Download Berlin Conference, 1884 (Scramble for africa)

 DCMUN 2015
Chair Report
Berlin Conference, 1884
June 13th – 14th 2015
Kiki Kurosawa & Simran Sawhney
[email protected] / [email protected]
1 Table of Contents Topic: Scramble For Africa Africa in 1885 (Map) Participants and their stances 1. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland 2. French Republic 3. Kingdom of Belgium 4. Kingdom of Italy 5. Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarve 6. Kingdom of Spain 7. Austro-­‐Hungarian Empire 8. Kingdom of Denmark 9. Kingdom of Netherlands 10. The Ottoman Empire 11. United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway 12. The German Empire 13. United States of America 14. The Russian Empire Aims of the Conference Outcome of the Conference After the Conference Questions to consider Special procedure (as a historical committee) Closing remarks References 3 4 5 8 9 10 11 11 12 12 2 Topic: Scramble For Africa The 1870s and early 1880s saw the beginning of Europe’s colonisation of Africa. Many strong European nations began to look to the continent of Africa and her natural resources as a way of expanding their industrial sector; thus began the colonial time period dubbed the ‘Scramble For Africa’. The rapid expansionary agenda eventually, and inevitably led to conflict amongst the colonial powers. To quell tensions (especially between Britain and France), at the request of Portugal, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck intervened, calling the 1884 meeting of European powers in Berlin. The Berlin Conference (November 15th 1884 -­‐ February 26th 1885) solidified and legitimised the colonisation of Africa; claims to territory were negotiated and mapped out, free trade among colonies was agreed upon, and a framework upon which future European claims to African territories were negotiated was established. This ‘Scramble For Africa’ period lasted until the early 1900s; by 1914, the only remaining independent states were Abyssinia (now Ethiopia) and Liberia. These territories remained colonies of European powers until the decolonisation period after the end of WWII. Map of Africa (2009) http://www.ezilon.com/maps/images/Political-­‐map-­‐of-­‐Africa.gif Looking upon the 21st century map of Africa, one can observe the ruler-­‐straight borders of African nations, a long-­‐lasting consequence of the Berlin conference of 1884. Neither the Berlin conference nor the framework for future negotiations recognized the opinions and lives of those living in the contested areas as a valid factor for negotiations. The Eurocentric mindset of ‘Western-­‐supremacy’ displayed throughout this conference in the form of the complete disregard for the needs and opinions of those actually residing in these disputed African states, is a key cause of the instability and critical socio-­‐economic conditions still plaguing many African nations today. 3 Africa in 1885 (Map) http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/africa_1885.jpg (Click on the image to zoom in) 4 Participants and their stances 1. The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland The British Empire was the biggest colonial power in the late 19th century and was primarily concerned with maintaining relationships with India through the East India Company. The acquisition of further territory of Egypt and South Africa hence became a primary goal in the Scramble for Africa. Cecil Rhodes, pioneer of British expansion in Africa, urged for the establishment of the “Cape-­‐to-­‐Cairo” railway link to gain strategic positioning and to act as a buffer to prevent French expansion. The strategically important Suez Canal, which connected the Atlantic Ocean, Mediterranean, Red, and Arabian Seas, provided important shipping routes, and Cape-­‐to-­‐Cairo would provide the British an opportunity to exploit the mineral-­‐rich South. Furthermore, Britain was especially interested in the the mineral-­‐rich territory of Transvaal, where gold and resources were prominent, thus, Britain would gain more profit and power within their “sphere of influence”, however was in conflict with the Dutch for control of the Cape of Africa. As a result of the Scramble for Africa, Britain occupied or annexed more than 30% of Africa’s population including Egypt, the Sudan, British East Africa (Kenya and Uganda), British Somaliland, Southern and Northern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe and Zambia), Bechuanaland (Botswana), Orange Free State and the Transvaal (South Africa), Gambia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, British Gold Coast (Ghana), and Nyasaland (Malawi). 2. The French Republic After losing Alsace and Lorraine to Germany as a result of the Franco-­‐Prussian war and consequently losing international prestige, France saw the colonisation of Africa as a chance to remain a world power. The French were particularly interested in establishing a continuous west-­‐east axis of the continent, however tensions between Britain and France rose from incidents such as the British buffer of Cape-­‐to-­‐Cairo, conflicted control of Southern Sudan, and the establishment of Anglo-­‐Egyptian control over the French-­‐pursuited Egypt. France eventually gained control over much of North, West, and Central Africa, including the modern nations of Morocco, Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea, Mali, Ivory Coast, Benin, Niger, Chad, Central African Republic, Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, and Madagascar. 3. Kingdom of Belgium Seeking to gain international power and prestige for his nation, King Leopold II of the Kingdom of Belgium attempted to persuade the government to support the much-­‐needed colonial expansion around the unexplored Congo Basin. A number of European colonial powers supported the mass colonisation with the means of gaining personal benefit from exploitation of Africa’s natural resources. King Leopold used the Congo for its natural resources of ivory and rubber, while using force, slavery, murder, and mutilation of the indigenous Congolese to brutally extract profit from the territory while terrorising them when not fulfilling ivory and rubber collection quotas. It is estimated that millions of Congolese died during Belgium’s ruling and exploitation. However, Leopold II achieved international recognition for his personal colony, the Congo Free State in 1885. The Congo Free State was not officially a Belgian colony, however in 1908, the intense diplomatic pressure led Belgium to take official control of the country, creating the Belgian Congo. 5 4. Kingdom of Italy The Kingdom of Italy had been a late participant of the Scramble for Africa. Italy had previously considered the Ottoman province of Tunisia, where a large number of Tunisian Italians lived, however had not considered annexing it until 1879, when it became apparent that several European nations were adding African nations to their colonial holdings. A last minute offer by Italy to share Tunisia between France and herself was refused. Instead, France ordered her troops from French Algeria and imposed a protectorate over Tunisia in May 1881 under the Treaty of Bardo. The “Tunisian bombshell” led the isolated-­‐Italy into signing the Triple Alliance in 1882 with Germany and Austria-­‐Hungary. Italy continued her search for colonies until February 1886, when it annexed the port of Massawa in Eritrea on the Red Sea from the collapsing Egyptian Empire under a secret agreement with Britain. The Italian annexation prevented any expansion of French Somaliland and an outlet to the sea to the Ethiopian Empire. At the same time, Italy occupied territory in southern parts of the Horn of Africa, creating Italian Somaliland. Moreover, Italy attempted annexation of Ethiopia itself with an invasion in 1887, however halted after the loss of 500 Italian troops at the Battle of Dogali. After the Treaty of Wuchale of 1889, Ethiopian territory around Massawa was ceded to Italy to form the colony of Eritrea and made Ethiopia an Italian protectorate. 5. Kingdom of Portugal and the Algarve At the height of European colonialism in the 19th century, Portugal had lost its territory in South America and all but a few bases in Asia, however had the oldest colonial outposts on the African continent on the west coast, southwest coast, and southeast coast. During this phase, Portuguese colonialism focused on expanding its outposts in Africa into nation-­‐sized territories to compete with other European powers there. Consequently, Portugal coveted Angola and Mozambique and attempted expansion in the rest of its outposts. 6. Kingdom of Spain The Kingdom of Spain had a long history of colonialism and Franco-­‐Spanish collaboration in their colonial expeditions. Consequently, Spanish influence obtained international recognition in the Berlin Conference of 1884. In 1860, Sidi Ifni in Morocco was ceded to Spain as part of the Treaty of Tangiers. During the conference’s period, Spain administered Sidi Ifni and Western Sahara jointly, claimed a protectorate over the coast of Guinea from Cape Bojador to Cap Blanc, and another protectorate over Rio Muni in 1885. The Spanish wanted to maintain a significant presence in the western coast of Africa, however the wars for independence in Latin America beginning in the 1820s left the empire with little monetary funds, resulting in less Spanish influence in the Scramble for Africa 7. Austro-­‐Hungarian Empire Despite Austria-­‐Hungary not being a colonial power in 1885, it was invited to the Berlin conference to regulate colonial policy among the powers of Europe. The Austro-­‐
Hungarian Empire was well-­‐respected and viewed as a major European power. During the conference’s period, Austria-­‐Hungary promoted and financed many valuable scientific expeditions, benefitting every colonial power. The several Austro-­‐Hungarian African Expeditions included the 1886-­‐89 East Africa Expedition, the Congo Expedition of 1885-­‐85, and the Massai-­‐Expedition of 1892-­‐93. However, there were small attempts of gaining 6 territory in East Africa, particularly around the Suez Canal, to obtain an outlet to the new route, which they hoped to utilise to potentially revolutionise the African-­‐Asia trade. 8. Kingdom of Denmark The Danish Empire had been weak in the late 19th century and could barely defend the few colonies they had. Denmark supported a large merchant fleet and navy heavily involved in the slave trade, with small colonies and trading stations in the West Indies, Asia, and Africa, however was unable to maintain or profit from them and eventually sold many of its colonies to Britain and the United States. Denmark faced a loss of territories and revolutions enacted by middle and upper class based on the ideals of the French revolution. By the time Denmark’s industry and economy had reached a point where colonialism may have been feasible, Africa was long split among the rest of the European powers. 9. Kingdom of The Netherlands The Kingdom of The Netherlands had settlements in southern Africa, particularly in the Cape region of Africa since the 1600s. As Africa became progressively more colonised by most of the major European power, the Dutch saw a power struggle for the control of their previously established territory. The British coveted for the control of the area and eventually defeated The Netherlands’ long history of the Cape during the Scramble for Africa. 10. The Ottoman Empire The Ottoman Empire had been a strong colonial power in Asia and eastern Europe and proved no less during the Scramble for Africa. The 1884 Berlin Conference saw the Ottoman Empire coveting part of Sub-­‐Saharan Africa and North African provinces. In wishing so, they closely followed the legal terms of the conference in order to expand Ottoman territory and to hold their European competitors in Africa, such as France and Britain, to these terms in order to stop the contraction of their empire. Moreover, the Ottomans used these new agreements to display their international strength and power. 11. United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway In the early 19th century, the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway used vast resources on futile wars without preparations for peace and the little monetary fund left lasting effects when the agenda turned to African colonialism. Like Denmark, Sweden and Norway held several colonies, however had to sell them to the United States and Britain because of the lack of maintenance and profit from the colonies. Furthermore, Sweden and Norway faced minimal resources for incursions into foreign territory and population depletion by emigration to the United States, thus having to enact several domestic reforms during the prime time of the Scramble for Africa. By the time Sweden and Norway’s industries and economies had reached a large enough scale for possible colonialism, Africa had been long divided among the rest of the major European colonial powers. While Sweden and Norway asserted minimal colonialism during the division of Africa, they fully supported the European powers' colonial ambitions in Africa by ratifying the General Act of the Berlin Conference and by signing a bilateral treaty with the International Congo Association led by the Belgian King Leopold II. 7 12. The German Empire The 1884 Berlin Conference to partition Africa had been called by the German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismark. Bismarck disdained Africa, but felt that the equitable division of Africa would be necessary to maintain the balance of power within Europe. German imperialism and colonialism included German individuals, rather than government entities, competing with the established colonies and colonialist entrepreneurs. German traders first began to establish themselves in the African Cameroon delta and the mainland coast across from Zanzibar in the 1850s and 1860s, however politically joined the race for the last uncharted territories in Africa and the Pacific in late 1880s. Germany sought to gain political power and international trust from their scramble for the last territories. 13. The United States of America While the United States of America claimed no territory during the rush to establish colonies, she was an active and powerful observer of the Berlin Conference, where she observed the colonial partition of Africa. The United States became the first country to recognise the sovereignty of Belgium’s King Leopold II over the Congo As a consequence of the American Revolution, the USA had embraced anti-­‐colonialism. The United States, however, held the most moral, political, economical, and military power of any of the Western nations to influence world events. Nonetheless, her power was not limitless as the United States could not influence the pace, path, and priority of colonisation, and later decolonisation, in Africa. 14. The Russian Empire The Russian Empire was one of the biggest European powers during the late 19th century. Russia had been a minor player in the Berlin Conference itself as she was held back by territorial disputes around her own nation, such as in Poland, Siberia, Finland, and other Russian-­‐ruled non-­‐Russian regions. Moreover, Russia had a lack of access to the Atlantic Ocean and even simply fought constant wars with Turkey for access to the Mediterranean Sea, which meant a conquest for Africa was difficult for the Russian Empire to pursue. While Russia’s role was limited during this conference, they desired resources as their enormous land mass lacked resources for their growing population. Furthermore, Russia’s declining European power concerned Russia, which led them seeking ways to limit influence of other European powers. In order to do so, delegates would need to attempt the addition of clauses that would undermine trade and access to resources between European powers and Africa. Delegates could also introduce a complex system delaying the claim of valid ownership of regions to earn the Russian Empire enough time and access for themselves to join the Scramble for Africa. Aims of the Conference Of the collective conference: • To set a framework for the European colonisation of African territory that would prevent future tension and dispute between European powers 8 To guarantee free trade and navigation in the Congo Basin, along the Congo River, and the lower Niger River and its Basins. • To establish The Congo Basin and the Niger Basins as neutral zones Individual country’s aims: • Negotiate with other countries regarding the territorial claims they are interested in • Draft a treaty (resolution) that would work in favour of their past and future aims and actions in Africa • Open a doorway (through the treaty and diplomatic negotiations) that will lead to them being able to gain as much territory as possible • Create an economic environment in the African colonies that would benefit them •
Outcome of Conference The Berlin Conference concluded on the 26th of February 1885 with the unanimous signing of the Berlin General Act (http://africanhistory.about.com/od/eracolonialism/l/n_BerlinAct1885.htm). The Act addressed 6 main concerns regarding the colonisation of Africa: 1. Freedom of trade in the Basin of the Congo 2. The slave trade 3. Neutrality of the territories in the Basin of the Congo 4. Navigation of the Congo 5. Navigation of the Niger 6. Rules for future occupation on the coast of the African continent The Act established the Niger and Congo Rivers to be free for naval travel, with an international commission to be established to monitor navigation along the river, and the river’s infrastructure. No taxes were to be levied in the Congo region except for those necessary to facilitate trade. The Congo Basin was declared a neutral state, however, Belgian King Leopold II’s African International Association turned International Association of the Congo (IAC) gained support through negotiations to establish an IAC colony, the Congo Free State (2.3 million km2), in some parts of the Congo Basin. Leopold II named himself sovereign king of the Congo Free State -­‐ his rule in the Congo Free State would later lead to the deaths of many in the region. African leaders had no legal standing in the matter of sovereignty, but many countries made deals with indigenous chiefs, deals the African chiefs did not properly understand and thus lead to confusion about the legitimacy of European claims over territory. All countries agreed to protect Christian missionaries in the region, and allow freedom of religion. There was an attempt to abolish the slave trade with a ban on slave markets and the transportation of slaves in the Congo region. As a framework for future territorial claims in Europe, the General Act states that countries must have signed treaties with proof of “effective occupation” in order to claim territory. In addition, a presence in the territory under control was required, along with the assurance that trade could be continued, and that the country would contribute to the economic development in the region. The Act also required all countries that had signed on to 9 the General Act to notify other European states of any new claims, in order to prevent future conflicts. In addition to the General Act, which all countries agreed upon and eventually ratified, there were many bilateral negotiations between countries to serve their own personal agendas, one of which was the agreement between Germany and the UK: Germany could control Togoland and Cameroon if Germany would support British claims over Niger and Egypt. The 1884 Berlin Conference aimed to avoid future tension and dispute over territorial claims in Africa by European powers. At the time of the conference, France, Germany, the UK, and Portugal held the most power amongst the 14 nations represented at the conference. The Berlin Conference did not succeed in determining concrete borders between countries -­‐ this would follow the end of the conference, and lead into 1911. However, due to the strong determination of each of the European powers to carry out their own strategic plans, a ‘general sphere of influence’ was set in different regions of Africa. The Berlin Conference proved to be a catalyst for the Scramble For Africa, legitimising and encouraging European claims over African territory, rather than the deterrent and resolution to the Scramble Bismarck had initially hoped it would be. After the Conference The Berlin Conference led to further, rapid expansion efforts by the European powers; the Scramble became a fierce competition of countries rushing to add to their nation’s prestige and wealth. Colonisation continued until the beginning of WWI (1914), at which point Liberia and Ethiopia (Abyssinia) remained the only two independent states in the region. Between 1885 and 1914 (territory gained) with past names in brackets: • Britain - tried to construct a line of colonies from Egypt to South Africa: Botswana, Egypt,
Ghana (British Gold Coast), Gambia, Kenya (British East Africa), Malawi (Nyasaland),
Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa (Transvaal), Somalia (British Somaliland), Sudan
(Anglo-Egyptian Sudan), Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (Rhodesia).
• France - sought an East-West line through the continent and colonised a large part of
Western Africa: Benin, Chad (French West Africa), Central African Republic, Djibouti,
Gabon, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, the Republic
of Congo (French Equatorial Africa), Senegal
• Belgium - Democratic Republic of Congo (Belgian Congo - Congo Free State)
• Italy - Eritrea, Somalia (Italian Somaliland after invading British Somaliland in 1889),
Libya, a portion of Ethiopia (Abyssinia),
• Portugal - Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique
• Germany - East Africa: Burundi, Namibia (German Southwest Africa) Rwanda,
Tanganyika, Tanzania (German East Africa)
• Spain - Equatorial Guinea (Rio Muni), (Sidi Ifni), (Western Sahara)
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What are your country’s aims? (land you wish to acquire, or a strategy you wish to implement) What does your country’s actions post-­‐Conference reveal about your country’s aims? Take this into account throughout the conference. What is the best way to implement the neutral zone in the Congo and Niger Basins? How can trade along the Congo and Niger Rivers be regulated? What would a good framework for future European colonialism in Africa look like (try and offer suggestion other/better than those proposed in the General Act)? How would this be implemented? How can the balance of power in Europe be maintained through the colonization of territory in Africa? How should the European powers react to businessmen or explorers who form treaties with the indigenous population and lay jurisdictional claims over territory without the consent of any higher authority? How will nations (including yours) justify actions in Africa, and how to what extent should they be able to use force/resources to maintain influence on the continent? Special procedure (as a historical committee) Being the historical committee, the Berlin Conference (1884) is the most unique committee in DCMUN. Set in the 19th Century, before the creation of the United Nations (or even the League of Nations), the Berlin Conference was not a UN-­‐style debate with a facilitating chairperson, nor was a UN-­‐style resolution drafted as a result (the General Act’s structure is unlike that of an MUN draft resolution you may be used to). However, DCMUN has opted to adopt the ‘basic UN structure’ of debate for this conference, with a few changes. Resolution writing: Instead of submitting draft resolutions, amending them, and voting upon a final one, the final document produced will be a single ‘Treaty of Berlin, 1884’. Delegations will submit articles to this Treaty in the form of ‘addendums’, individual clauses that will be voted upon before being added to the Treaty. Unlike operative clauses in draft resolutions, addendums need not begin with verbs. Instead, they can be statements (with sub clauses/sub-­‐sub clauses if necessary). Please adhere to the punctuational structure of a UN resolution’s operative clause. Pre-­‐ambulatory clauses may also be submitted. This Treaty (as clauses would have already been voted upon) will automatically pass at the end of the final committee session. Claims to territory: Although only unofficial ‘spheres of influence’ were established in the Conference of 1884, and borders of and claims to African states were only gradually solidified after the passing of the General Act, for the purpose of DCMUN, delegations will be able to claim ‘preliminary claims’ over regions of Africa. These claims will be negotiated throughout the 11 conference; they must be submitted in an addendum and voted upon by others the committee to stand as a valid claim for the future ‘new imperialism’ era that will dawn after the Conference. These claims will be marked out on a map throughout the conference, so you will be ‘Scrambl[ing] for Africa’ during the conference. Moderated/unmoderated caucusing: For the purpose of this conference, moderated causes will be referred to as ‘public debate’, and unmoderated caucuses as ‘private debate’. As many bilateral negotiations (especially regarding territorial claims) occurred throughout this conference, private debates (unmods) will be encouraged more frequently than in a standard MUN conference. To motion for a caucus (*-­‐-­‐-­‐* = only for a public debate/mod): “Motion for a private/public debate regarding the issue of ______ for _____ minutes, *___ minute per speaker, with ____ speakers*. Closing remarks Remember to take into account your country’s aims/stance when debating the issue, however you do not need to mirror your country’s actions at the conference (in fact, we would highly recommend AGAINST this!) Be creative and bold in your actions, and think of innovative ways to better achieve your aims in the conference. With such a small number of participating nations holding the power to control so much of the world, diplomacy and negotiation between delegates is key in this conference. Regarding the special attire, you are free to dress in the attire a delegate from the 19th Century would have worn for the conference. Otherwise, please wear the standard formal MUN attire. Email us at [email protected] and [email protected] for any queries or concerns you may have. We hope you have a fantastic conference, and we look forward to an eventful 2 days. Best of luck, delegates! Kiki and Simran References http://geography.about.com/cs/politicalgeog/a/berlinconferenc.htm http://www.joh.cam.ac.uk/library/library_exhibitions/schoolresources/exploration/s
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