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Cornell Model United
Nations Conference
July Joint Crisis:
Austro-Hungarian & German Cabinets
Greetings from the Chairs.......................1
Opening Notes
Committee Rules
Austrio-Hungarian History...................4
Ithaca, NY
April 15 - April 18 2010
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to Ithaca, New York, your home for a lovely weekend in April 2010! Welcome to Cornell,
and to CMUNC 2010! Finally, welcome to the Austro-Hungarian Cabinet on the July Crisis Joint
Crisis Committees! It is my utmost pleasure to introduce to you my trusted assistant chairs, the
individuals who have been working tirelessly to ensure that this committee is a success: Danny
German History...........................................4 Blackman and Calaandra Hustace-Candea.
Background of the Situation...............4 It’s probably about time that I let you in on a few secrets about myself. My name is Sameer Nurmo
Alliance Systems
hamed, and I am a senior from Calgary, Canada. I’m a double major in Economics and Mathemat
Militarism
ics, but I probably spend (or misuse, perhaps) the vast majority of my time on Model United Nations.
Nationalism
Although I attend as many conferences as I can, and am on the E-board of the Cornell Model United
Imperialism
The Players...................................................5
Britain
France
Russia
Serbia and the Balkans
The Ottoman Empire
The Low Countries
Nations club, most of my Model UN experience probably occurs during my REM sleep cycles.
While my nightmares have involved the atrocities committed during the First World War, my dreams
have often dealt with ways to avert the disaster that began in 1914. The July Crisis Joint Crisis
Committees will provide a forum for delegates and debaters to discuss the appropriate actions to
take and to negotiate solutions to the problem. Using the hindsight of 95 years, you should take a
position – but consider the implications of that position on the character you play, the department or
institution you will be representing, the country your character calls home, and finally, even the side
you eventually take. Note that while you should act in the best interests of your character, departPositions..........................................................7 ment, country, and side, what you do will affect the actions and behavior of others. That said, keep
in mind that preventing war is generally but not always the best way to go. Good delegates will take
Austro-Hungarian Positions
a stance on issues, but be willing to compromise if necessary to secure their vital interests.
German Positions
Bibliography...................................................9 As far as research goes, there are virtually millions of publications describing, structuring, and
Austro-Hungarian Cabinet:
Chair: Sameer Nurmohamed
[email protected]
Assistant Chair: Danny Blackman
[email protected]
Assistant Chair: Calaandra Hustace-Candea
[email protected]
German Committee:
Chair: Mike Todaro
[email protected]
Assistant Chair: Richard Kang
[email protected]
Assistant Chair: Matt Sloan
[email protected]
explaining why the “Great War” took place. It’s a question that may never be adequately answered.
Nonetheless, it is an area of fascination for historians, and there are numerous different viewpoints.
Always check the credibility of sources you use, and be sure to screen for content pertinent to this
committee. Use this background guide as a place to start, but make sure to research your own character as well as everything that could affect your position and the ways you defend it.
Ensure that you read pages 5 and 6, as they will provide you with an introduction to this committee
as well as its rules.
Finally, this committee will use some original methods of debate and committee structure. If you
have any questions - substantive, format-based, or personal – feel free to send me an e-mail (sfn4@
cornell.edu). I’m happy to answer any questions you may have.
Sameer Nurmohamed
Chair, Austro-Hungarian Cabinet
July Joint Crisis
Dear Delegates,
Welcome to the 2010 Cornell Model United Nations Conference, and, more importantly, the German Cabinet of 1914! We’re all set
to have an awesome time, and I’m really looking forward to accompanying you through a challenging, exciting, and most of all fun conference. My name is Mike, and I’ll be your committee chairperson for the weekend, leading you through all of the the twists, turns, intrigue,
and manipulation that comes along with being a member of the German cabinet at the dawn of the Great War. Before I continue though,
I need to make sure I thank my assistant chairs Matt Sloan and Richard Kang for their tireless effort and for their infinite patience with me.
Matt and Richard are integral cogs in the magnificent grandfather clock which is our dais, and they were instrumental in constructing the
work of art you now hold in your hands.
Joint crisis committees can be overwhelming, and if you have any questions regarding what you see before you, rules of debate,
committee structure, etc., please don’t hesitate to ask them. You can reach me at [email protected], and I’ll do my best to get back to you
as soon as I have an answer.
Now, I’m sure you’re all dying to hear more about me, so I’d be happy to oblige. Currently, I’m a second semester senior majoring
in Government with a minor in International Relations. I’ve been a member of the Cornell Model UN team for two years, and toiled during
CMUNC 2009 as a crisis staffer on the WWI Crisis Committee. I’ve very much enjoyed being a part of Model UN, and it’s definitely one of
the few things I’m going to miss when I graduate. Next year I will be in California, working as a director of a field office for the DNC.
When I’m not slaving over a hot Model UN stove, I am a member of several intramural teams, which I take way too seriously. I
also work as an intramural official, which entails getting paid minimum wage to be yelled at by fratboys for making good calls. In general, I
enjoy sports, video games, reading, long moonlit walks on the beach, and all the other extracurricular activities which go hand in hand with
being a college student.
As you probably should know, this is a Joint Crisis Committee, and as such, we will be working closely with (or against) the
Austro-Hungarian cabinet. My counterpart on the Austro-Hungarian side is the lovely Sameer, who is both a gentleman and a scholar. I
encourage you to read his letter, as it is no doubt well written and useful. Because each of you will be representing a person crucial to the
success of the German Empire, it is critical that you research German policy as well as the unique opinions of the individual person you are
representing. Seriously, at least use Wikipedia.org, you don’t want to be blindsided on the first day of committee. Anyway, good luck preparing and remember that you can contact me with any questions you might have. I exist primarily to make CMUNC 2010 the best experience
possible for you guys. Looking forward to meeting all of you soon!
Auf Wiedersehen!
Mike Todaro
Chair, German Cabinet
Cornell Model UN Conference 2010
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July Joint Crisis
Opening Notes
To begin, it is quite important to point out that because you
are taking part in joint crisis committees that not only will debate flow differently, but rules will differ, and even the content of the committees will
be distinct from the conventional General Assembly-style committees.
The crucial point is that while the purpose of General Assembly committees is ultimately to vote on and pass a resolution that accomplishes
something worthwhile, the goal of a crisis committee is pretty much just
to keep your head above water. That in mind, instead of having the
opportunity to provide the slightly different perspective that your country
may have to offer, in a crisis committee you will respond to a series of
(generally) related crises. Thus, throughout this conference, you will be
working to respond to each of the crises presented before you in as
effective, decisive, and concrete a manner as possible. Additionally, you
will have the loftier, long-term task of achieving the general goals of both
your country and your position (that is both departmental and political).
Now, joint crisis committees are a slight twist on the general
crisis committee structure described above. In your committee, you will
be tasked with responding not only to crises generated in the outside
world (i.e. by Cornell crisis staffers), but also to crises triggered by the
other committee. You are a member of a cabinet, and in addition to
corresponding with other members of your cabinet in regular debate, you
may interact with the “other” cabinet, as well as outside officials (anyone
not represented in the committees).
But what does this all mean with regards to debate flow, committee structure, and straight-up rules? We will be using a modified (often simplified) version of parliamentary procedure. As you will see, these
rules will allow for a more realistic and more expedient way of resolving
crises.
Some of these rules may change if necessary – either at
your reasonable request or at the chairs’ discretion. Any such changes
will be made very clear during committee, and will only be accepted if
they serve to increase the quality of debate or speed at which we work
towards action. In the event that anything here is not clear enough,
please feel free to send an e-mail to Sameer ([email protected]) or Mike
([email protected]) as either of us would be happy to clarify the rules.
We will finish the simulation of the July Crisis on Saturday evening.
However, we will still use the Sunday committee session to discuss the
consequences and implications of your actions as delegates, as well as
ways in which negotiations could have been improved. This Sunday discussion may be taken into account when considering your performance
as a delegate.
This committee will start on June 27th, 1914. The way that time flows
will not be explicit now, and will probably be irrelevant to the flow of
debate.
Finally, you should know about the events leading up to the July Crisis.
However, you should also know about the July Crisis, as well as a little
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about the courses and effects of World War I. You should use hindsight
to make better decisions than those made by the statesmen of 1914, but
when in committee session, anachronisms will be unacceptable. Please
refrain from referencing historical events that took place on or after June
27, 1914. For purposes of this committee, history stops at this point
and leaves a blank slate for any subsequent actions and decisions our
committees will make from that point forward. If any member of the Dias
hears you discussing events that haven’t yet occurred (in the historical
simulation), your perceived performance will deteriorate.
Please see the list of rules on the next page.
Committee Rules
1. The default debate format will be moderated caucus, with no topic,
unlimited duration, and a speaking time of one minute.
2. Points and motions will be allowed in between speeches.
3. Delegates will have the opportunity to move into a different moderated
caucus. Delegates should specify speaking time (if different than the
default) and topic.
4. Unmoderated caucuses will be allowed, but infrequently, as most
discussion should take place during moderated caucuses.
5. Role call will take place at the start of each committee session.
6. Procedural votes will always require a majority to pass, and abstentions are not allowed.
7. Straw-poll votes will be allowed at the request of a delegate.
8. We will not have resolutions. Instead, we will vote on specific actions
that can be taken, and we can sign treaties, declarations, ultimatums, or
communiqués.
9. Thus, there will be no voting procedure. If we want to vote on something, delegates can motion to vote, and the vote will occur at the chair’s
discretion (which could require a vote of the committee).
Substantive votes will be simple majority with the following exceptions:
votes that only involve actions of one or more countries will only require
the assent of delegates from those countries
10. There will be no speakers’ lists, and as such there will be no yields
11. Delegates will have the opportunity to send notes as per the following:
a.To send a note to a delegate in the same committee, a delegate can simply pass it directly to that delegate.
b. Delegates can send notes to the chair or crisis staff by ad
dressing it appropriately.
c. To send a note to a delegate in the other committee, a
delegate should send the note to the chair addressed to
“Crisis Staff”. On the inside of the note, it should say which
delegate the note should be sent to.
d. To send a note to anyone not represented by a delegate, a
delegate should address the note to “Crisis Staff”. On the in
side of the note, it should say to which individual or depart
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July Joint Crisis
ment the note should be sent to, and the crisis staff will take
care of it.
12. Everything will be at the Chair’s discretion, because the Chair is
instrumental in ensuring that a committee with a lax parliamentary procedure actually functions
History of Austria-Hungary
Austria-Hungary was formed under the Compromise of 1867.
The settlement was sparked by Austria’s defeat at the hands of Prussia
during the Seven Weeks War in 1866. The war was fought as part of
Prussia’s unification plan and resulted in Austria being expelled from the
German Confederation, which it had led since 1815. Threatened from
without by an increasingly militant Prussia and a rapidly industrializing
Western Europe, Austrian Emperor Franz Josef finally responded to
internal ethnic dissatisfaction.
Emperor Franz Josef recognized that the future of his
monarchy would rest on strengthening ties with Hungarian nobility. His
compromise, or settlement as some viewed it, created two states, each
with their own governments and parliament but headed by one common
Hapsburg ruler. Underneath this figure was a common cabinet of three
members to deal with foreign affairs, finances and defense. The compromise however only dealt with the two leading nationalities within the
empire, which together still comprised a minority of the total population.
Alienated from the plan include the nine other nationalities that were
under Hapsburg rule: the Czechs, Slovaks, Croats, Serbs, Slovenes,
Poles, Ukrainians, Romanians and Italians.
Every ten years the original treaty of 1867 was to be renegotiated. This requirement led to constant bickering over the specific provisions of the compromise. Of central concern were linguistic, financial
and military issues. Hungary constantly demanded its own military but
the elites of Austria flatly refused. In reality high-ranking officials from
both nations despised the union but it was maintained in part because of
the tremendous power of the Hapsburg monarchy.
The territory of Austria-Hungary was expanded at the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The purpose of the summit was to address the
fate of the Balkans in the wake of the Russo-Turkish War and led to
Bosnia and Herzegovina being placed under Hapsburg rule. This proved
a fatal blow to the empire and upset the already precarious balance of
nationalities. Tension between Austria and Russia grew during the congress and Vienna and Budapest soon began fighting for control over the
new territory. By 1910 the antiquated intuitions of the Hapsburg dynasty
were struggling to keep pace with industrialization and the increasing
demands and militancy of the empire’s many ethnic groups.
German History
1866 marks a turning point in German and Prussian history.
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At the Battle of Königgrätz, the Prussian army defeated a combined
Austrian and German military force marking the conclusion of the
Seven Weeks War. The ensuing armistice meant an end to the German
Confederation and the founding of the North German Confederation.
This new confederation represented a 22 state military alliance with the
Kingdom of Prussia as its leading nation and was a cornerstone in the
founding of the German Empire.
German unification was completed in 1871 as a result of the
Franco-Prussian war. The war stirred up nationalist sentiments across
Germany and led to southern German states wanting to join the North
German Confederation. With France defeated, national fervor led to a
new constitution that created a federation of states each with a proportional number of votes in a national parliament. At the head of the
German state was an Emperor or Kaiser. On January 18, 1871, William
I, King of Prussia was proclaimed the German emperor.
Otto von Bismarck undertook functional leadership for the
newly created German Empire. Bismarck served as the Prime Minister
of Prussia and as the first chancellor of the new empire until 1890. Under his stewardship Germany became a major world player. It underwent
rapid industrialization and its economic capacity soon threatened that of
Great Britain. It also grew to be one of the most dominant military forces
in Europe. Bismarck also initiated critical social reforms within Germany.
In 1888, William II became King of Prussia and German Emperor. Although an initial admirer of Bismarck’s policies, he soon
became annoyed with the caution of the elder statesman. He was characterized by his aggressive foreign policy stance and his own personal
assertiveness. Unlike his Grandfather, Kaiser William I, he was not
content to allow others to lead in his stead and attempted to assume
daily leadership responsibilities. By the turn of the century Germany
was playing an increasingly important role on the world stage though
William II was increasingly criticized domestically and internationally for
his often-contradictory policies. At a basic level he was determined to do
whatever necessary to maintain German dominance.
Background of the Situation
Alliances
Much of the “spiraling-out” nature of the events leading up to
WWI can be attributed to the creation of the dual alliance system between members of the European community. While France had become
increasingly alienated after its loss in the Franco-Prussian War, Otto
Von Bismarck took no chances of defeat in a possible revival of conflict
between the two and struck a military alliance with Austria-Hungary in
1879. Italy joined the Dual Alliance three years later because of its annoyance towards France’s attempts to prevent Italy from colonizing parts
of North Africa. After Germany failed to retain an alliance with Russia—
likely because Austria and Russia were at odds over the Balkan conflict—France took immediate advantage and formed the Franco-Russian
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Alliance in 1894. Ten years later, Great Britain, although historic rivals
with France, joined the Franco-Russian alliance for an array of reasons,
most notably because of insecurities resulting from German naval build
up. For the Triple Alliance, the terms of their agreement were that if any
member were to become involved in a war with two other powers, then
the allies would come to its aid. For the Triple Entente, the terms of
their agreement were much more obscure, seeing as how the alliance’s
relative strength was dependant upon British military commitments,
which were not clear in the years leading up to the conflict.
Nationalism
Another long-term cause of WWI was the increase of nationalism on a state and ethnic level. Germany was still looking for its “place
in the sun” even though it commanded tremendous economic power
over Europe and the globe. Thus, its imperialistic claims were equally
about glorifying the German state as they were about state strategy.
France was also looking to regain some of its dignity after an embarrassing loss in the Franco-Prussian War nearly forty years before. Yet,
a more important development was occurring in Balkans, as the breakup
of the Ottoman Empire gave way to increased nationalism amongst
the Slavic people. With this “Slavic Revival,” many of these peoples—
Serbs, Bosnians, Croats, and Slovenes—began to feel a sense of
unified identity and took the name South Slaves, or Yugoslavs. Out of
this group, there were a select number of extreme Slav nationalists who
concluded that they would never be granted equal status under the Dual
Monarchy of Austria-Hungary and that they needed to form an independent state. They wished to join Serbia across the border, and thus,
Serbia became the center of South Slavic agitation.
Militarism
The naval build-up of Germany after 1898 and the “offensive”
military stances of the European powers were significant in the build-up
of tension before WWI. Britain had dominated the seas for almost two
hundred years, using their navy as both a military tool and to protect
their colonialist and imperialist ventures. As German imperialism and
economic capacity grew during the latter half of the 19th century, the
idea of German naval dominance became quite enticing for Kaiser Wilhelm II, who long envied the British Navy. With a large and functional
navy of their own, Germany could finally compete with the British for
dominance over the seas, which in turn would give Germany greater
protection of its colonies and international trade, as well as access to
newer markets. These all seem to be pragmatic concerns, yet, German nationalism cannot be ignored as a possible underlying reason to
the decision to build-up the German navy. Of course, any attempt by
another country to undermine Britain’s naval dominance would be looked
upon as hostile by the British. The resultant insecurities felt by the British people did force them into a competition with Germany and may as
well have inescapably forced them onto France and Russia’s side. As
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a general observation of the military mindset of Europe, while all states
involved viewed war as a last resort and something to be completely
avoided, there was nonetheless the belief in each individual state that
an offensive-style war, rather than a defensive war, would be the most
efficient and the best at conjuring up support from the public.
Imperialism
Between 1870 and 1900, the most advanced industrial countries of the
world divided the globe amongst themselves. No longer were global
empires solely maritime and mercantile, with the explicit purpose of
protecting trading centers and trading with local. This new imperialism
was a battle for resources and investment. European countries wanted
raw goods and large amounts of them, and rather than attempting to
bargain with other nations for favorable trade agreements, the method
of choice during this era was establishing political domination over
“backward” territories in order to secure investments. Thus, on top of
the political stakes of imperialism, Europeans developed a huge financial
stake in their economic enterprises outside the West. Of course, as with
any resource, there were only limited amounts. As a result, tension over
claimed “rights” of domination over certain territories, especially in Africa
and Asia, began to reach a boiling point.
The Players
Britain
At the turn of the twentieth century the United Kingdom came
to the end of an era with the death of Queen Victoria in 1901. The
throne was then transferred to Edward VII and in 1910 it was again
transferred to George V.
In 1904 the United Kingdom entered into the Entente Cordiale
with France, which ended the years of animosity between the two
countries and established the United Kingdom’s control of Egypt and
France’s control of Morocco. This was also the United Kingdom’s only
alliance with a country in Europe. In 1907 Russia and the United Kingdom entered into the Anglo-Russian alliance, which was also the conclusion of many years of hostility between the two countries by establishing
their respective borders, mainly in the Middle East. These two alliances,
along with the Franco-Russian alliance created the Triple Entente.
In the first of the Morocco conflicts the United Kingdom
voiced support for France, alienating Germany, and in the second of the
conflicts it played an integral role in the instatement of France’s control
of Morocco, and with this furthered their conflict with Germany with their
firm verbal warnings to Germany.
The prime minister of the years immediately preceding World
War I was Herbert Henry Asquith who served as prime minister from
1908 to 1916.
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France
In the years preceding World War I, France was constantly at
odds with the government of Germany, and consequently Austria-Hungary as the former supported Germany in many aspects. This was first
established by the aftermath of Franco-Prussian War (1870-71), in which
France had lost Alsace-Lorraine to Germany.
The first of their conflicts in the period directly before World
War I was directly concerned with Morocco. This was directly related
to the rise of imperialism and the rush for colonization, specifically of
Africa. Both Germany and France wanted to control Morocco, and, because of an entente with the United Kingdom in 1904, France was able
to access Morocco’s resources. This was distressing to Kaiser William
II, who arrived in Morocco, in 1905, and offered the Sultan protection
from colonization by France. With this he recognized Morocco as an independent sovereign state, and called for the rest of the world to regard
them as such. The Kaiser hoped that these measures would serve to
break the alliance between France and the United Kingdom, as well as
to embarrass France in their violation of international law in their claim
to an independent sovereign state. This conflict led to the Algeciras
Conference in 1906 in which Morocco was indeed given the status of an
independent state, but France was given special jurisdiction over it. The
alliances involved in this conference were France, the United Kingdom,
Russia, the United States, Germany and Austria-Hungary. This also
sparked the initial secret contact between France and Britain.
The Morocco Crisis continued as France kept expanding their
influence in Morocco and began to control the government. They established a pro-France Sultan, and when fearing a revolt against this Sultan
they directly occupied Morocco to dispel it. Germany retaliated in 1908
by dispatching a gunboat to the port of Agadir. The added support from
the United Kingdom intimidated Germany and eventually France was
granted Morocco and Germany was placated with a small part of French
Congo. This Crisis alerted France, the United Kingdom and Russia to
the aggressive nature of the German government.
France in this period would enter its own arms race, doubling the size of
its army. It was in the midst of the Third Republic and the Belle Epoque,
with Rene Viviani as the prime minister in 1914.
Russia
The Russian Empire was the largest contiguous empire
stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Pacific Ocean. As the head of one
of the last remaining absolute monarchies, the Tsar wielded control over
more than 170 million subjects, of which the majority had a strong Slavic
cultural background with strong influence from Orthodox Christianity.
Though Pan-Slavism and rising nationalism provided a sense of unity
to the people, some ethnic groups strived for regional autonomy and
incited numerous political conflicts.
Constant political instability culminated into serious disturbances in St.
Petersburg and elsewhere in the empire when Russia was humiliated by
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the loss of the war with Japan in 1905. The Russian Revolution of 1905
pressured Tsar Nicholas II to relinquish some of his powers and led to
the formation of the Russian parliament called the State Duma, though
the public did not settle down until Nicholas’s signing of the October
Manifesto. Despite these radical changes in the Russian government,
many were not satisfied. The Mensheviks, the Bolsheviks, and other
political parties continued to push for further political reforms.
As one of the great five powers of Europe, Russia was
constantly in competition with other European nations trying to maintain
the balance of power. Industrialization, large population, vast territories,
and rich amounts of natural resources allowed Russia to build one of
the largest military forces in the world. It continuously vied to increase its
sphere of influence in Manchuria, Korea, and Eastern Europe. Special
interest was given to the Balkan Peninsula, since Russia believed that it
was responsible for the welfare of other Slavic nations. Russia’s promise
to protect Serbia especially disturbed Austria-Hungary, and the tension
between the two empires grew. To offset the pressure resulting from
the Triple Alliance consisting of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy,
Russia formed the Triple Entente with Britain and France.
Serbia and the Balkans
For centuries Serbia was under foreign sovereignties ranging
from the Byzantines, Bulgarians, and the Ottomans. Serbs constantly
confronted the Ottomans since the 14th century, and finally gained partial autonomy in 1829, later becoming a fully independent nation in 1878.
Citing common Slavic background, Russia allied with Serbia, which
helped deter Austria-Hungary’s constant vie for control over the Serbs.
Serbia was the center of the strongest Pan-Slavic sentiments at the
time, and the Serbs supported independence movements in BosniaHerzegovina and Croatia. This, along with arguments during the Bosnian
Annexation Crisis of 1908, increased the tension between Serbia and
Austria-Hungary.
Following the Bosnian Crisis, Austria-Hungary demanded that
Serbia halt anti-Austrian movements. Continued rise in Pan-Slavism and
heightened anxiety in the region led to the creation of a secret society
named the Black Hand in Serbia. The intention of this society was to
foster the formation of a Greater Serbia and unite all the Serbs through
violent, terrorist actions. Key members of Serbia’s Intelligence Department and the Military constituted a part of the Black Hand. It attempted
several assassination attempts, most of which failed until the successful
murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand.
After the Balkan War, Bulgaria was left disgruntled over
disappointing spoils of war and attacked Serbia. The Bulgarian forces
were quickly defeated however, and the subsequent Treaty of Bucharest doubled the territory governed by Serbia. Austria-Hungary was not
pleased by this outcome, as it increased Serbia’s population by 1.5 million, and the disquiet between the two nations grew.
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July Joint Crisis
The Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire had controlled most of the Balkan
Peninsula since the 18th century and its position in the Balkans was
supported by the British and the French against Russia to maintain the
balance of power in Eastern Europe. But by the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire had faded from its former glory because of corruption and
an overburdened bureaucracy. This weakening of the Empire left the
Turkish Balkan territory vulnerable. The Empire’s slow industrialization
and embracing of tradition and centuries-old ideologies abated advances
in military science and adaptation to the changing loyalties of its Balkan
subjects. With the Greek independence and Serbia’s semi-autonomy
from Turkish rule in 1829, nationalism and the want for independence
grew in the Balkan states. This eventually led to the Balkan Wars in
which many Balkan nations attacked the Ottoman Empire to force it to
surrender its possessions in Europe. Despite the military modernization efforts of sultans Mahmud II and Selim III in the 19th century, the
Empire gradually lost its grasp in the Balkans. Economic decline and
Ottoman public debt to European banks also diminished the Empire’s
sphere of influence, into which Russia and Austria-Hungary exerted
its influence. Despite many layers of breakdown, the Ottoman Empire
still boasted a large, modern military and a big say in the international
politics of European and Asian affairs. Since the 15th century, Ottoman Empire was the dominant
force in the Balkan Peninsula. With the rise of nationalism, increased
want for independence, and the decline of the Ottoman Empire, few
countries seceded from the Empire beginning with Greek War of Independence from 1821 to 1829 when it formally became independent. That
same year, Serbia was granted semi-autonomy within the Ottoman Empire and in 1878 became a fully independent state. Meanwhile, Russia
and Austria-Hungary continued to exert their influence to gain control of
the Balkans. Continued instability and tension led to the Balkan Wars, in
which Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Montenegro attacked the Ottoman
Empire to surrender its possessions in Europe. Despite their successes,
the Balkan states would lose unity and argue over the spoils over the
war.
The Low Countries
The Low Countries of Europe consists of Belgium, the Netherlands and
Luxembourg. Both the Netherlands and Luxembourg, under Queen
Wilhelmina and Marie-Adelaide respectively, were friendly with Germany
in the years preceding World War I, but adopted a decidedly neutral
stance towards the conflict. Leopold III was the monarch of Belgium in
the years preceding World War I and Charles de Broqueville was the
monarch. During this period, Belgium was closely allied with France
and Britain.
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Positions
German Cabinet Positions
Foreign Affairs Minister Gottlieb von Jagow
Foreign Affairs Minister Jagow was the skeptic of the pre-WWI
German ministers, likely costing him his position in 1916. He was the
sole advocator for improved Anglo-German relations, as he feared that
Britain would not remain neutral in the event of a continental war. He
was also a bit skeptical of Tirpitz’s tremendous expansion of the German
navy and Tirpitz’s policy’s regarding unrestricted submarine warfare, in
case of maritime warfare. Nonetheless, he was in support of AustriaHungary’s dealings with Slavic nationalists but as a means of creating
a unified front to deter war, rather than as a means of preparing for a
possible war.
Finance Minister Hermann Kühn
Germany had become the preeminent economic power on the
European continent at the turn of the century. The task of Kuhn was
to preserve this status quo in the midst of rising tensions between the
European powers. By 1914, Germany was the world’s largest producer
of steel and a major exporter of industrial chemicals and electrical equipment. The fruitful relationship between the German labor force and the
German state revolved around a system of social welfare that had been
set forth by Otto Von Bismarck. The concern then was that military,
especially naval, expansion might detract from those domestic and
international goals. Should a balance be found immediately? Or will the
benefits of naval and other military expansion in the future pay off the
possible debts incurred the present?
State Secretary of the Imperial German Navy: Alfred von Tirpitz
Tirpitz and the Kaiser shared a common goal—nay, obsession—in regards to the build up of a strong German navy. In 1898, Tirpitz introduced the First Fleet Act, which announced the re-organization
and build-up of the Navy. This was followed by the Second Fleet Act in
1900, which proved far more ambitious in its determination to construct
a fleet capable of matching the British Royal Navy. Tirpitz’s ventures
increasingly alarmed the British, but so long as Britain remained neutral,
Tirpitz remained reassured that the expansion of the German navy
would become the key to global predominance.
Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg
Although a successful diplomat in his dealings before WWI,
Bethmann-Hollweg nonetheless found himself periodically at odds with
the extremely reactionary German high command. For example, he believed himself to have created a viable solution to reduce the competitive
buildup of naval armaments between Britain and Germany, but it was
adamantly opposed and struck down by Tirpitz, who had the favor of the
Kaiser. He was, however, successful in working with British Foreign
Secretary Sir Edward Grey in preventing the escalation of the Balkan
[7]
July Joint Crisis
Wars into a larger conflict. At the same time though, he worked to
expand the Germany military, while attempting to appeal to the growing
German socialist faction for his own political fortune. His flirtations with
the German right and left created a noticeable “two-faced” persona that
would have otherwise hurt his political standing, had it not been for the
healthy relationship between himself and the Kaiser.
Defense Minister
The perception before WWI was that in the case of war, an
aggressive, offense-oriented military strategy would be the most effective
in both conjuring up public support and bringing about a quick and glorious victory. Thus, the build up of naval and general military armaments
became extremely important, although it brought Germany closer to
brinksmanship with other European powers, especially Britain. Also,
conflicts in the Balkans increasingly upset Russia, who looked to protect
the Slavic nationalists that Austria Hungary was looking to secure under
its wing. How could Germany possibly prepare for a two-fronted war
against Russia and, in extension, France while trying to keep Britain off
the continent? These are all major concerns that must be taken into
account in any sort of international or domestic political decisions.
General Paul von Hindenburg
A celebrated veteran of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and
the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871), Paul von Hindenburg was admired by soldiers and the public who saw Hindenburg as the paradigm
example of Junker values. He was promoted to General of Infantry in
1903 and though he retired in 1910 from the army, he maintains a team
of talented and able subordinates under him and many people still come
to him for advice and guidance.
King Ludwig III of Bavaria
Ludwig was the Prince Regent for his cousin King Otto, but
because of popular demand and Otto’s mental disability, the Bavarian
Legislature installed him as King Ludwig III of Bavaria. His reign was
marked with conservative, Catholic influences. Ludwig III was criticized
by his subjects for his loyalty and deference to Prussia, but internally he
wanted to gain a balance of power and political weight in the German
Empire through his support for Prussia.
German Ambassador to Vienna: Count Heinrich von Tschirschky
Former Secretary of State and personal secretary to Herbert
von Bismarck, Heinrich von Tschirschky served the German Foreign
Office in many countries until he became the Ambassador to Vienna,
Austria-Hungary. He is known for upholding hard-line policy against
Serbia while trying to maintain intricate, careful foreign policy.
Cornell Model UN Conference 2010
Press Secretary of the Office of the Chancellor: Julius Hermann Moritz
Busch
A traveler and journalist, Dr. Busch wrote for several publications and published many books on his own. A loyal servant to the
Prussian government, he was soon assigned to the recently-annexed
Kingdom of Hanover, where he worked to advance Prussian interests
there. He then joined the German Foreign Office and subsequently
came to work under Otto von Bismarck, who put Busch in charge of the
German Press Bureau that influenced and inspired all German people.
Afterwards Busch came to work directly with the Chancellor as his Press
Secretary.
Austro-Hungarian Cabinet Positions
Prime Minister of Hungary: István Tisza de Borosjen
Tisza became Prime Minister for the second time in 1913. He was
generally inclined to be a pacifist. Tisza worked hard for the AustriaHungary union, but felt that two countries were all that the empire could
handle.
Prime Minister of Austria: Count Karl Von Sturgkh
Sturgkh became Prime Minister in 1911. He was very conservative
and never got along well with parliament. He was inclined to side with
Germany.
Chief of the General Staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army
Count Franz Conrad von Hotzendorf – As a general in the army, Hotzendorf was generally very supportive of war. His plans were often very
elaborate, large and unrealistic.
Archduke Franz Ferdinand
Ferdinand was heir presumptive for the throne of Austria-Hungary. He
advocated careful treatment of Serbia, as he believed that conflict with
Serbia would lead to problems with Russia. He also was very concerned with increasing the autonomy of ethnic groups in his empire.
Minister of War Alexander von Krobatin
A long time member of the military establishment, he is seen
as hawkish and a close ally to Franz Conrad von Hotzedorf.
Joint Minister of Finance: István Burian
He served two consecutive terms as Joint Finance Minister,
which includes
being Governor of Bosnia-Herzegovina. As a result, he has extensive
experience regarding Slavic relations and is distrustful of Germany.
Joint Minister of Foreign Affairs: Leopold von Berchtold
One of Austria’s richest men he is a hawkish official who has
harbored a deep hatred towards Serbia since the close of the Balkans
[8]
July Joint Crisis
War (1912-13).
Ambassador to Germany: László Szgyény-Marich
A Hungarian aristocrat he has served as Ambassador to
Germany since 1892. He is relatively pragmatic and can be considered
a dove when it comes to Military and Foreign Affairs.
Secretary of Legation: Ritter Von Storck
The Secretary of Legation is an all-around advisor. He serves as a ceremonial public official and is also responsible for drafting or reviewing all
official communiqués and hand delivering them to the intended recipient.
Von Storck is a very cautious official who is wary of quick action and is
a close advisor to Leopold von Berchtold. He also has a strong command of history and understands well the situation in Serbia.
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