to the relationship between
citizens within a political state. As explained by Scholz (2008), civic
solidarity “is the idea that society has an obligation to protect its
members through programmes that ensure that adequate basic needs
are met.” Civic solidarity is observed through actions that include aid
and welfare programmes to citizens within a country as well as citizens
beyond the country’s borders (e.g. global development policies).
The primary interest in civic solidarity is protecting citizens against
conditions that would limit their participation in civic life.
The third and final classification of solidarity put forth is political
solidarity. Unlike social solidarity and civic solidarity, political solidarity
is observed where the form of unity is a response to situations of
injustice or oppression. It is not motivated by group identity but
by a desire to change situations of injustice or oppression. Political
solidarity is characterised by individuals making conscious choices and
commitments by joining others to transform a particular situation of
injustice or oppression. What unites people in political solidarity is a
common cause, not membership or citizenship. In other words, we form
a unity not on the basis of what we have in common but on the basis of a
condition or situation that we want to change because we deem it to be
unjust. Thus, political solidarity occurs even when people do not share
a common history of oppression, or reside in the same location, or even
have similar interests. What they would have in common is the desire to
challenge a specific situation of injustice or oppression.
Given that the goal of the feminist movement is to challenge the
oppressive patriarchal system, feminist solidarity is, by definition,
political solidarity (Dosekun, 2007, Mbire-Barungi, 1999). Therefore,
feminist solidarity is a form of unity that seeks to transform situations
of injustice and oppression due to gender inequality. There was a time
when feminist solidarity – or as it is commonly referred to ‘sisterhood’ –
was more social than political. That is to say, it was solidarity based on,
and motivated by, group membership on the basis of shared oppression.
Citing the works of feminist scholars such as Bell Hooks, Scholz (2008)
explains that the notion of ‘sisterhood’ in feminist solidarity has evolved
over the years from being one based on shared oppression (social
solidarity) to one based on a common cause. This evolution came
about as a result of increasing recognition within the feminist movement
that the assumption upon which social solidarity was based was a false
one. Social solidarity within the feminist movement assumed that the
experiences of oppression were the same for all women regardless of
their identity locations (race, class, age, geography and so forth). The
reality is that women’s experiences are not the same.
Feminists recognised that a unity based on the false assumption of
sameness weakened the feminist movement. Unlike social solidarity,
political solidarity is not based on group cohesiveness or membership,
but on the common cause. Therefore, ‘sisterhood’, or feminist
solidarity, is now more political in nature based on common causes,
rather than common experiences. In other words, it is a solidarity not
based solely on who we are but rather on what we are fighting for
(and against). In this way, the feminist movement is strengthened by
our differences while maintaining the focus on the struggle to end
gender-based oppression.
The role of solidarity in the feminist movement
Some would argue with the assertion that solidarity is at the core of the
feminist movement. But it is solidarity that nurtures and strengthens
the movement. The stronger the solidarity, the greater the chances of
successfully bringing attention to the issues, and advocating for change.
Without solidarity, the movement will cease to exist.
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Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa
The expression of collective responsibility shapes the
behaviour and attitudes of the individuals involved.
Solidarity strengthens commitment to the cause as individuals
sense a greater connection to a broader community.
Solidarity allows us to connect with and support struggles to change
situations of oppression wherever they are. We do not need to be
in the same place to make an impact. This was one of the key things
I took from the DRC solidarity march on our campus in 2010. At
first we framed the activity as supporting the efforts of women in
the DRC around the issue of sexual violence, particularly the use of
rape as a weapon of war. We quickly realised that this was not just an
issue concerning women in the DRC. It was about women and men
everywhere. We came to the realisation that sexual violence was not
their (Congolese women) issue but our issue. One male student from
Liberia expressed how important this issue was for him personally
because of close family relatives that had been victims of rape during
the war in his country. He too carries scars of sexual terror from
witnessing sexual terror inflicted on others.
Similarly, one young woman from Zimbabwe connected what was
happening in the DRC with the acts of sexual violence happening in
her own country, even where there is no violent conflict. In the spirit of
solidarity, we were able to connect our individual struggles to the broader
community struggles. It is in this way that solidarity mediates between
the individual and the community in an effort to bring about change.
This simple act of solidarity also highlighted our interdependence and
helped to strengthen our unity. We recognised that if rape can be used as
a weapon of war in the DRC, then it will be used in other places. In some
sense, there was recognition that none of us will be safe if the women in
the DRC are not. Even though we may live in a different geographical
location, our well-being depends on their well-being.
Solidarity nurtures and strengthens the feminist movement in at
least two ways. In one way, solidarity mobilises actors from different
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geographic and identity locations to work together for a common
cause. As people acting in solidarity from different locations,
awareness is raised, pressure is mounted, and the impact is greater.
This was certainly true with the march on campus. There were many
people who had not paid much attention to this issue until this activity.
Another way that solidarity nurtures and strengthens the feminist
movement is in how it transforms those who are part of the solidarity
group. The people that engage in solidarity action are transformed
in the process. The expression of collective responsibility shapes
the behaviour and attitudes of the individuals involved. Solidarity
strengthens commitment to the cause as individuals sense a greater
connection to a broader community. Acknowledging and appreciating
our relationship to a broader community helps to make us feel like we
are a part of a project larger than ourselves. In the spirit of solidarity,
we know we are not alone in fighting the problem at hand. We saw
evidence of this on campus after the solidarity march. Many of those
involved committed themselves to a continued effort to do more to
fight sexual violence. Since then, an advocacy group has been formed
to work specifically on this issue.
Solidarity in southern Africa
Much of the focus around transnational feminist solidarity has been on
the relationship between feminists in the global North and those in the
global South (Mendoza, 2002, Mohanty, 2002, Mbire-Barungi, 1999,
Mikell, 1995). Scholars and practitioners have been concerned with
finding ways to nurture and strengthen solidarity across differences.
There has been little focus on transnational feminist solidarity in the
context of South-to-South relationships. I am particularly interested in
political solidarity between and among feminists in southern Africa. As
someone living and working in southern Africa (based in Zimbabwe),
my personal observation is that there is much more we can do to
improve political feminist solidarity in our region. In my experiences,
instances of feminist solidarity in southern Africa are few and far
between. I will qualify this statement by noting that there are many
more instances of solidarity among feminist activists that are social
in nature (based on group membership) than there are instances of
solidarity that are political in nature. Political solidarity is exhibited in
conscious and deliberate efforts to form unity around specific causes
that advance the feminist agenda.
There are several factors that may be contributing to this situation
of limited feminist solidarity within the region. One factor may
be that information sharing is poor. There is generally little that
is known about issues and efforts faced in the different countries.
Sometimes we may hear about a specific situation of gender
injustice in a certain country but will not have sufficient information
about activities being done in that country, so that we can support
their efforts.
Another factor that limits feminist solidarity in the region is
resources. Resource constraints limit the amount of activity that
we can undertake at any given time. Thus much of our emphasis
in networking with others is placed on relationships where we
see potential for financial and other forms of material support.
This means less attention is given to solidarity activities for the
sole purpose of advancing the cause. Furthermore, one of the
consequences of this focus on resources is that there is competition
among activists for funding. Solidarity is unlikely in a situation where
we view each other as competitors.
There are programmes that take place in more than one country,
such as the 16 Days of Activism campaign that focus on a particular
issue. Different organisations within and across different countries
organise different activities to raise awareness and advocate on
a particular issue, in this case, violence against women. However,
with the exception of such institutionalised programmes, efforts to
connect struggles within and beyond national boundaries appear
to be few. Instead, there is a tendency to focus on the struggles
within our own countries so that we are not able to appreciate how
our struggles connect with the struggles of others in our region. For
example, reducing domestic violence is a top priority for activists
in many countries in the region but there are few, if any, efforts
to connect the struggles in our individual countries beyond the
commemoration of institutionalised programmes such as the 16
Days of Activism.
This list of contributing factors I have presented is by no means
exhaustive. I am certain there are more factors than those that I
have listed here. The point is that there are many factors that
may be behind the low level of feminist solidarity in southern
Africa. In appreciating the importance of solidarity to the
feminist cause, it is important to consider means and strategies
for improving the situation. I propose a few strategies in the
following section.
Strengthening solidarity
We learned about the Bukavu march against sexual violence at a
feminism training course. The young women from the DRC who
extended the invitation deserve congratulations for using the
space to build solidarity. Their simple invitation was an invitation
to the rest of us to be in solidarity with them. The lesson for all of
us is that we should use transnational spaces to build solidarity.
We should use these spaces and situations to draw upon our
shared struggles and efforts as well as to invite others to join us
in our efforts. More and more spaces are opening up for such
interaction – from conferences and workshops to blogs and
social-networking sites. Sharing information is an important step
in building solidarity.
Organising the solidarity march on campus was possible because
we had some knowledge of the event planned in Bukavu. That
provided guidelines for a specific activity while allowing us to
develop an activity that suited our context. Activities done in
solidarity need not be coordinated, but it does help to know
about other activities. If the example of the campus solidarity
is anything to go by, knowing what others are doing can be a
motivating force for others to take action.
Another lesson I take from this experience is the centrality of
the cause in building and sustaining solidarity efforts. Political
solidarity happens because people want to see the end to some
injustice or situation of oppression. I have come to appreciate
that when individuals are able to personally connect with a
particular cause and the reason for it, they are moved to action.
Political solidarity is not charity (actions done to help another),
it is collective action taken to address a situation of injustice or
oppression that affects us all. Guided by specific causes, feminist
solidarity ends up being solidarity for feminist causes rather than
being merely social solidarity amongst feminists.
Conclusion: Come along sister!
Come join us! That was the simple invitation that sparked the
idea of a solidarity march on our campus. Inviting others and
responding to the invitation of others will help us form united
fronts to fight against oppression. However, we need not wait
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Reflections on feminist solidarity in southern Africa
for formal invitations to engage in solidarity. The standing
invitation is the cause around which we are rallying. The
desire to end injustice is what unites us and is the basis of the
solidarity. A chant recited at feminist gatherings that I have
recently attended goes as follows:
Call: Sister! Sister!
Response: Sister!
Call: Sister! Sister!
Response: Go ahead Sister!
The potential of ICT for
young women’s organising
By Jan Moolman
In light of what has been discussed in this paper, I propose
that the last line of this chant be changed from “Go ahead
sister!” to “Come along sister” as an invitation to join in
solidarity – feminist (political) solidarity that is based on
our commitment to fighting injustice and oppression.
Hleziphi Naomie Nyanungoh is a
lecturer at the Institute of Peace,
Leadership and Governance at
Africa University.
References
Dosekun, S. (2007) 'Defending Feminism in Africa'. Postamble, 3,
41 - 48.
Mbire- Barungi B. (1999) 'Ugandan Feminism: Political Rhetoric or
Reality?' Women's Studies International Forum, 22, 435 - 439.
Mendoza, B. (2002) 'Transnational feminism in question'. Feminist
Theory, 3, 313-332.
Mikell, G. (1995) 'African Feminism: Toward a New Politics of
Representation'. Feminist Studies, 21, 405-424.
Mohanty, C.T. (2002) "Under Western Eyes" Revisited: Feminist
Solidarity through Anticapitalist Struggles. Signs: Journal of Women in
Culture and Society, 28, 500 - 535.
Scholz, S. (2008) Political Solidarity, University Park, Pennsylvania,
The Pennsylvania State University.
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My first professional job was as an intern at a
feminist journal in South Africa. It was the first
time I had access to a computer outside of my
university campus, where my interaction with
what I understood as ‘technology’ was limited to
just two ‘word-processing’ classes a week. As an
intern I shared an email address with the editor.
I still have the email I received once from a
friend. As an introduction he wrote: “I apologise
if this email interrupts your day, Madam. This
is actually intended for your intern: Janine
Moolman. I hope this will not prejudice her as it
is a personal email…”