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Mixing Food, Mixing Cultures:
Archaeological Perspectives
Mary C. Beaudry
Department of Archaeology, Boston University
[email protected]
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Introduction
T
hat eating is a cultural affair is well understood, as is the fact that food
preferences and dislikes are so strongly held that when cultures come
in contact, they are often at first repulsed by the diets of the strangers
they encounter (Bryant et al. 2003: 58–59). Food, identity and cultural
values are so closely intertwined that it is not uncommon for members
of one group to characterize or even to stereotype another on the basis
of an element of their diet—frogs, insects, beans, etc.—perceived as
unusual, inedible or lowly (Bryant et al. 2003: 93, 100).
Colonizers, conquerors and travelling merchants often brought with
them the essentials of their home diet and experimented with elements
of new cuisines reluctantly. Throughout their empire in the Americas, the
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Spanish strove to find ways of growing olives for their fruit and for their
oil, wheat both for making bread and communion wafers and grapes for
wine for communion and more general consumption (Crosby 1972). Yet in
some instances the adoption of New World food products by Europeans
did not strip such foodstuffs of their association with aspects of indigenous
identity. In late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Guatemala,
for instance, chocolate served as a beverage was central to indigenous
women's ritual power. Suspicion among Spanish and indigenous men
that women regularly doctored chocolate to serve as a vehicle for sexual
witchcraft fostered conflict and mutual antagonism (Few 2005).
The strong link between food and identity (cf. Scholliers 2001; Twiss
2007) means that people's dietary habits are closely linked to survival and
well-being under circumstances that remove them from their homelands
and familiar surroundings. Ship captains involved in the Atlantic slave
trade between West Africa and the Americas found that feeding their
human cargo foods to which they were accustomed proved more salutary
than forcing upon them the diet consumed by European sailors (Hall 1991:
163–167; Opie 2008: 14). Cravings for favoured foodstuffs and longing for
return to the homeland feature intensely as elements of homesickness,
a malady common among both emigrants and colonists (cf. Matt 2007;
Naum 2013). Yet food also played a vital role in cultural mixing and the
creation of intercultural variability in contact situations that afforded
prolonged transcultural interaction.
Here I discuss the archaeological evidence of two processes in
which food plays an important role in cultural mixing, incorporation and
creolization. My case studies are drawn from the New World, focusing
on the Inca incorporation of groups into their empire through feasting
and provisioning (cf. Hayden and Villeneuve 2011) and the emergence of
creole cuisine in colonial New Orleans, Louisiana. I place these alongside a
case study from the Old World of Jewish resistance to the Roman cultural
conquest of Palestine through a refusal to adopt a specific Roman dish
until the food and the pots used to prepare it could be redefined as local
and therefore as culturally acceptable.
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Commensal Politics: Incorporation Through Feasting
Bray's 2003 volume, The Archaeology and Politics of Food and Feasting in
Early States and Empires, offers a range of case studies on the subject of
commensal politics (cf. Dietler 1996: 88), almost all of which involve the
elaborate use of food in quests for status, often involving 'fighting with
food' (Hendon 2003; Wiessner and Schiefenhövel 1996). Bray (2003: 94)
notes that full consideration of the role of food in imperial statecraft
could come about only after archaeologists began to interpret ceramics
as culinary tools, instead of focusing on pots stylistically as chronological
clues or as symbolic proxies for status and/or ethnicity. Another critical
development has been the emergence of an archaeology of food
technologies that acknowledges the role of the human body and the
senses in the consumption of meals as well as "the social significance and
meaning of food production, processing, and especially consumption"
(Hamilakis 1999: 39).
Bray's interpretation of classic polychrome vessels associated with
the imperial Inca state is based upon converging lines of evidence from
archaeology and from ethnohistorical accounts about foodways in the
sixteenth-century Andean highlands. Diets of both indigenous peoples
and the Inca shared common elements—maize, potatoes, quinoa, beans,
red pepper, salt and to a lesser extent, meat, along with wild foodstuffs,
especially greens and medicinal herbs and, for those who lived near
bodies of water, fish, which was eaten both fresh and in dried form
(Bray 2003: 97–101; cf. also Krögel 2011: 19–37). Maize was given pride of
place in Inca high cuisine while other starchy foods were deemed lowstatus foods. Hence maize was singled out as most appropriate for elite
consumption. Such distinctions, along with control over access to food,
are foundational in differentiated cuisines in state-level societies (Goody
1982).
The greatest degree of differentiation between indigenous and
Inca ways of eating, however, was in the types of pottery vessels used
for serving food and beverages and the sorts of social events in which
they were used. While domestic utilitarian vessels were ubiquitous and
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vital to everyday food storage, preparation and serving, Inca imperial
pottery was more highly elaborated in terms of vessels for serving and
consuming foods. Bray (2003: 121) notes that "this emphasis highlights
the significance of commensal events in the eyes of the state and the
contribution of the vessels themselves to the materialization of the idea
of an Inca haute cuisine".
Thus, the products of women's labour—local indigenous women who
had been specially 'chosen' and imprisoned to work for the state—
underpinned the imperial project; in bestowing already valued products,
rendered more special because they were made by these 'chosen' women,
"the Inca obligated and ritually subordinated state subjects through the
complex web of social relations engendered by the gift" (Bray 2003: 132).
Inca pottery also had a geopolitical impact, because imperial vessels
played a role in the Inca's ability to expand their empire. A comprehensive
analysis of the archaeological evidence of the distribution of Inca pottery
throughout the extent of the Inca Empire shows an uneven distribution
of the serving subassemblage of Inca vessel forms. A limited suite of
vessels was found with regularity at sites on the provincial 'edges' of the
empire. Bray (2003: 125) interprets this distribution as reflecting the role of
a core of three vessel forms; large bottle-like pots (aríbalo) used to store
and transport the maize-based Andean beer (chicha), pedestal cooking
pots and shallow plates constituted the core suite of Inca vessels for elite
repasts, which involved drinking chicha and eating meat and cooked
maize kernels or maize-based stews.
Bray (2003: 133) makes it clear that warfare and conquest were highly
important in the expansion of the Inca Empire, but the "female-controlled
domains of cooking, serving, and feasting" were also critical. The process
of expansion mobilized gender systems and gendered objects as part of
the imperial process and the Inca employed traditional Andean gender
ideologies in constructing their empire. This made it possible to expand
into new territories by mixing domestic and political realms and blending
the principles, behaviours and ideologies of the domestic sphere with
those of the public and political realm. Incorporation of provincial
territories through elite feasting, provisioning those who laboured for
the state, and manipulation of traditional ideology around gender and
gender roles thus made it possible in some instances for the Inca to
expand their territorial control using food and drink rather than weaponry
and warfare.
Despite the overwhelming similarities in Andean diet overall and in
the types of pottery vessels used in food storage, preparation and serving,
there are strong distinctions between Inca state pottery and indigenous
pottery:
The decision to encode such difference in culinary
equipment is probably not accidental. The relationship
between the rulers and the people who served them was
to an important extent both mediated and materialized
through the presentation of food and drink within the
context of ritual commensality. In traditional Andean
society, cooking and the production of chicha, both
for everyday consumption and for offerings…was the
primary responsibility of women (Bray 2003: 131–132).
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Colonialism and Creole Cuisine in Eighteenth-Century New
Orleans
The emergence of creole cuisines, part of the larger process of creolization,
provides clear examples of the role of food in cultural mixing. Dawdy's
(2000, 2008, 2010; Scott and Dawdy 2011) archaeological and historical
research has traced the roots of the emergence of creole New Orleans,
Louisiana. Dawdy (2008: 11) attributes creole New Orleans' emergence as
a cultural and culinary phenomenon by the early eighteenth century to
three factors: the confluence of Enlightenment philosophy invoked in
founding and engineering the French colony; cultural creolization arising
from a diverse population of Native Americans, Africans, Canadians,
Europeans and people from the Caribbean; and what she terms "rogue
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colonialism—the influence of those individuals on the ground who
pushed colonial frontiers in their own self-interest" (Dawdy 2008: 11).
Creolization here developed in three phases that produced distinctive
material traces: "transplantation, closely linked to the French colonial
periods (1718–1769); ethnic acculturation, associated with the Spanish
colonial period (1769–1803); and hybridization, associated with the
antebellum American period (1803–1861)" (Dawdy 2000: 107, 111). During
the initial phase, colonists attempted to replicate foodways from the
home country and discover which of their familiar crops and foodstuffs
would thrive and which would not. The second generation of settlers
were native creoles (cf. Dawdy 2000: 108) who began to adapt to and take
advantage of New World products, developing a distinctive culture born,
in part, out of practical necessity (Scott and Dawdy 2011: 99).
Ethnic acculturation brought about the development of new, colonial
materials and traditions that combined Old and New World notions,
invented traditions and increasingly well-defined economic and ethnic
categories. Creole culture in New Orleans was, it seems likely, largely
forged in middle- and upper-class households whose economic standing
gave them access to the foodstuffs that became closely associated with
what it meant to be 'creole' (Scott and Dawdy 2011: 99). Narrative accounts
reveal "an obsession with food, taste, and preparation techniques for
different native products" while archaeological evidence illuminates
ways in which the daily diet was "procured through self-provisioning"
(Dawdy 2010: 391–392). Faunal remains from nearly all contexts in early
colonial New Orleans reveal a strong preference for wild game (rabbit,
swamp rabbit, ducks, turkey, passenger pigeon, turtles) and fish. This
is noteworthy because meat from domestic cattle, sheep and pigs was
readily available in the markets—percentages of wild game found on
lower Louisiana sites in the town and those in the country do not differ;
it seems that wild species were equally available in the town's markets,
possibly through trade with Native Americans (Scott and Dawdy 2011: 101,
105).
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As diverse groups of people mingled in early New Orleans, so did
elements of their diets. In addition to native wild game, colonists and
creoles adopted "the Native American triad of maize, squash, and beans,
with the addition of rice (likely imported with the help of knowledgeable
west Africans) and perhaps European peas" (Dawdy 2010: 393). They
enjoyed maize prepared in many ways, including as beer, brandy, Indian
corn stew and cornbread, though the most common dish was made with
rice, milk, beans, meat and fish. The beans were likely the common bean
native to the Americas, Phaseolus vulgaris, which has been recovered in
archaeological deposits in New Orleans and other French colonial sites.
Colonial bread was made by African women who pounded soaked corn
kernels in mortars using pestles, sifted the flour using baskets made
by local Native American women and mixed it with cooked rice before
baking it; wheat bread was not widely available except among the
wealthy. Dawdy (2010: 394) remarks that "the colonial bread of Louisiana
thus reflected another type of food triad: the grains of Africa, America,
and Europe".
Beyond grains, native plants such as blackberries, raspberries,
melons, grapes (wild Concord variety) and squash were incorporated into
the creole diet. At times local Native Americans offered to French officials
native dishes the French considered bizarre (e.g. bear paws, beaver
tail, dog), but diplomacy required that guests accepted and consumed
whatever their hosts served them. Reciprocal hospitality was "a catalyst
for the exchange of food ideas and the rapid adoption of new items"
(Dawdy 2010: 395). Some wild plants, especially herbs such as chamomile,
chervil, tarragon, watercress and bay laurel were readily recognized by
French colonists and quickly adopted for seasoning sauces and ragouts
and for use in medicinal preparations.
New to Europeans were peppers and tomatoes, the former native
to South America and the Caribbean but brought to New Orleans by
West Africans, probably by enslaved cooks. The contributions of Africans,
in particular African cooks, tended to be overlooked by observers who
recorded the sorts of food they ate in New Orleans, largely because
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"gustatory experiences of 'wild' foods represented a metonymical
consumption of new lands while the deterritorialized African had no
inherent tie to colonial consumption other than through labor" (Dawdy
2010: 396).
Colonists and creoles found themselves subject to the same sorts of
seasonal variation in diet that Native Americans had always experienced,
such that the summer menu differed dramatically from the winter one.
The heat of the summers made it difficult to enjoy fresh meat, but dried
and salted meats were used; fresh fish, however, was abundant at this
time. Catfish and redfish, turtles and shellfish (e.g. deep-fried clams) were
often eaten in fricassees or bouillabaisses and in late summer, oysters and
crawfish (described by one observer as "des ecrevices magnifiques") were
consumed with enthusiasm (Dawdy 2010: 399).
The archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence from French
colonial sites in the Americas reveals that French colonists were more
receptive to culinary experimentation and cross-fertilization than British
colonists, seemingly an outgrowth of their greater receptivity to cultural
mixing of other sorts (Dawdy 2010: 401; Scott and Dawdy 2011: 114). Dawdy
(2010: 408) notes that the French way of responding to the world is by
cooking it, that different cultural responses to 'foreign food' underscores
the fact that "it is difficult to disentangle political disposition from sensory
experience" and that "different colonial cultures will produce different
bodily logics". French colonists and creoles prided themselves on "the
ability to transform [native] ingredients through French preparation
methods into something not only palatable but enjoyable"; creole food
first and foremost appealed to the senses and the openness to using a
wide variety of local resources resulted from "choices guided by sensual
values" (Dawdy 2010: 402). As creole chef Babette de Rozieères (2007: 7)
puts it, "[w]hen enjoying Creole cuisine, your sense of smell functions
at full speed and your tastebuds are constantly stimulated. Its tastes
can surprise but they can never disappoint. It awakens the senses and
never leaves you indifferent. Its aromas are seductive…". Preparations
such as pâtés, sauces, breads, fricassées and bouillabaisses turned 'wild'
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foodstuffs into colonial ones and demonstrated that Europeans had the
power "to transform America into something civilized and consumable"
(Dawdy 2010: 401); the development of creole cuisine was never about
'going native' but was a fundamental colonial practice (Dawdy 2010: 410).
Resistance
The case of Jewish life in Palestine in the first century BC presents an
interesting example of resistance to cultural mixing through food. Berlin's
(2005) study of the archaeological evidence from sites throughout the
region likely to have been inhabited by Jews indicates strong conformity
in material expressions of religion at the household level at rural sites. In
Jerusalem, however, the wealthy had adopted decorated table vessels,
Italian-style cooking pans and foreign modes of dining. The overall
population was "strongly unified in religious practices but sharply divided
by cultural ethic" (Berlin 2005: 420).
The archaeological record, supplemented by textual evidence,
reveals widespread regional developments showing Jewish identity
through locally made products, in particular pottery and stone vessels
and the workshops for their production that were developed throughout
the region. Berlin (2005: 425) sees these developments as permitting
what she refers to as 'household Judaism' and she also notes the
standardization of pottery jars used to distribute and store Jewish-made
wine and olive oil at the same time that presses and production sites for
wine and oil sprang up throughout the region. Simultaneously, there was
a rise in production of stone vessels that copied imported glazed and
silver vessels. Particularly noteworthy are small stone dishes for service
and display (Berlin 2005: 433). Such vessels were:
…recognizably local, made of the land itself, and—most
obvious and important—of a material that was religiously
privileged. Stone vessels would have communicated
ethnic pride and attentiveness to Judaism. Their
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appearance demonstrated
solidarity (Berlin 2005: 433).
conspicuous
religious
The strong evidence for a systematic replacement of imported vessels
with locally produced ones led Berlin to explore 'ethnic' cuisines as
indicated by types of cooking vessels. There were three types of cooking
vessels: cooking pots, stew pots and casseroles, and pans, each suitable
for different preparations and each characteristic of a different regional
cuisine (Berlin 2005: 437). Cooking pots were likely used mostly for soups
and bean dishes; stew pots and casseroles for stewing or braising larger
pieces of food than could be accommodated by cooking pots; and pans,
with their low, straight walls, were used for composed dishes "whose
ingredients need to bake together" (Berlin 2005: 438–439). Each of these
types of vessels has a regional origin and is most common to that region.
Cooking pots are found on sites throughout the Near East and the southern
Levant from the sixth through the early first centuries BC, coinciding with
textual references that focus on recipes for soups and bean dishes. Stew
pots and casseroles are common in Greece and on eastern Mediterranean
island and coastal sites from the later fifth century BC onward, at the same
time that Greek cooking manuals often refer to "hearty preparations of
stewed meat, fish, or large vegetables such as cabbage" (Berlin 2005: 439).
Pans appear in Italy and Roman colonial sites in Europe and the western
Mediterranean from the fourth through to the first centuries BC and are
rare in the East. They are associated with a dish called a patina, roughly
equivalent to a quiche or frittata. Hence each type of vessel can be linked
to a particular 'ethnic' cuisine (Berlin 2005: 439).
Jewish households in Palestine possessed large numbers of cooking
pots from the late first century BC and stew pots and casseroles began
to appear in the third and second centuries BC in Phoenician coastal
sites and in the early to mid-first century in lower Galilee and Baulantitis,
eventually comprising about one-third of kitchen pottery assemblages.
But in Jerusalem and Judea, stew pots and casseroles were rare until the
end of the first century AD, at which time Jerusalem potters began to
produce them; these were copies of Italian bronze casseroles, but the
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locally produced vessels were widely adopted at this time (Berlin 2005:
439–440).
Pans were a different story. They were accepted in limited quantities
in many parts of the Mediterranean region, but initially only by the
wealthy in Jerusalem and Judea. However, they do not appear in the rural
settlements there or in ordinary household assemblages (Berlin 2005:
441). Berlin (2005: 442) concludes that "pans were used for Roman cuisines
and understood as a vehicle of Roman culture". There was a good deal of
variation in dining arrangements among Jews in first-century Palestine,
but for the most part an identity formed around "behaviors and attitudes
held in common" (Berlin 2005: 468), centering around religious beliefs and
practices. The absence of pans from rural Judean settlements suggests
that "most Jews were uninterested in preparing the sorts of 'Roman'
recipes these vessels allowed" (Berlin 2005: 441). Thus the metonymical
relationship between pans and the prepared dishes they were intended to
hold means that in resisting Roman conquest (and religious persecution),
Jews throughout Palestine rejected both the foodstuff and the vessel
necessary for its preparation.
Closing Comments
Food, because it is so strongly associated with cultural identity, can be
seen as both a catalyst for cultural mixing and as a flashpoint for resistance
against cultural imperialism. Archaeologists have abundant sources of
evidence for the processes involved in cultural mixing through food, the
most prevalent being pottery, animal bones, plant remains and textual
evidence. There are other ways of learning about people's adoption of
new types of food, including stable isotope analysis (cf. Richards et al.
1998). However, such analyses of dietary change seldom make it possible
to attribute change in diet to cultural mixing (versus, for instance, moving
to a new locale with different resources, adopting imported foodstuffs
without coming in contact with the cultures that produced them).
Successful studies of the role of food in imperial politics, creolization and
even in symbolic resistance require large data sets that span fairly long
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chronological periods and come from many sites, as was true of the three
case studies presented here. Also of import in such studies is a recognition
of the significance of food technologies (i.e. perceiving of pots as culinary
tools) and of the bodily experiences around food preparation and dining.
Adopting new foods is both a cultural and a physical act, involving the
senses as much as it involves politics, religion and social positioning.
Hamilikis, Y. 1999. Food technologies/technologies of the body: The social context of
wine and oil production and consumption in Bronze Age Crete. World Archaeology
31(1): 38–54.
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