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Download TIlE ROLE OF ETIlNICfIY IN CIVIL WAR TEXAS`
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14 PATIUars AND DISSIDEN-nl: TIlE ROLE OF ETIlNICfIY IN CIVIL WAR TEXAS' by James Marten When the famous Yankee tourist Fr\'derick Law Olmsted wrote about hill "saddle trip" through Texas in 1856, he described the ronnict between the planter class and the "iocongruous foreign element of Mexicans and Germans" on the fronlier of the Lone Star State. z These l\m groups, which togelher comprised about &even percent of the population of Texas in 1860, endured a long history of elhnic antipathy wilh the dominant Anglo majority that began long before Ihe Ovil War and slretched well past Reconstruction. Despite this history, German.O; and Mexicans responded 10 the war in a wide wriety of ways; many loyally served the Confederacy, others emibited romplete indifference to the southern caU&e, and some went !lO far as (0 enlist in the Federal Army. These internal divisions were overshadO'o\'ed by Anglo perceptions of the disloyalty of Germans and Hispanics, which spawned widespread elhnic tensions and violence. The conflict between Angkl and ethnic Texans during tbe war demonstrates that the South did nOI march into bailie against the Union with a unified front. The widopread dissent in the Soulh--which is one of the conlat! in which ethnic experiences in Texas must be placed--ereated inte.mal threats against the Confederacy thaI, in some areas, loomed as important 85 external threats from Union !lOldiers.J Because eacb ethnic group's story contains unique elements, we will discus,o; them one at a time, beginning with the Germans.. By 1860, after several decades of immigration, lhe 30,000 Texans of Gennan ~tack comprised &even percent of Texas's fn:c p:!pUIBlion and tiYe percent of its lotal p:!pUlalion. The first ronlingent of German immigrants, arriving in the 184Qo;, was provincial and COI15ervalive and accepted with few reservation.,; !.he predominant statu' rights phila;ophy in Texas. After 1848, however, a new strain of German immigrants arrived in Texas. These "Forty-EigblerB," refugees from the failed German revolution of 1848, settled on the western frontier in the countier; of Gillespie, Ma.'iOn, Kerr, and Medina. As republicans., nationalists, and liberals, these intellectuals were accustomed to challenging authority and the existing Siale of society. Some of these later German colonists wen! 50 far as 10 ban !lavery. In May 1854, liberals issued a ~ries of resolutions later called the "San Antonio Platform." The platform contained a number of progres.<;jve social, political, and religious reforms, but i15 rn(ll;! volatile plant--as well as its most publicized one declared "thai :lolavery is an evil, whose final removal iii essential 10 tne foundation of democracy" and urged southern state governments 10 take step; Lo eliminate the institution. 4 AJthough members of the German majorilY scrambled to divorce thermeM:s from tile abolitionism of a few of their countrymen, a suspicion of Germans lingered among Anglo-Texans. One rumor alleged that the Germans were involved in the slave in..~urrection of 1860, and when four Gennan-dominated counties in West T~ voted against the seces.~ion IS llSSIDENTS: IN CIVIL WAR TEXAS' lIeD 30,000 Texans of Itoct romprilled seven percent Mlisration, tbe jcrmao I TQlII'1 free population Btld 1M ertetll of ita total populalioo. 1be first ODt1:DFJl of German immigranLS, rriYing in the 1840&, was provindal and ODSeMtive and accepted with few CSCMticns the predominant stat~' ighIA pbilalophy in Taas. After 1848, lO'II'CYCI', a new strain of Gennan mmigrants arr1Yed in Texas. These Forty-EightefS,' refugees from lhe BiIed German revolution of 1848, ettled on the western frontier in the OJoUes of Gillespie, Ma5Ofl., Kerr, and "'edina. AJ republicans., nalionalists, and ibmlls, lhese intellectuals were ID:U5tOI1lf.d 10 challenging aUlhority and he e:usling 8late of society. Some of beae Ialer Gennan colonists went -'0 far D 10 ban 811l\'e1)'. In May 1854, liberals wed a series of resoluti011l!o laler called :be "sao Anlonio Platfonn." The :lIatfmn contained a number of ~ llOcial, political, and religious :'Cfl::nns, but its most volatile planlt--as It'tU as iLS mosl pUblicized one :Iedared "that slavery is an evil, whcw;e IiDaJ remowl is eMenlial to Ihe b:andation of democrncy" and urged wlbem stale governments to talte IlCpIIIO eliminate the inllilution. 4 Although members of Ihe German majority scrambled to divorce lbemselYes from lhe aoolilionism of a rcw of Ibcir countrymen, a suspidon of Germans lingered among Anglo-Texans. ODe rumlX alleged that the Germans ~ invoM:d in the slave insUrreclion 01 1860, and when four GennBn4Jminated counties in West TClai voted agail1lll lhe secession ordinance, it underscored their lenuous loyalty to the southern cause-at \east to some. The reactions of many Gennans 10 lWltime pressures would amplify lbese doubts and perceptions, and lead 10 violence and recriminatm againsl Taall Germans by their Confederale neighlxlrs.) G1ven antebellum tCll8ions, it did IlO{ surprise Anglo-TexaM that a s.iz.able number of German-Texans diut:nted against the Confederacy during the war. In Bandera County, for ilUlance, at the outbreak of the war, German residents apparently paid no tUell, cirCUlated a pelition demanding a reunion of the sLales, threatened prominent secessionists, stole the buggy wheel of a Confederate judge, and threw his seal cushions into a river. The German fXlI5tmaster opened the mail or leading secessionists, and local Unionists bad formed a home guard company caUler than joining the county militia. TI1i5 extensive disaffection was all the more frightening, according to a local fire-eater, because "our Southem boyIl have almost aJljoined Capl. Adams [sie] Company and lhe secessionists are in a minority in the County at this time.'" Concerned Texans grew alanned when large groups of Germans organized in mher parts of lhe stale. An Austin County planter pleaded ror help from Governor Lubboclt in Mareh 1862, becausc "credible, reliable information" indicated that twO hundred Gennans bad vowed to resist the Confederate draft, to aid Uncoln and the Nonhero war eflon, and even ~, "to counteMNe and asSLJI the negroes in case of Btl invasion to rebel againat their awnerL' Col. Henry MeCulloch, rommanding North Texas, urged Gov. Lubbock to declare martial law in San Antonio in order La lhwan Ihe anticipated seizure of the local aIKnal by a company of Unionist Gennans. 7 So widespread W8!l the perceMd disloyalty of !be Tesas Germans tbat vigilant Tc:mtJI lICemed lO lake special delight in penc:cuting lhem. In !be summer of 1862, CcRtfederale troopers operating rear Fredericksburg arrested ciliz.ellli, burned a few Unioni8tlI' farms, ousted a Ioc8I militia capUlin, aDd gener.J.IIy intimldaled man of lhe p:lpulalion of Gillespie and the lurrouoding couolies.. E1emenls of tbe Thirty-3eCOnd Texas Cavalry joined the roundup, scouling the rough hill country around Frederieksburg, guarding the tawn day and night, Btld hunting "bushwhacten.." Cavalryman Thomas Smith recorded in biB dairy that when a suspected Unionist "ehances to fall into the bands of the [Confederale] soldiers he ~ dealt pretty roughly wilh and generally mak~ h~ lasl speech with a rope around his neclt." .A.ccording to Smitb, "hanging is gelling 10 be as rommon as hunling," and ~the creeb in this vicinity are said (0 be full of dead men!!" Proof came one day When Smith wilnessed "a sight which J never wish again 10 see in a civilized & enlighlened countty"-four dead bocties f10aling in a water hote. They had been "tbrown in and left to rot, and Ulat too after lhey were banged by Ihe neclt [unlllJ dead. nIl Three Wesl Texas Germallli appearing before a military commission in san Antonio in 1862 contributed 10 the impreMioo Ihal the German populalm WBIl as a ruJe disloyal. Wilne:sses accused Philip Braubach, a fanner, stage driver, and !IOIJ1elime law officer near San Antonio, of using h~ office 10 aid Union men, of recruiling only Union-loving Gennanl for a fronlier defense eompany, of depreciating Confederale currency, and, acrording 10 one witness, of associaling "with the party who halloes for lhe Union." Julius SChlieltum alllo allegedly deprecialed Confederate currency and, 16 in the words of a Confedenl.le sergeant, "oever had any good news on our side, but generally had somcLtling bad to teu.· The third member of Ihe trio, Ferdinand Doebbler, kept a laVern ill Fredericksburg that v.itnesses labeled "the place of rendezvous for people calling themselves Union men,~ where they could bUy "Black: RepubOCan" newspapen;. The coun 5£:ntenced all three men to prison for Ihe duration of the war. u A1lhough dissidents monopolized the public's perception of Texas Germaru;, hundreds of Germans served loyally in Confederate or state military organizations, and a number of Gennan leaders became Confederate officen. Carl William von RO'lenberg, the son of a Prussian noble, had sel"'ed as a lieutenant in \.he Prussian anny and as Royal Architect for Frederick William I. Bis liberal views made promotion difficult, and tie journeyed to Texas in ]849, where he rfi'ie to the position of chief draftsman in the General 'Land Office. Unlite mml Gennan political refugees who opposed slavery, tlCJWe\lcr, he voted for secession and joined the Confederate army as a topographical engineer. Another German liberal, Gustavus SChleicher, speculaled in West Texas land, promoted railroads, publisbed a German-language ne'Mipaper, and work.ed as a surveyor in tbe 18508; after winning elwion to Ihe stale senale in 1859, he became an advocate of seCCSliion alld Ialer entered [he Confederale Army as a l;<Iptain of engineers. 10 The best·known Gennan_C.onfedcrate was Col. August Buchel, a profe56iOnal soldier who between 1831 and 1845 fought for Gennany and in tbe French Foreign legion, and worked as an instructor in the Turmh Army. An avid duelisl, be apparently lrilte.d a man in Germany and quickly sailed to Texas. He continued his miJiwy career in his new bome, rabling a company of Texas volunteers to fi£b.t in the Mexican War aDd .serving on Gen. Zachary Taylor's staff at the battk of Buena Vista. A decade 181er, wbea Juan Conina raided Brownsville in 1859, he organized a company of YOlunleers [hat helped drive eortina out of tbe. RJo Grande Valley. Apparelltly unconcerned with PJlilics and uninterested iD tbe 6l<M:ry quesliOll., Buchel adapted well 10 soul hem society. Af, one of the mQ\t experienced soldiers in Teus, Buchel naturally sought to contribute [0 the Confederale war effon. Late in 1861, he became lieutenant colonel of the Third Texas Infanlry, stationed in South Texas. Two years later he took. command of [he Third Texas Cavalry and led Ihem through the fighting in lDuisiana. He died in combal at the battle of Pleasant Hill in the spring of 1864, a well-resgected and admired professional soldier. 1 Other Gennaro; who entered the Confederate army came from decidedly less milita!i:stic background5 lnan BucheL Ja;eph Bruckmuller, for iro;lance, had only INed in Man;hall, Texas, for three years when the war bl'lXe out. Then, in order ~IO live up 10 my duties toward my cha;en country," he joined the Seventh To.as Voluntccrs. The regiment foUght in Kenlucky, Tennessee, Mis.sissippi, and lDuisiana, and Bruck.muller ended up a priSOner of war twice. The young Gennan survived a bool of chokra and work.ed roc a while as a hospital orderly. After hi:s serond escape rrom the Yankees., in the fall of 1863, he went back to work as a shoemaker. His occupation may have earned him an e:u:mption from funher military service. U De&pile thc6e conspiclloU:I examples of loyalty to the Confederate cause, the Gennan population of Taas rellJ,!l.ined 17 Ik cootinued bill mililary career in hit. leW bcme, raising a rompany of Te:tal'i IOOmlem to fight in Ibe Moican War DId sening 00 Gen. Zachary Taylor's Itaff at tile battle of Buena Vista. A X:clD: Ialer, .men Juan Cortina raided Blow. . . in 1859, be organized a :::DIDI*JYof"«ll.unleeni that helped drive rntiDa OUI of tbe Rio Grandt Valley. "Pf8tetlllt urx:mcemed wiLb JnIitk::!l md uninterated in tbe slavery question. IJucbeI adapted welliD southern society. I'\s me of the most elI:perienced soldiers iD Tems, Buchel naturally sought to XlDltibute 10 the Confederate war :ffort. late in 1861, he became kutenanl colonel of the 1hird Texas Infantry, stationed in South Taou. Two jle8tII loler he look oommand tile Ibitd TeIBS Cavalry and led them ibrough tile lighting in Louisiana. He :lied in combal at Ihe battle of Ple3.'iant Hill in tbe spring of 1864, a ili'eU-resoected and admired profcllSional or ............ 11 ~,. Other Germans who entered the Confederate anny came from decidedly lcIlI milil:arisLic baCkgrounds than Bucbel. lac;eph Bructmuller, for inMance, bad only lived in Marshall, Texas, for three yea'" when the war Ixc*e OUI. Then, in order ~to live up to lIlY duties toward my ChCKIl counlry,~ Dejained tbc: Seventh Texa!I Volunteers. ]be regimen! fought in Kentucky, r~. Misaissippi, and Louisiana, md Bruckmuller ended up a p~ner of 1181' twice. The young German survived I bout of cholera and work:ed for a IPlhiIe as a ho!ipital orderly. After his !IeCODd escape from. the Yank:ees, in tbe ran 1863, be went baek: 10 work: as a Iboemaker. His occupation may have earned aim 8Jl CJ:emplion from furtber or Iniliwyaerv1ce,u Dc:Ipile these conspicuous eumples Io'ja1ty ID the Confederate caU!oe, the GennaD populatiOD of Texas remained [)f I 1 deeply dMded. Mailers came to H head for thCK Texas Gennans who refulled to adapt to the Confederacy 00 10 August 1862, in a ooe-&ided figbt 00 lbe Nueees River, which the Dallas Herald dubbed "The Battle With lhe Trallon." The "bailIe" clim:necl a summer.long campaign b'f Confederate authorita to break resLstance to the Confedemcy, especially to the recently paMed conscription acl, in the German-dominated Hill Countrywe5t of Austin. Opponenu of the war and the draft in and near Fredericksburg had fanned a "Loyal Union League." The League publicly announced that it intended to protect this exposed part of the frontier from Indians and outlaW$., but Confederate officials belieYed--not without reason-_that iu genuine purpao;e was to resist coflScription and other Confederate prograln!i. In May 1862, a detachment of Confederate troops marched to Fredericksburg to restore order and (0 ensure the loyalty of Ihe area's citizens to the ConfederacyY Early in August, a party of just (Wer sixty men, mostly German members of the Union League, decided to escape Confederate pe~ulion b'f going to Meuco. A company of about one hundred TelraS troops caught them after tracking them for a week: through the rugged, un!oettled, and sweltering South Texas frontier. The Confederate! allacked before dawn on 10 August. In tbe ensuing fight, thirty Germans were killed, wbile about lWenty were wounded. No captives survived the ballle--shorlly after Ibe firing SlOpped, a squad of C'...onfederates shot to death the nine injured Unionisu who had surrendered. The mallllacre culminated the official campaign against disloyal Germans in Texas., all bough for the remainder of tbe war Hill Country Unionisu would be terrorized b'f whal lbe Germans appropriately called the Confederates who warred 00 civilian Unionist&. After tbe Nueca massacre, ~r, Germans -ould never again be perce1ved 8A a serious threat to the Confederate war effort, as German res.islaoce in easI«nlral Texas quickly dwindled. One ralher blood-thirsty Confederate wrote home after the Nueces incideDt that "the toties in this part of the country is getting somewhat scarce." He aUributed their scarcity to tbe 'o'iolence that had left di.sloyali5tA "lying and hanging all OYer tbe woods." Some of the dissenting Germans had indeed been killed, while many had escaped to Mexico, others had fOUnd some sort of lIafe hiding place, a good number had found refuge from Confederate service in the companies formed b'f the state to defend the frontier, and still others had seUled into an uneasy accommodation with the Confederate authorities. 14 The antebellum and wartime pe~ution of the 12,443 Mexican-born residenu of Texas (2.1 percent of the LOtal population) had Iitlle to do with politics. Rather, the Anglos' exaggerated perception of Mexican dil;loyalty W38 a function of the complex relationsbips between Mexicans, Anglm, and Afro American slaves. Ever since American settlers began arriving in Tt.GI!I in the 182011, racism, economic conBict, and intermittent warfare between Texas and Mexico had plagued relalions between Anglm 8Ild TejQltOs. 1bere were notable exceptions. A tiny minority of Tejan05, represented b'f the Benavides family of Laredo and a few other wealthy land holders, 50lIght the economic benefiu stability would bring 10 the borderlands. They identified more with the Anglo population than with the Mexican, and were exempt from penalties normally associated wilb their raceY Hae1IgtrbrJNJe-pngs or 18 De&pile such highly visible examples, to white Proles1anl Texans, Catholic MeIicans appeared lazy, ignorant, Immoral, shiftles&, dirty, superstitious, and doomed to subservience. The laner's wretched economic posilion--caused in pan ~ the Anglo practice of seizing Mexican land through complicated legal malleuveJ'S or forced ~Ic al ludicrously low prices enrouraged racial arrogance. The ~ primary tonniet lay, however, in Ihe MexicaM' antipathy toward slavery and their friendly acceptance of blacks as equals. "Not only [dO Mexicans] w;ln consider a nigger equal themselves," rompJained Ihe Co~ Christi RfV\Chero, "but they actually murt the company of the Negroes" Wane still, while Te~ns believed that Mexicarv; often helped slaves escape and usually blamed them for instigating ~ave rebellions. DimMed accurately pomsyed Tellll.T1li' altitudes toward Mexicans when he wrole Ihal the lalter "were regarded in a somewhat unchristian [one, not as heretics or heathen to be converted with flannel and tracts, but rather as vermin, to be exterminated." An episode thai refleers these racial antagonisms occurred in the aulumn of 1859, when a landed TejatlO named Juan Cortina gathered a large band of Mexicans from both sides of Ute border arld terrorized [be regiorl around Br(JlNllmlJe. Cortina's men burned ranches, murdered several Anglos, and aetually occupled the city for a short time before Texas Rangers flllally drove lbem inlo Mexioo. Cortina's raid serv«l to furlber embiUer Texans againsl Mexicans, and raised serious doubl.S about the loyalty of tbe Mexicans living in Texas." Al\hough Hispanics, like the Gennans. served in both lhe Confederate and Union annies, most--ineluding many enlistees- evenlually attempled 10 BYOid the war between the AnglCB.. The principles for which tbe war \To'W, being fOUght meant ...ery little to them and tbey had neil her an economic DOl' a political Slake in the conflict. The North and the South bolh ralher feebly endeavored 10 win Mexicans over 10 their respective sides, but memories of the pII5! sleeled them against man offers. Neither tbe United Slates DOl' the stale of Texas bad ever lried to protect tbe property or political rights of Mexican-Texans, and when lhey bypocritically lried 10 enlist the support of Hispanics, the latter generally demoMtraled their resentment by leaving the griJtgos 10 kill one another. Of course, not all Hispanics could BYOid military service. Some supported the Union cause. In Zapala County in April 1861, for instance, about forty armed Mexicans marehed on the county seat of Carrizo 10 keep county officials from swearing allegiance to the Confederate Slale&. Texa5lroops lurned them away, inflicting heavy casualties. Border raid8 by Mexican... from both side... of the Rio Grande aL'iO plagued the Confederacy. A group of raiders operating out of Mexial under Antonio Zapala called them.<oe1Yes the "Hnit Regimenl of Union Troop\," but seemed conlent with plundering TeJ13S ranches ratber lhan fighling CDnfederales. A Nueces County Unionisl named Cecilio Balerio led a company of cavalry thai preyed on cotton traders along the border. In addition to these guerrilla ul1il.S, nearly nine hundred Mexican-Texans served the Union more formally, many of Ihem in the second Te:QS C.avalry, .....n0l'le members were recruited along the Rio Grande in 1863 and 1864. i7 Nearly lhree times as many Mexican-Texans, however, served the Rebels as served the Yankees. Roughly 2550 of \tlem, many from Webb, Refugio, and Bexar Counlies. enlisted in 19 lCl\Wen the Angkls. The principks for tIbicb the war .... being fought meant II!:I}' .little to them and tbey had neither a fXlIltical ultt in the ra8ict. 1be North and the South both 'Biber feebly endeavcred to win ~eIil:am ~ to their respective sides, :JUt mt:mories of lbc past steeled tbem apinst mati offers. NeiLher tbe United i&ates DIll' the state of T aas had ever .ned 10 protect the property or politDJI ;pte of Mexic:an-Taans, and when hey hypocritically tried to r:nli5t the IUpport or HispaniC\, the Laller generally !eml:lMl:raled tlleir resentment boJ arring the gringos to till one another. Of COUt'!ie, IXlI all Hispanics could MJid miliUlry service. Some supponed :be Union Wluse. In zapata County in !\priI J86I, for ilUlal'Ice, aooUI forty amed Mexicanll marched on the coumy at of C3nizo (0 keep counry officials iurn swearing allegialU to the )mfederate States. Texas troops turned hem away, inllicting hea'ry ~uallies. bder raids boJ Maicans from. both ;ides of tile Rio Grande also plagued be Confederacy. A group of raiders lpCrBting cut or MeJIico under Antonio ~plIta called themselves the "FII'ST «:gimeol of Union Troops," but eemed content with plundering Taas 'anebes rather than fighting ::antederates. A Nueces County JDionisl named Cecilia Balerio led 0 ompany of QJY:.j1ry that preyed on etlan It''8ders along Ihe border. In I1ditioD to these guerrilla unil8, nearly lioc hundred Mexican-Texam senoed be Union more fonnally, many of them II the Second Teus Cavalry, wine nemben were ruruited akJng the Rio inlOOe in 1863 and 1864. 17 Nearly three limes as many IIc1ican-TCIanli, ~r, served the lcbd!i as sel'\1:d the Yankees. ROUghly :550 of them, many from Webb, lefugio, and Baar Counties. enlisted in III cconomic DIll' • • Confederate or state militia regimenl8. Santos Benavides, the wealthy Mo:ican-OOm rancher, merchant, and Rkl Grande Valley power broker, achieved the highest level of any Confederate Tejano, reaching the rank of colonel in command of his own largely Mexican regiment. 1B Despitc the presence of Large numbers of Hispanics in bJue and gray uniforms, neither !>ide expect.ed nor received the steady allegiance or their Mexican troops. The lieutenant colonel of the Third Texas Infanlry at Fort Brawn complainr:d 10 his superior that his Me.:cican soldiers, "like all lheir counlrymen, are susceptible 10 bribes and corruption, and cannot be depended upon." Texans usually treated Melticans in the same ways they had a~ treated them. R.H. Williams, the Confederate Englishman who empathized more Ihan most Texans with Unionists and other dissenters, refused 10 arrest and turn over 10 the military auLhorilies in San Anrooio fOur Mo:ican deserters he captured. He knew that "it was a hundred to one that the blocxlthirsty moh would seiZe Lhem ... and hang them in the plaza." With attitudes like these in common circulation among Confederates, it is not surpming that the Confederate cause-the cause of their long-time antagonisls--iflSpired lillie enthusiasm among Melican- Texans. In 1863, Brig. Gen. H.P. Bee, commanding the Departmenl or Texas, proved 10 be more prescient than moo;t AnglOS when he protested Ihat enfordng the conscription Law on the southern frontier of Texas "would have had but the effect of drmng the Mexicall5 acrQM the Rio Grande and made them OUr enemies." Wherever it was attempted, "it has proved useles&." Bee enjoyed !lOme sucees..., however, in recruiting Tejanos into short-term enlistmenu in state unitL Unlike most commanders on either !de, Bee realized that the Confederate caUlle-or tbe Union cause, for that maUer-was unimportant to most Mo:ican- Americans; he also knew that in order to win them ~r to the Confederate States, the government mu!§,t protect their "righl8 and immunities as citi2enB."19 Federal officers Dad 00 better luck with, nor more confidelU in, their Mexican recruits. Despite the presence of large numbers of T~janos in the Union anny, few rose above the rank of sergeant. Hispanics commanded only five companies in the First or Se«lnd Texas., alLhough they compmed a majoriry of the enlisted men in at least ten companies and served as non commi.s5ioned officers in roughly the same percentage as Lhe Mo:ican'American~'<JYerall contribution to the Union ranks. Racism no doubt played a role in this, hut the fact that many Anglos commanded ~Meltiwm" companies also suggests that lhe language barrier, managerial inexperience, and a Lack of political savvy may have posed insurmountable ob5lacles to a Tejano rising through tile lBnk!;, While Malioned al Brownsville early in 1864, a lieutenant in the 19th Iowa remarked thai the Second Texas cavalry was "a peculiar institution and rather a hard operation to keep in pmper running condition." TIle troops were "dishonest, cowardly and treachl':rous and only bide their time to make gocxl their ~pe.~ They deserted 50 frequently tbat a guard had to be placed "around them 10 prevent their carryins out their rlJ"ing propensities." As if to validate such skepticism, OYer two hundred TejlJlJOJ desened from the Union's Second Taas caY3lry during the first half of 1B64.111 TIle reactions of Santos Benavides and Adrian 1. Vidal to the Civil War '" rep~nt opposite paina on tbe spectrum of TejtJllO behavior. BeI\8Yides, CkSCended from the founder of the city of laredo, belonged to one of the wealtllies.t and ma>t lnnuential families-Anglo or Mexican-in Lhc lower Rio Grande Valley. In fact, BeB8'Vides' career revolved around his efforts to secure stability for hiA region. Allhough he _ a long_time participlUll ita Mnican affairs, Benavides threw his allegiance to the United Slates in 1848, hoping thst it could provide the political and economic !tabiliry 30 da.pcratety needed along the border. He grimly Indians and chased fQugtH oullaws-including Juan Corlina·-and opaDdClJ IIi; huldings and power. The patriareh of lhe BenavidQl; rarnily owned no slaves, bu I accepted slavery so he in tum, would be accepted by his Anglo neighbors. His own role in the Valley economy led him to identify will Ihe hierarchical structure of southern S(lciety; h~ disdaifl tex d~tant, unre.sp:msive govemmenlS led him to sympathize with seteliSion. As a result, \\'flen war broke out, he &sumed his accustomed place of leadership among Valley Hispani~.21 By the mil of 1863, Benavides commanded the Thirty-third TCJt8S Regiment, leading Ihcm 8gaill5t Mexican raideI'! and against lhe Yankee imadel'R at Laredo and Brownsville. Ironically, during (belle skirmishes witb. the Federals, his own. largely Hispanic unit collided with the Tej6llO-dominated Second Texas. Benavides succeeded in mCfit of his campaigns, and earned the respect of his Conlederale COlleagues. Benavides repre$cnts those Mexicao-Te:xll1l5 who for one re85Ol:l or anotber felt a reo;(ll"ln..'iJtlility to Texas., if nO\. to the South, and who perceived their interesl.& to be identical to those of the Anglos who dominated Texas eeonomic and polilical lifc. UnfortUNllely fOl Te:w Hisplnks, even his effortB on behalf of lhe CDIlfederacy failed to cbange most Toans' minds about tbe mas& of TejlJltOJ. Adrian J. Vidal's expcrieocc during the war differed dramalicaUy from Benavides' aDd symbolizc:R, Lhe way that many HBpmic Tezam found a niche io neitber Ute Coofedenne oor tlte Federal c:auae. 1be iKXI of a Ml2X:an 1IrOO1an and a wcalUly Anglo mercbatlt, Vidal had at the age cf twenty 3eCUred a Confederate captain's commission and the command of a company by the middle of 1863. His youth and race apparently XlUred his relationships with other Confederale officers, and in October 1863, Vidal tilled two Confederate courie~ and deMned with nearly ninety men·-prirnarily Mexican l'J8tiona15. After mhbing a few rancbet. as he traveled up the Rio Grande Valley, Vldal accepted a captaincy from the Federal forces campaigning in the Rio Grande region arid rcturned to Brownsville, nOW" occupied by the Yankees and from "'bieh he led his men on IIcol..iling expeditiOM throUghOut Soulh Tao:r.s. Huwever, after a few month! of arduous duty, weary of army rules and regulations, angry at the lardy pay and IXlOf proo.isions given his men, and complaining about the difficulty of futfitling his administrative duties when he could neither read nor write EngJ.illh, Vidal asked for an honorable discharge_ He eventually receiYed it, but not befQfe be and malt of his men once again deserted. LI. Benjamin McIntyre expruc;ed no surprise that 'the gay !'ancy little Mexican" bad left Ibe army. "II is a great pity that the country ever aa:epted lbese men for soldiers; be wrote in his diary, -and "till a pity that every yallu belly of them has nm been pennitled to desert.- n Vidal escaped into Mnico, where be foug/lt against the Mnican )Dfi:ltUDBIdy fur Toas Hispanics, evt:n .. ellofU CD beb<' or the Confederacy IDed to c:bBl:Ige most Taans' minds lbout the m- of TejQ1fOS. AdriBD J, Vidal's aperience during be 'lI'BI' differed dramatically from bI8¥icIeI' agj symbolizes the way that DlUI)' HiIf8ai::: Texans found a niche in ICilber the Coofederate ocr the Federal ause. 1be llOII of a Maic:an ~an lDl1 a weaItby AagIo mercbant, Vidal l8d at the age of twenty secured a :Dnfederate captain's CDmmis.sion and be command of a company by the Diddle of 1863. His youth and race lppIlI'CDtly soured his relationships with llher Confederate officers, and in )ctobcr 1863, Vidal tilled two :Dnfederate courie~ and dacned with IC8Cty ninety men-primartly Mexican I8IioDa1lL After robbing a rew ranches • be 1.tIM:k:d up the Rio Grande (alley, Vidal accepted a captaincy from be Federal forces campaigning in the W Grande region arid returned to JrownsvilIe, now oc:cupied by the iIDkee£ and from which he led his men 11 5COUling expeditions throughout icJ.Itb Texas. However, after a few lXIlIlbs of arduous duty, weary of army 'Ulca aod regulations, angry al the tardy II)' aod (DOt' provisions given his men, IDd axnplaining about the difficulty of iJlfiUiDl his adminisll'ative duties when 1IC tnlld neither read llOl' write English, ("1daI asted for an honorable di6charge. :Ie n'Cnlually received it, but nOI :.efare he and moM of hill men once t,pin desened. U. Benjamin Mernt)Te :apaeed no surprise that "the gay BDq' bttle Mexic:an~ had left the army. 1t iI a great pity that the coumry ever lCCCpted tbesc men for 8OIdie~," he urote in his diary, "and :ttill a pity thal ~ yaJ/er btlly of them has oot been )mDitled le dacrt."n Vidal escaped inle Mexiro, where .e fought against the Maican 21 , Imperialists. In 1865, at the age or twenty·one, he was capTured, ooun.manialed, and executed. His brief career showed how btUe &taU MeIicans living in Texas bad in Ibe affairs of their slate and rount!)', Ill·treated in roth of tbe armies in which he served, DOl cornmilled 10 the principles espoused by either side, and unwilling to abide m;trietiol1li and hardships for causes Lhat did DOt seem to apply to him, Vidal rejected Tnas for his mother's homeland. TIle chief irony of his short life is that, even in Mexiro, he rould not find a country in which he was either safe or happy.:!3 Vidal provides an extreme, though telling, example of the $hortcomings of the Confederacy's policy to'lll'ard "outsiders" living in Texas. Although with great effon men like Santos Benavides and August Buchel could overcome their foreign hirth and 1M comfortably in TC%a!, long years or political, ca:JDOtDic, and cultural antagonism poisoned relationa between TCIBDI aDd Tejanos and forced a vocal minority of Germans into rebellion against the Confederacy. The struggles betwl:en Anglo-Texans and ethnic minorities proyides one of tbe many ex.a.mples or intema1 pressures thai caused the Coofederacy to crumble from within. Unmmmilled to the Sl.IUetUf"e& of a IlIave IlOciety fighting for i" life against northern "aggression," many elhnic Tf:la11li found few reasons to support the Confederate war effort and some, in fact, felt rompelled to take up anns agail1lil it. Their often lenuous pmjtion in Taas would CCJIltinue for decades after Appomattox, as Germal1li were far more likely to :tupport the Republican Party than ~t Texal1li, and HispaniCS continued to struggle against the economic and political dominance--and often the \1oIent hatred- of Anglos.2.4 NOTES 1. A ve~ion of this paper was presented at the 1989 Northern Great Plail1li History Conference. 2 Frederick Law Olm.sted, A JOWTII!y 1hrough Taas; or, Q Saddle Tni' Of! the SOU1hwestem Frontier (New York: Bun Franklin, lB6O; Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958), 440. 3. The classic examination of Confederate dissent is Georgia Lee Tatum's Disloyalty in the Conlederaq (Chapel Hill: UnioJef"!;iCy of North Carolina Press, 1934). More recently, Carl Degler's TM Othn SCJUJh.: Southem DUseNen in the Ninefeeftth Century (New York: Harper & Row, 1974) and Riehard Beringer's, et. at, Why the South Lost the CjYiJ War (Athens: UniYe~ily of Georgia Press, 1986), have examined the phenomenon of dissent in the eMI War South. 4. Walter L. Buenger, Secession and the Union in Tow (Austin: University of Teus Press, 1984), 81; AE. Zueter, ed., TM Forty-EighJen: Political Refugees olthe Gtmwr Re:voIuJion 01 /848 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), 3.25, 43·78,111.156; ZOie Odom. Newsome, "Antislavery sentiment in Teus, 1821·1861" (MA Th~, Texa5 Technological College, 1968), 63-64; R.L Biesele, 7he Toas State ConventiOll of Germal1li in 1854," SOUlhwestem Hutorical Quarferly 33 (April 1930), 247-261. 22 5. William W. White, "lbe Texas Slave Insurrection of 1860,~ Sou1hwestem HurorkaJ Qwmerly 52 (January 1949), 259-2.&5; Gideon LiDcecum D.H. and Emily Moore, 15 August 1860, Gideon l1ncecurn CoUec:tion, Barter Teus HiJlory (:eater, university of TeJi35 at Austin; Buenger, Secession and ~ Union 67 (rne counties and the percenLages against 8eCf:S&ion were Fayette, 52; GilI~P*e, 96; Mason, 97; aod Medina, 60), 99-100. 6. Montague to G<W. Edward aark, 10 July 1861, Clark. papers, Governors' Records, Texas State Archives.. 7. Thomas B. White to Gov, Francis LubboCk, 20 March 1862, and McCulloch to Lubbock, 27 March 1862, both in Lubbock. Papers, Govemors' Records, Texllfi Slate Archives. 8. Thomas C. Smith, Here's Yer Mule: The Dimy of ThontaJ C. Smith (Waco: TIle little Tex<ln PreM, 1958), 19-20. 9. Alwyn Barr, ed., "Records of the Confederate Military Commission in San Antonio, 2 July.to OCtober 1862," SOUthweslern HUlOricaJ QuoI1erly 71 (Detoher 19(7),260-271,253-2.58; 73 (July 19(9), 83-'XI. 10. Louis E. Brister, ·William von Rosenberg's Kinilc A History of the Society for the Proteetion of German Immigrants to Te:ws: SouJhwestl71f Hutoricw Qua11erly 85 (OCtober 1981), 161-163; ChriStine Sehou, "Gustavus Sehleicher: A Repre.\enlative of the Early German Emigrants in Texas," West Tf!XfJS Hutorit:al AssociaJion Yearbook 28 (Oclober 19S2), 50-64. 11. Roben W. Slephens, August Buche!: Te:w.n Soldier of Fortune (Dallas: Privately Printed, 1970), 1-6. 12. J~ph Bruckmuller, 'Description of the Family and Life of Ju<oeph BruCkmuUer," typewritten tran.~lation, Barker Texa.~ History Center. 13. Dallas Herold, 6 September, 1862. The (actual details for this brief account of an oft-told tale come from Robert W. Shook, "lbe Battle of the Nueees, 10 August 1862," Southwestern Historical Qua11erly 66 (July 19(2),31-42. 14. James B. Martin, "Terror in Texas: Violence and Fear in the Hill C'..ountry during the Civil War," Unpublished Seminar Paper, University of Texa.~ at Austin, 1986; quoted in J.B. Wilkinson, Laredo and the Rio Grande FronJier (Austin: Jenkins Publishing Co., 1975), 284. 15. U.S. Census Bureau, Population of the United Stales in 1860 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 18(4), 490; Buenger, Secession and the Union 85; Belle Gay Ash, "lbe Mexican Texan!; in the Civil War" (MA l1le.~is, East Texa.~ State University, 1972), 11-36; Arnolda DeLeon, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo AttiJudes Toward MexicQIU in Tf!XfJS, 1821-1900 (Austin: University of Texa.<; Press, 1983), 49-62, 75-86; carey MeWilHams, NOf1h FfTJrn Mairo: The Speutlih.Speaking People of the UniJed Stales (New York: Greenwood Pre66 Reprint, 1968), 98-108; leroy P. Grar, "lbe Economic History of the Lower Rio Grande Valley, 1820-1875' (Ph.D. Dw.ertation. Harvard University, 1942), 89-100. 16. Corpw Christi Ram::hero, 3 September 1863, qUOled in John Denny Riley, "Santos Benavides: Hi!; Influence on the Lower Rio Grande, 182.1-1891" (Ph.D. Dissenalion, Texas Christian University, 1976), 116; 01m..~[ed, A JOW7U!'j Through Tf!XfJS, 245; DeLeon, They Called Them Greasen, 82..83. 17. John S. Ford to GoY. Edward Clark, 21 April 1861, Ford Papers, TCUJ Slate Archives; Brig. Gen. H.P. Bee to Don Albino Lopez, Governor of Tamaulipas, 3 February 1863, and Lopez to Bee, 11 February, 1863, War of the RebelliOfl: A . 23 : Imwrc:elioo of 1860,w Soullnwsrern 15; <Hdeor:I LilK::ec:um D.B. and Emily IIIeclioD, Bart:er Toas History Center, ioN tI1Id IN Uniofl 67 «(he counties and Ie, 52; Gi1Iesf*, 96; MfUOn, 97; and I luly 1861, Dart: Papen, GoveI"llOl'&' ::tlol;t, 20 March 1862, and McCulloch * Paper&, ~ Governors' Records, Texas Diary of Thomas C. Smith (Waco: Dfederale Mililary Commission in san 1m! Hisrorit:al Quor1erly 71 (OctOber ... IDcrg's Kirtilc: A Hi.\tory of the Society CI35,. SOUlh._~em HisloriJ:al Quar1erly 'Gwtavus Schleicher: A Representative t Teras Historical AuociaJion Yearbook ~/: Taon Soldier of F~ {Dallas: of tbe Family and life of Jno;eph Tems History Cemer. Dc fat'tual details for this brief account :boot, "Tbe Bailie of the Nueees, 10 ~ 66 (July 1962), 31-42. VIOk:~ and Fear in the Hill Country Paper, University of Texas at Austin, It 100 Gmnde Frontier (Austin: JenD[\/; • Compilation of the OjficWJ Records of the UniofJ and Confedt!TtJle AnnieJ (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1880-19(1), ser. 1, V. 15, 966-967, 975·978; Nueces County Historial1 Society, The History of NU«e:J COWIJy (Austin: JenkiM Publishing Co., 1972),64,74: Wilkinson, I...arrdo IJIId w Rio Gn:uItk FT'IJI'IIier, 28&-289; leny DorlThompson, Vaqweror in BJue and Gray (Austin: Presidial Presll, 1976), 16- 17, 22-23. 18. Thompson, Vaqweror in BJu.e and Gray, 81, 25-31. 19. U. Col. A Buchel 10 Maj. Samuel B. Davis, 5 December 1861, OR ser. 1, V. 4, 152-153; RH. Williams., With 1M Border lWffimu: MerrtlJlVJ of tile Far We.!'/, 1852-1868, E.W. W"tlliams, 00. (London: Jolm MUrrah, 1980), 275; Bee to Capt. Edmund P. Tumer, 27 April 1863, OR ser. 1, V. 15, 1056-1057. 2il. Recorcb of the Adjutant General's Office, Record Group 94, Index to the Compiled service Recorcb oCVolunleer Union Soldien who served from the Slate oC Texas, National Archives Microfilm Publications; Nannie M. Ttlley, ed., Federob on 1M Fron.Jier: The DWry of Benjamin F. Mcln.I}ft, 1862-1864 (Austin: University of Taas Presli, 1963), 346-347, 338; Thompson, Vaqweror in Blue and Gray, 89-92. 21. I have drawn m~1 of the material on Benavide5 from John Denny Riley's previously cited dissertation, "Santos Benavides: His Influence on the Lower Rio Grande, 1823_189l.w 22. Thompson, Vaqweror ill Blue and Gray, 71-75; Brig. Gen. H.P. Bee to Capt. Edmund P. Tumer, 2B October 1863, OR ser. 1, V. 26, PI. 1,448-449; Maj. Gen. N.TJ. Dana to Brig. Gen. Charles P. Slone, 2 December 1863, OR ser. 1, V. 26, PI. 1,8."\0-831; Thompson, Vaquero.!' iI'I BIu£ and Gray, 75-78; Tilley, 00., Federob on the FT'IJI'IIier, 349-350. 23. Thompson, Vaqweror iI'I Blue and Gray, 79. 24. AJv.yn Barr, Reronstrucrion to Rtfonrt.: Term PolitiJ:.!', 1876-1906 (Austin: University of TaM Press, 1911), 17; Arnoldo De Leon, The Tejano ComnwniJy, 1836-1900 (Albuquerque: Univenity of New Mexico Presll, 1982),23-36; McWilliams, North From Mexico, 111-114, 162-188. he UNled Sillies in 18(;() (Washington: 1ger, Secessiol't and /he Union 85; Bette War" (MA Thesis, East Texas Stale , They Called Them Greasers: Anglo 00 (Austin: Univenicy of Texas Presli, lit From Mexico: The Sponish-Speaking cawood Press Reprint, 1968), 98-108; l..ower Rio GraDde Valley, 1820-1875" !), 89·100. er 1863, quote(l in John Denny Riley, ower Rio Grande, 1823-1891" (Ph.D. '6), 116; O\mSte(l, A /ountey 17trough ISm, 82-83. 'k., 21 April 1861, Ford Papen, Texas \Ibino Ulpel., Governor of TamaulipM, muuy, 1863, War of /he Rebellion-· A r i J