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Lutheran Theological Review
published jointly by the faculties of
Concordia Lutheran Theological Seminary
St. Catharines, Ontario
and
Concordia Lutheran Seminary
Edmonton, Alberta
Editors
Edward G. Kettner
Thomas M. Winger
Technical Editor
David P. Saar
Faculties
St. Catharines
Thomas M. Winger, Th.D.,
Acting President
James E. Keller, M.A., M.Div.
William F. Mundt, Dr.Theol.
John R. Stephenson, Ph.D.
Edmonton
Manfred Zeuch, B.D., Ph.D.,
President
Stephen L. Chambers, Ph.D.
Edward G. Kettner, Th.D.
Jonathan W. Kraemer, M.Div.
Lutheran Theological Review is published by the seminary faculties of
Lutheran Church²Canada. The periodical exists for the discussion of theological issues within the frame of reference of confessional Lutheranism, but
the views represented by the individual writers are not necessarily those of
the faculties. Guidelines for Contributors are available upon request.
Changes of address, paid subscriptions, and other business matters should
be addressed to:
Lutheran Theological Review
c/o Concordia Lutheran Theological Seminary
470 Glenridge Avenue
St. Catharines, ON L2T 4C3
Canada
Annual subscription rate: $10.00 (Canada); $15.00 (International)
Copyright © The Faculties of Concordia Lutheran Theological Seminary, St.
Catharines, and Concordia Lutheran Seminary, Edmonton.
Permission is granted to reproduce individual articles without alteration for
non-profit, educational use, so long as no charge is levied beyond the cost of
reproduction and full citation is given.
Contact Information:
Concordia Lutheran Theological Seminary
470 Glenridge Avenue
St. Catharines, ON L2T 4C3
Canada
+1 (905) 688-2362
www.brocku.ca/concordiaseminary
[email protected]
Concordia Lutheran Seminary
7040 Ada Boulevard
Edmonton AB T5B 4E3
Canada
+1 (780) 474-1468
www.concordiasem.ab.ca
[email protected]
Lutheran Theological Review
Volume 22
Academic Year 2009-10
Contents
Standard Abbreviations .............................................................................. 4
Editorial Foreword ..................................................................................... 5
Articles
The Meaning and Practice of Conversion:
$&RPSDULVRQRI&DOYLQ·VDQG/XWKHU·V7KHRORJLHV .................................... 7
Richard A. Beinert
Saving the Gypsy Soul .............................................................................. 25
William F. Mundt
The Imprecatory Psalms ........................................................................... 74
Jody A. Rinas
$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V)LUVW6HUPRQRQWKH2IILFHRIWKH*RVSHO ....................... 94
Translated by John R. Stephenson
Mission and Confession ......................................................................... 109
Armin Wenz
Sermons
They Come Cringing (Psalm 66:1-7) ....................................................... 132
Kurt A. Lantz
4
Standard Abbreviations
AE
BAG
BAGD
BDAG
BELK
BHS
LSB
LW
NA27
TDNT
TLH
W2
WA
AC
Ap
SA
Tr
SC
LC
FC Ep
FC SD
/XWKHU·V:RUNV, American edition, 55 vols (St. Louis: Concordia, and
Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1958- ).
Bauer, Walter, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other
Early Christian Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
1st ed., ed. by William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, 1957.
2nd ed., ed. F. Wilbur Gingrich and Frederick W. Danker, 1979.
3rd ed., ed. by Frederick W. Danker, 2000.
Die Bekenntnisschriften der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, 12 editions
[cite edition used] (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1930- ).
Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft,
1984).
Lutheran Service Book (St. Louis: Concordia, 2006).
Lutheran Worship (St. Louis: Concordia, 1982).
Novum Testamentum Graece, ed. Kurt and Barbara Aland, et al.
(Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1993).
Kittel, Gerhard, and Gerhard Friedrich, eds. Theological Dictionary of
the New Testament, trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley, 10 vols (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964- ).
The Lutheran Hymnal (St. Louis: Concordia, 1941).
Walch, Johann Georg, ed. D. Martin Luthers sämtlichen Schriften, 2nd
>´6W/RXLVµ@HGYROV6W/RXLV&RQFRUGLD-1910).
D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, Weimarer Ausgabe
>´:HLPDUHGµ@:HLPDU+HUPDQQ%|KODX- ).
WA DB Weimarer Ausgabe Deutsche Bibel [German Bible]
WA Br Weimarer Ausgabe Briefe [Letters]
WA Tr Weimarer Ausgabe Tischreden [Table talk]
Abbreviations for the Lutheran confessional writings:
Augsburg Confession
Apology of the Augsburg Confession
Smalcald Articles
Tractate/Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope
Small Catechism
Large Catechism
Formula of Concord, Epitome
Formula of Concord, Solid Declaration
Copyright notice:
%:+(%% >+HEUHZ@ DQG %:*5./ >*UHHN@ 7UXH7\SHŒ IRQWV &RS\ULJKW ‹ -2002
BibleWorks, LLC. All rights reserved. These Biblical Greek and Hebrew fonts are used with
permission and are from BibleWorks, software for Biblical exegesis and research.
5
Editorial Foreword
THE BREADTH OF LUTHERAN CHURCH²CANADA and her world-wide fellowship is
amply reflected in the contributions to this volume of LTR. From Quesnel,
British Columbia, to Winnipeg, to St. Catharines, to Oberursel, Germany,
voices unite in confessing the Lutheran faith that we hold in common.
As so often happens when the disparate contributions from our
ministerium comes together, a theme emerges: mission and ministry. It
beginV ZLWK 3DVWRU 5LFKDUG %HLQHUW·V VWXG\ RI FRQYHUVLRQ LQ /XWKHU DQG
Calvin. Get conversion wrong, and the way you do mission will certainly
also founder. 7KH VWXG\ DULVHV IURP %HLQHUW·V GRFWRUDO VWXGLHV DW WKH
University of Manitoba.
At Concordia, St. Catharines, the three regular faculty members have
successively taken long-overdue sabbaticals (from which the undersigned is
currently corresponding). Dr William Mundt, who teaches dogmatics and
evangelism at the seminary, wrote his dissertation on 19 th-century German
mission tract societies. During his six-month sabbatical in 2008 he poked
about the archives of Germany to uncover the fascinating story of missions
to the gypsies, from which pertinent lessons for today arise.
Dr John Stephenson, ever poking about in old books, brings to light a
UHPDUNDEOH WUHDVXUH LQ $XJXVW 3IHLIIHU·V VHUPRQV RQ WKH $XJVEXUJ
Confession. It takes some skill to decode the complex mix of old German,
Latin, and Greek that a well-educated congregation in Leipzig was once
able to absorb from the pulpit! Implicit in the sermon is the undisputed
belief of historic Lutheranism that AC 5 was confessing the office of the
holy ministry. 3IHLIIHU·V VHUPRQ KLJKOLJKWV LWV IXQGDPHQWDOO\ DPEDVVDGRULDO
character, as St Paul wrote in his text (II Cor. 5:20). The church that takes
seriously its sending into the world cannot disregard the divinely instituted
office through which Christ speaks to that world.
Dr Armin Wenz, pastor of the congregation residing next door to our
sister seminary in Oberursel, Germany, takes up the whole Augsburg
Confession to learn what it has to say about mission. What is remarkable is
the relevance he discovers for a Germany (and Canada!) that once again
ILQGV´WKH7XUNµ at its door³WKHZRUOG·VIDOVHEHOLHYHUVDQGDWKHLVWVDre no
longer so far away. Wenz puts to rest the myth that Lutheranism is
unconcerned about mission, or that God-pleasing mission can happen
without a firm commitment to the Lutheran confession.
The final two contributions move in a slightly different direction, but are
united in their focus on Psalms. Pastor Jody Rinas explores what seems so
GLVWDVWHIXO WR PRGHUQ &KULVWLDQ VHQVLELOLWLHV WKH ´,PSUHFDWRU\ 3VDOPVµ. He
does not dodge the difficult questions of the compatibility of revenge and
anger with the Christian faith. We cannot simply set aside the bits of
6FULSWXUH WKDWDUHGLIILFXOW$V5LQDVSXWVLW´We love the Scripture; as we
6
pray it, God will accomplish what He wants, when and where He so
chooses.µ 8OWLPDWHO\ WKHVH SVDOPV FDQ RQO\ EH SUD\HG ZKHQ we consider
the hostility of the devil and the world to Christ Himself.
It is divinely fortuitous, I suppose, that in the parish I attend in St.
Catharines, Pastor Kurt Lantz has spent a significant amount of the past
year preaching on the appointed psalms. The sermon included in this issue
is a fine example of reading the psalms through the New Testament, and, in
LURQLFSDUDOOHOWR3DVWRU5LQDV·VVWXG\DVNVZKHWKHUwe might in a sense be
*RG·VHQHPLHV What happens then?
Finally, we warmly welcome to the editorial team Pastor David Saar.
Having wrapped up his tremendous work on Liturgies et cantiques luthériens,
/&&·V QHZ )UHQFK-language service book, Pastor Saar was well equipped
and graciously willing to take over the layout and technical editing of LTR,
which the undersigned has borne for some fifteen years. He has our hearty
thanks.
TMW
St Mary Magdalene, AD 2010.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 7-24
The Meaning and Practice of Conversion:
$&RPSDULVRQRI&DOYLQ·VDQG/XWKHU·V7KHRORJLHV
Richard A. Beinert
1
(1509-64) WRESTLES WITH throughout the
pages of his Institutes of the Christian Religion1 is that of Christian
´FRQYHUVLRQµ DQG ZKDW LW PHDQV LQ OLJKW RI KLV XQLTXH FRXSOLQJ RI WKH
doctrine of justification with his theory of election. While a definition of
conversion might seem obvious to the average reader who is raised within
the context of our North American Evangelical culture, the question is not
as simple as at first it seems. As Karel Steenbrink has pointed out, our
understanding of religious conversion, as well as the on-going ecumenical
debates that turn thereon, is stretched between two polar emphases with
confessional and institutional allegiances on the one hand, and concern for a
deepening of the experiential and individual facet of the LQGLYLGXDO·VIDLWKRQ
the other.2 This tension is easily illustrated in the following two definitions.
In the Handwörterbuch für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft, for instance,
conversion is described as the movement of an individual from one
Christian confession to another.3 ,W LPSOLHV D GHFLVLYH ´EUHDN ZLWK RQH·V
religious tradition and integral acceptance of the belief system of one
ONE OF THE TOPICS THAT JOHN CALVIN
1
Latin quotations will be taken from Institutio Christianae Religionis 1559, in Joannis Calvini
Opera Selecta, edited by Peter Barth & Wilhelm Niesel, vols three, four, & five (Monachii:
C. Kaiser, 1926-74); English quotations, unless otherwise indicated, will be taken from
Institutes of the Christian Religion in Two Volumes, ed. John T. McNeil, trans. Ford Lewis
Battles (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1960).
2
KAREL STEENBRINK UHIHUV WR WKHVH DV ´KLJKµ DQG ´ORZµ SRVLWLRQV RQ UHOLJLRXV
FRQYHUVLRQ6HH´3UREOHPVDQG3HUVSHFWLYHVRI&RQYHUVLRQLQ5HFHQW&DWKROLF7KHRORJ\µ
Bekehrung und Identität: Ökumene als Spannung zwischen Fremdem und Vertrautem, ed.
Dagmar Heller (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Otto Lembeck, 2003), 136. See also N. A.
NISSIOTIS ´&RQYHUVLRQ DQG WKH &KXUFKµ The Ecumenical Review 19 (1967): 261-70 and
WIM NIJENHUIS ´&DOYLMQV ¶6XELWD &RQYHUVLR· 1RWLWLHV ELM HHQ +\SRWKHVHµ Nederlands
Theologisch Tijdschrift 26 (1972): 249.
3
´.RQYHUWLWHQ VLQG 0HQVFKHQ GHV hEHUJDQJV YRQ HLQHU .RQIHVVLRQ ]XU DQGHUHQ « 'LH
Tatsache der Konversion ergibt sich mit der KonfessionaOLWlW GHV &KULVWOLFKHQµ Die
Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Handwörterbuch für Theologie und Religionswissenschaft,
dritte verbesserte Auflage, 3. Band, 1975.
8
Lutheran Theological Review 22
UHOLJLRQ RU GHQRPLQDWLRQµ4 This is contrasted with the description
formulated in 1966 by the Faith and Order Commission of the World
&RXQFLORI&KXUFKHV ZKLFKGHILQHV FRQYHUVLRQDVD ´FKDQJHIURPGHDGRU
QRPLQDO EHOLHI WR D YLEUDQW SHUVRQDO IDLWKµ 5 Here, conversion is seen as a
´UHOLJLRXVH[SHULHQFHUHVXOWLQJ LQUDGLFDO VXEPLVVLRQWR*RGDQGFKDQJH RI
GDLO\OLIHµ6 Under the influence of the work of researchers such as William
James,7 Arthur Darby Nock,8 as well as the more recent Lewis Rambo, 9 it is
this latter perspective which has tended to predominate within both North
American culture and scholarship. The result is that studies of conversion
have focussed almost exclusively on biographical accounts and the
exposition of conversion narratives in order mine them for the sociological
and psychological processes involved.10 Within these accounts, theology has
come to be largely overlooked.11
While such an approach has certainly proved useful in yielding
significant insights on conversion as a lived human process, it has tended to
minimize the distinctly theological and religious element which drives it. 12
4
STEENBRINK, 137.
5
´)DLWKDQG2UGHU7UHQGVµNational Council of Churches USA 6 (September 1966): 3.
6
STEENBRINK, 137.
7
WILLIAM JAMES, Varieties of Religious Experience (Longmans, Green and Co., 1902;
reprinted Penguin Books, 1982, 1985).
8
ARTHUR DARBY NOCK, Conversion: The Old and the New in Religion from Alexander the Great
to Augustine of Hippo (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1933; reprinted Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1998).
9
LEWIS R. RAMBO, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1993).
10
RAMBO, 1. See, for example, ERIK H. ERIKSON, Young Man Luther: A Study in
Psychoanalysis and History (New York: Norton, 1958); W. NIJENJUIS, op. cit.; DANIÈLE
FISCHER ´Nouvelles Réflexions sur la Conversion de Calvinµ Études Théologiques et
Religieuses 58 (1983): 203-20, EGIL GRISLIS ´0HQQR 6LPRQV RQ &onversion: Compared
ZLWK0DUWLQ/XWKHUDQG-RKQ&DOYLQµJournal of Mennonite Studies 11 (1993): 55-75; as well
as numerous others centred on figures such as St Paul, St Augustine, as well as
Constantine. Thomas M. Finn similarly studies conversion as a kind of social process ,but
instead of locating it in individual conversion narrative accounts, he explores it as a ritual
process lived within the liturgical context of early Christian communities. See THOMAS
M. FINN, From Death to Rebirth: Ritual and Conversion in Antiquity (New York: Paulist Press,
1997).
11
A notable exception is MARILYN J. HARRAN·S VWXG\ ´7KH &RQFHSW RI &RQYHUVLR LQ WKH
(DUO\ ([HJHWLFDO :ULWLQJV RI 0DUWLQ /XWKHUµ Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 72 (1981):
13-33, but this too is already over twenty-five years old.
12
This statement is admittedly an oversimplification of the matter. The issue, which is
beyond the scope of this paper, revolves around the particular way in which religion and
religiosity came to be coupled with the notion of experience during the middle of the
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
9
When considered from within this light, and especially in relationship to the
formative personalities of the Reformation era, this gap in our current
theological literature is significant. Moreover, as Lucien Fevbre observed,
both during the Middle Ages and into the Early Modern era theology
functioned as the rhetorical framework for all areas of social discourse. 13 It
provided the social and cosmic order within which people lived their lives.
7KLV FHUWDLQO\ LV UHIOHFWHG LQ &DOYLQ·V PDQQHU RI WKLQNLQJ +H FDOOHG KLV
theology a ´&KULVWLDQ SKLORVRSK\µ 14 through which both individuals and
society might be guided and enabled to reverently act and live within the
bounds of a purified piety.15 When theology is viewed in this way, it starts to
take on a new significance for exploring the meaning of religious conversion
as well as the broader spiritualities and agendas of reformers like Luther and
Menno Simons as well as Calvin.16 -RDQPDULH 6PLWK ZULWHV ´LW PDNHV D
great difference whether one set of ideas, or another, be the center of
[religious] energy; and it makes a great difference as regards any set of ideas
which one may possess, whether they become central or remain
SHULSKHUDOµ17 *LYHQ ERWK WKH XQLTXH VKDSH &DOYLQ·V WKHRORJ\ EXLOW RQ WKH
foundation of his theory of double-predestination) as well as the expanding
1800s and especially during the turbulent early decades of the twentieth century. The core
of religion came to be equated with palpable inner experience. It is only over the last few
decades that theoretical claims underlying this system of thought have been significantly
challenged within the broader academic community. See, for example, Wayne Proudfoot,
Religious Experience (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).
13
LUCIEN FEVBRE, The Problem of Unbelief in the Sixteenth Century: The Religion of Rabelais,
translated by Beatrice Gottlieb (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 202.
14
Institutes III.7.1.
15
-RKQ 7 0F1HLO ZULWHV WKDW WKH WKHRORJ\ RI &DOYLQ·V Institutes LV ´KLV SLHW\ GHVFULEHG DW
OHQJWKµ 4XRWHd in I. JOHN HESSELINK ´7KH 'HYHORSPHQW DQG 3XUSRVH RI &DOYLQ·V
,QVWLWXWHVµ Articles on Calvin and Calvinism, ed. Richard C. Gamble, vol. 4 (New York:
Garland, 1992), 215-16. See also BRIAN A. GERRISH ´7KHRORJ\ ZLWKLQ WKH /LPLWV RI
Piety Alone: SchleierPDFKHUDQG&DOYLQ·V'RFWULQHRI*RGµReformatio Perennis: Essays on
Calvin and the Reformation in Honor of Ford Lewis Battles (Pittsburgh: Pickwick Press, 1981),
67-87; JOEL R. BEEKE ´&DOYLQ RQ 3LHW\µ The Cambridge Companion to John Calvin, ed.
Donald K. McKim (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 125; and
HESSELINK´&DOYLQWKH+RO\6SLULWDQG0\VWLFDO8QLRQµPerspectives 13.1 (1998): 15b.
16
+DUUDQ IRU LQVWDQFH VXJJHVWHG WKDW ´WKH FRQFHSW RI conversio is a significant one in the
theology oI/XWKHUµEXWQRWHGOLNHZLVHWKDW´LWKDVUHFHLYHGKRZHYHUYHU\OLWWOHDWWHQWLRQ
IURPVFKRODUVµHARRAN&DOYLQ·VFRQVWDQWUHWXUQWRWKHWRSLFZRXOGVHHPWRVXJJHVW
WKDWLWKROGVDSODFHRILPSRUWDQFHLQKLVRZQWKLQNLQJDVZHOO&I+HVVHOLQN·VFRPPents
UHJDUGLQJWKHVLJQLILFDQFHRIWKH+RO\6SLULWZLWKLQ&DOYLQ·VWKRXJKLQHESSELINK, 15a.
17
JOANMARIE SMITH´WKH+XPDQ&KDUDFWHURI&RQYHUVLRQµJournal of Spiritual Formation
15 (1994): 187.
10
Lutheran Theological Review 22
scholarly interest surrounding the topic of conversion, 18 broaching the
TXHVWLRQ RI ZKDW ´FRQYHUVLRQµ PHDQV XVLQJ &DOYLQ·V V\VWHP RI WKRXJKW DV
an adequate test-case, is both timely and germane. Given also the ubiquitous
practical concern about the theory and practice of Christian evangelism as it
impacts on the on-going ministry of the Christian church, exploring this
relationship between theology and practice becomes even more significant.
2
Often thought of as the moment of salvation, conversion is usually
XQGHUVWRRG LQ WHUPV RI D IXQGDPHQWDO FKDQJH LQ D SHUVRQ·V UHOLJLRXV
orientation. This is reflected, for instance, in the words of the apostle Peter
LQKLVILUVWOHWWHUWRWKHFKXUFKHV´2QFH\RXZHUHQRWDSHRSOHEXWQRw you
are the people of God; once you had not received mercy, but now you have
UHFHLYHGPHUF\µ,3HW7KHFKDQJHLVERWKIXQGDPHQWDODQGGHFLVLYH
forging for the individual a new spiritual identity. Indeed, this was
considered part-and-parcel of LXWKHU·V VR-called Reformation discovery of
the sola emphasis in the doctrine of justification. Indeed, Jesus, for him, was
nothing short of being coterminous with justification. 19 For Luther, conversio
came to revolve around this very gravity well. Marilyn Harran offers a
detailed break-down of the evolution of this understanding of conversion
ZLWKLQ0DUWLQ/XWKHU·VWKRXJKW6KHQRWHVWZRIDFHWVRUVWDJHVZKLFKFDPH
to define his mature teaching.
Conversio IRU/XWKHULQGLFDWHVILUVWDQGDERYHDOO*RG·VDFWof turning toward
PDQ«7KLVconversio gives man iustitia prima and places him on the path of
Christian pilgrimage. Secondly, Luther perceives of conversio in terms of
18
See, for example, both Bekehrung und Identität which is the published proceedings of the
2002 meeting of the Societas Oecumenica in Salisbury, England, as well as GUYDA
ARMSTRONG and IAN N. WOOD, eds, Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals,
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), that offers a selection of the papers presented at the 1997
meeting of the International Medieval Congress, which was likewise devoted to the theme
of conversion. Several other essay collections have similarly been published over the past
ten years including JAMES MULDOON, ed., Varieties of Religious Experience in the Middle Ages
(Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997); MARTIN CARVER, ed., The Cross Goes
North: The Process of Conversion in Northern Europe, AD 300-1300 (Woodbridge: The Boydell
Press, 2005); as well as NICOLAS BRUCKE, ed., La conversion. Expérience spirituelle,
expressionlittéraire: Actes du colloque de Metz (5-7 juin 2003) (New York: Peter Lang, 2005).
19
+HUHOLHV/XWKHU·VVRFDOOHGarticulus stantis et cadentis)RU/XWKHU·VFODVVLFH[SRVLWLRQRIWKLV
doctrine, see SA 2:1.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
11
PDQ·VRZQDFWLRQZKLFKRFFXUVRQO\DIWHUKHKDVXQGHUJRQH conversio at the
hand of God, the initial conversio which brings him into the Christian fold.20
These are tied first to the sacrament of Baptism, as the moment in which
*RG·VZUDWKLVWXUQHGDZD\IURPWKHLQGLYLGXDOEHLQJEDSWL]HGWXUQLQJKLV
favour towards that person instead;21 and secondly, as Luther explains
concerning Baptism in his Small Catechism, to the active life of the
LQGLYLGXDO·V UHQHZDO DFFRPSOLVKHG WKURXJK WKH GDLO\ GURZQLQJ RI WKH 2OG
Adam so that the new man of faith might arise. 22 Given the background of
/XWKHU·V RZQ Hxistential struggles, it should come as no surprise that the
emphasis of his theory of conversion lay particularly close to the realm of
the individual (and communal) renewal of faith through an unambiguous
preaching of forgiveness.23 Harran significantly nRWHV WKDW LQ /XWKHU·V
understanding, both facets of this conversio are specifically grounded in the
action of Christ.24 ´$W WKH YHU\ EDVH RI /XWKHU·V FRQFHSW RI conversioµ VKH
ZULWHV ´LV KLV DIILUPDWLRQ RI WKH conversio enacted by God Himself in the
IncaUQDWLRQµ25
Calvin similarly anchors the work of conversion and sanctification
within a Christological context. He neatly summarizes his teaching on this
point in chapter 11 of Book III of his Institutes ´, EHOLHYH , KDYH DOUHDG\
H[SODLQHGDERYHµKHZULWes,
20
HARRAN, 28.
21
In his Sermo de duplici iustitia RU /XWKHU ZULWHV ´Haec ergo iusticia datur
hominibus in baptismo et omni temore verae poenitentiaeµ:$7-10).
22
´:DV EHGHXW GHQQ VROFK :DVVHUWlXIHQ" $QWZRUW (V EHGHXW GD‰ GHU DOWH Adam in uns
durch tägliche Reu und Buße soll ersäuft warden und sterben mit allen Sunden und bösen
Lüsten, und wiederumb täglich herauskommen und auferstehen ein neuer Mensch, der in
*HUHFKWLJNHLWXQG5HLQLJNHLWIU*RWWHZLJOLFKOHEHµ BELK, 516.
23
While Luther laboured for the public reformation of both church and society, his
emphasis, as seen from his conservative stance during both his conflict with Karlstadt as
ZHOODVWKH3HDVDQWV·:DUZDVRQWKHUHIRUPDWLRQDQGUHQHZDORIIDLWKWKURXJKSUHDFKLQJ
and the evangelical Sacraments. This is particularly evident in his Invocavit sermons of
1522.
24
´7KH SURWRW\SH IRU ERWK SDUWV RI *RG·V ZRUN LV +LV DFWLRQ LQ &KULVW +LV FUXFLIL[LRQ DQG
death as the opus alienum and His resurrection and glorification as the opus propriumµ
HARRAN6KHPDNHVQRWHRI/XWKHU·VFRPPHQWVIURPDVHUPRQRQ3VDOPZKLFK
KH SUHDFKHG LQ 'HFHPEHU RI ´Christus mortuus est propeter peccatta nostra et
resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram. Ista itaque conformitas imagines filii Dei
includet utrumque illud opus.µWA 1:1131-3.
25
+DUUDQJRHVRQWRQRWHWKDW´LWLVWKLVDFWZKLFKSURYLGHVWKHSRVVLELOLW\IRUPDQ·Vconversio
to life as a Christian and for his perseverance in that life, even though, he, like Peter, may
fall and ULVHWLPHDQGDJDLQµHARRAN, 28.
12
Lutheran Theological Review 22
with sufficient care, how for men cursed under the law there remains, in
IDLWK RQH VROH PHDQV RI UHFRYHULQJ VDOYDWLRQ « &KULVW ZDV JLYHQ WR XV E\
*RG·VJHQHURVLW\WREHJUDVSHGDQGSRVVHVVHGE\XVLQIDLWK%\SDUWDNLQJRI
him, we principally receive a double grace: namely, that being reconciled to
*RG WKURXJK &KULVW·V EODPHOHVVQHVV ZH PD\ KDYH LQ KHDYHQ LQVWHDG RI D
-XGJH D JUDFLRXV )DWKHU DQG VHFRQGO\ WKDW VDQFWLILHG E\ &KULVW·V VSLULW ZH
may cultivate blamelessness and purity of life.26
In a similar manner to Luther, Calvin divides the conversion of the
individual into two complimentary facets, namely his justification as well as
his sanctification. Yet Calvin is careful to point out that the two must be
distinguished from one another. Both justification and the faith that receives
WKLV´IUHHULJKWHRXVQHVVE\WKHPHUF\RI*RGµ&DOYLQDVVHUWVDUH´GHYRLGRI
ZRUNVµ27 He sees them both as a gift of God.
In the same way, Calvin notes that the conversion of the will and the
grace of perseverance are ERWK IUXLWV RI *RG·V JUDFH ZKLFK DULVH IURP WKH
VLQQHU·VXQLRQZLWK&KULVW28
Since the Lord in coming to our aid bestows upon us what we lack, when the
nature of his work in us appears, our destitution will, on the other hand, at
once be manifest. When thHDSRVWOHWHOOVWKH3KLOLSSLDQVKHLVFRQILGHQW´WKDW
he who began a good work in you will bring it to completion at the day of
-HVXV&KULVWµ>3KLO@WKHUHLVQR GRXEW WKDW WKURXJK´WKHEHJLQQLQJRID
JRRG ZRUNµ KH GHQRWHV WKH YHU\ RULJLQ RI FRQYHUVLRn (conversionis) itself,
which is in the will.29
He goes on to explain that the growth in righteousness which naturally
HQVXHVXSRQWKHFRQYHUVLRQRIWKHZLOOLVOLNHZLVHWKHIUXLWRI*RG·VJUDFLRXV
ordaining.
God begins his good work in us, therefore, by arousing love and desire and
zeal for righteousness in our hearts; or, to speak more correctly, by bending
(flectendo), forming (formando), and directing (dirigendo), our hearts to
26
Institutes III.11.1.
27
Institutes III.11.1.
28
See FRANÇOIS WENDEL, Calvin: Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, trans.
Philip Mairet (Durham: The Labyrinth Press, 1987), 238, 277; also DAWN DEVRIES,
´&DOYLQ·V3UHDFKLQJµThe Cambridge Companion to John Calvin, 120; BEEKE, 127-28.
29
´Nam quum Dominus in ope ferenda, quod nobis deest largiatur, ubi constiterit quale sit
in nobis illius opus, quae sit e converse nostra penuria, statim elucescet. Quum dicit
Apostolus Philippensibus, se confidere quod qui coepit in ipsis opus bonum, perfecturus
sit usque in diem Iesu Christi [Philipp. 1.a.6]: non dubium quin per boni operas
principium, pisam conversionis originem, quae est in voluntate, designet.µInstitutes II.3.6.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
13
righteousness. He completes work, moreover, by confirming us to
perseverance.30
As Wim Nijenhuis describes, in conversion the individual remains wholly
passive.31 ´*RG LQ KLV VRYHUHLJQW\ GRHV LW DOOµ &DOYLQ ZULWHV LQ RUGHU WR
SURYHWKDW´RXUVDOYDWLRQLVDIUHHJLIW«0RUHRYHUZHVHHKRZQRWVLPSO\
content to have given God due praise for our salvation, he expressly
H[FOXGHVXVIURPDOOSDUWLFLSDWLRQLQLWµ+HZULWHV´LWLVDVLIKHZHUHVD\LQJ
that not a whit remains to man to glory in, for the whole of salvation comes
IURP*RGµ32
This is not to say that our works do not matter. For the elect, their
works, however imperfect they might be, are received by God as righteous
DFWVRQDFFRXQWRI&KULVWDQGKLVULJKWHRXVQHVV7KXV&DOYLQZULWHV´LQWKLV
sense we shall concede not only a partial righteousness in works, as our
adversaries themselves hold, but also that it is approved by God as if it were
ZKROHDQGSHUIHFWµ+HJRHVRQWRH[SODLQWKDW
If we recall the foundation that supports it, every difficulty will be solved. A
work begins to be acceptable only when it is undertaken with pardon. Now
whence does this pardon arise, save that God contemplates us and our all in
Christ? Therefore, as we ourselves, when we have been engrafted in Christ,
DUH ULJKWHRXV LQ *RG·V VLJKW EHFDXVH RXU LQLTXLWLHV DUH FRYHUHG E\ &KULVW·V
sinlessness, so our works are righteous and are thus regarded because
ZKDWHYHU IDXOW LV RWKHUZLVH LQ WKHP LV EXULHG LQ &KULVW·V SXULW\ DQG LV QRW
charged to our account. Accordingly, we can deservedly say that by faith
alone not only we ourselves but our works as well are justified.33
)UDQoRLV :HQGHO H[SODLQV WKLV DV IROORZV ´LPSHUIHFW WKRXJK >RXU ZRUNV@
are, God can accept them as righteous in the same way that he imputes the
ULJKWHRXVQHVV RI &KULVW WR VLQIXO PDQµ 34 &DOYLQ·V FRPPHQWV KHUH VHUYH
30
´%RQXPLWDTXHRSXVLQFKRDWLQQRELV'HXVLXVWLWLDHHWDPRUHPHWGHVLGHULXPHWVWDGLXP
in cordibus nostris excitando: vel (ut magis proprie loquamur) corda nostra flectendo,
formando, dirigendo in iustitiam: perficit autem, ad perseverantiam nos confiUPDQGRµ
Institutes II.3.6.
31
NIJENHUIS, 251.
32
´+DFHQLPUDWLRQHSUREDUHYXOWJUDWXLWDPHVVHQRVWUDPVDOXWHP«9LGHPXVDXWHPXWQRQ
contentus simpliciter salutis nostrae laudem Deo dedisse, diserte ab omni societate no
excludat: quasi diceret ne tantillum quidem restare homini in quo glorietur, quia totum a
Deo est.µInstitutes II.3.6.
33
Institutes III.17.10.
34
WENDEL &RPSDUH WKLV WR .DUO %DUWK·V FRPPHQW WKDW ´WR EHOLHYH ZLWK RXU ZKROH
heart, he tells us, is not to cling perfectly to Christ but simply to lay hold of him sincerely,
not to be fully satisfied in him but to hunger and thirst and sigh after him with burning
GHVLUHµ .DUO %DUWK The Theology of John Calvin, trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley (Grand
Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1995), 171.
14
Lutheran Theological Review 22
however, to hearken back to the foundations of his thought which locate
VDOYDWLRQ LQ KLV GRFWULQH RI MXVWLILFDWLRQ DV WKH ´PDLQ KLQJH XSRQ ZKLFK
UHOLJLRQWXUQV«)RUXQOHVV\RXILUVWRIDOOJUDVSZKDW\RXUUHODWLRQVKLSWR
God is, and the nature of his judgment concerning you, you have neither a
foundation on which to establish your salvation nor one on which to build
SLHW\ WRZDUG*RGµ :HVHHKHUH KRZHYHU WKH VWURQJ Christological thrust
which Calvin maintains within his system of thought. 35
3
The picture, however, becomes PRUH FRPSOLFDWHGZKHQ &DOYLQ·V WKHRU\ RI
election³his so-called decretum horribile36³is thrown into the mix. Whether
one chooses to accept the view popularized in the 1840s by Alexander
Schweizer and Ferdinand Christian Baur 37 WKDW &DOYLQ·V WKHRU\ RI HOHFWLon
stands as the central doctrine within his theology, or to follow the
perspective of more recent commentators which relegate it to a secondary
role,38 the fact of the matter remains that his doctrine of election is still
there, and it lends a certain texture to the whole of his thought. As Karl
Barth so brashly observes:
Who of us have the courage today to base our congregational work on
proclamation of the God who truly elects and rejects according to his good
pleasure, and whom we can never anticipate? Would not this be like laying a
foundation at which we solemnly put a big load of dynamite on the
foundation stone instead of engaging in the harmless ceremonies that are
customary? Calvin had this courage, as we see not only in his dogmatics but
also in his sermons, in which again and again he ruthlessly begins at the
beginning.39
,QGHHG %DUWK VXJJHVWV WKDW IRU &DOYLQ ´WKH FRQFHSW RI WKH FKXUFK UHVWV RQ
>WKLVGRFWULQH@RIHOHFWLRQRUSUHGHVWLQDWLRQµZKLFK DVKHREVHUYHV&DOYLQ
35
CHARLES PARTEE´&DOYLQ·V&HQWUDO'RJPD$JDLQµSixteenth Century Journal 18 (1987):
191-200.
36
Institutes III.23.7.
37
ALEXANDER SCHWEIZER, Die Glaubenslehre der evangelish-reformierten Kirche, 2 vols
(Zurich, 1844-45); FERDINAND CHRISTIAN BAUR, Lehrbuch der christlichen
Dogmengeschichte, 3rd ed. (Stuttgart, 1867).
38
BARTH, 178-79; See also HESSELINK ´&DOYLQ·V 7KHRORJ\µ :HQGHO VXJJHVWV WKDW
&DOYLQ·VGRFWULQHRISUHGHVWLQDWLRQVKRXOGEHXQGHUVWRRGDVDQRXWJURZWKRISUDFWLFDODQG
pastoral considerations, WENDEL, 266; similarly LEITH, 120, 124.
39
BARTH, 179, emphasis mine.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
15
developed within his 1536 edition of the Institutes.40 While he admits that it
LV QRW FHQWUDO WR &DOYLQ·V V\VWHP41 he does point out that it is also no
accidental Augustinian relic. Calvin, he suggests, with his systematizing
disposition,42 was fully aware of what he was doing in formulating his
theory of double-predestination.43
Classically stated in the third book of his Institutes, Calvin describes his
doctrine on this point as follows:
:H FDOO SUHGHVWLQDWLRQ *RG·V HWHUQDO GHFUHH E\ ZKLFK KH FRPSDFWHG ZLWK
himself what he willed to become of each man. For all are not created in
equal condition; rather, eternal life is foreordained for some, eternal
damnation for others. Therefore, as any man has been created to one or the
other of these ends, we speak of him as predestined to life or to death.44
The church, for Calvin, is then nothing short of the body of those elected by
God to salvation. Indeed, salvation itself is founded first upon this decree
DQGVHFRQGO\PDGHNQRZQE\&KULVW·VREHGLHQFHDQGGHDWKIRUWKHPRQWKH
cross. It is something which includes the gift of perseverance; it is
LUUHVLVWLEOH &DOYLQ ZULWHV WKDW LW ´FDQQRW ZDYHU RU IDLOµ 45 As John Leith
ULJKWO\ REVHUYHV IRU &DOYLQ HOHFWLRQ LV ´LPSOLFLW LQ DQ\ UHDO GRFWULQH RI
forgiveness or justification by faith alone. To be elect in Christ is to be
IRUJLYHQµ46 Because of this, Barth has rightly noted that the doctrine of
election serves to emphasize the radical nature of free justification within
&DOYLQ·VWKHRORJLFDOV\VWHP47
Calvin, moreover, sees this election, although it is a hidden decree made
by God before the creation of the world, 48 as something which is manifested
40
BARTH, 178; cf. HESSELINK´&DOYLQ·V7KHRORJ\µDOVRDEVRIES, 107.
41
BARTH,
42
BARTH, 158, 160.
43
BARTH 179, 186.
44
Institutes III.21.5.
45
´1RZLWLVYHU\LPSRUWDQWIor us to know what benefit we shall gain from this. The basis
on which we believe the church is that we are fully convinced we are members of it. In this
way our salvation rests upon sure and firm supports, so that, even if the whole fabric of the
world weUHRYHUWKURZQWKH FKXUFKFRXOGQHLWKHUWRWWHUQRUIDOO)LUVWLWVWDQGVE\*RG·V
election, and cannot waver or fail any more than his eternal providence can. Secondly, it
has in a way been joined to the steadfastness of Christ, who will no more allow his
EHOLHYHUV WR EH HVWUDQJHG IURP KLP WKDQ WKDW KLV PHPEHUV EH UHQW DQG WRUQ DVXQGHUµ
Institutes IV.1.3. See also WENDEL, 277.
46
LEITH, 122.
47
BARTH, 119.
48
See BARTH, 158.
16
Lutheran Theological Review 22
specifically in the person of Jesus Christ. 49 +H ZULWHV ´$OWKRXJK RXU
salvation has always been hidden in God, Jesus Christ is nevertheless the
channel through whom this salvation flows down to us; and we receive it by
IDLWK VRWKDW LW PD\ EH ILUP DQG ZHOO UDWLILHGLQ RXU KHDUWVµ 50 and again in
DQRWKHUSODFH´2IWKRVHZKRP*RGKDVFKRVHQDVKLVFKLOGUHQLWLVQRWVDLG
that he elected them in themselves, but in his Christ, because he could not
love them except in him, and could not honour them with his heritage
ZLWKRXWKDYLQJILUVWPDGHWKHPSDUWLFLSDQWVLQKLPµ 51 John Leith has noted
the tension that emerges here between election and the work of Christ
withiQ &DOYLQ·V V\VWHP RI WKRXJKW ´:KHQ &DOYLQ VSHDNV RI SUHGHVWLQDWLRQ
as a decree which is made at one point in time and executed at a later point,
LWDSSHDUVWKDWYLROHQFHLVGRQHWRWKHHWHUQLW\RI*RGµ 52 It is not altogether
clear that Calvin had reached a comfortable synthesis on this point that he
KLPVHOI ZDV VDWLVILHG ZLWK ,QGHHG DV /HLWK SRLQWV RXW ´&DOYLQ KLPVHOI
IUHTXHQWO\OHWV>KLVVWDWHPHQWVFRQFHUQLQJSUHGHVWLQDWLRQ@VWDQGDORQHµDQG
WKHQ JRHV VWDWLQJ WKDW ´KH KDV KLPVHOI WR EODPH WKDW FULWLFV have seized on
WKHVHSDVVDJHVDQGFDOOHGKLVGRFWULQHWKHFDSULFHRIDW\UDQWµ 53
Wendel, however, attempts to unravel the conundrum of this tension by
DSSHDOLQJ WR -HVXV· SRVLWLRQ DV WKH VHFRQG SHUVRQ LQ WKH 7ULXQH *RGKHDG
Wendel explains:
As it is in [Jesus Christ] that the promises of salvation find their guarantee, so
it is in him that election is sealed. Doubly so, seeing that the Christ took part
in the decree of election in his capacity as second Person of the Holy Trinity,
and that he is also the artisan of this election in his capacity as Mediator.54
Calvin does, after all, invite people to contemplate their election not outside
but within the person of Jesus Christ Himself.
If we have been chosen in him, we shall not find assurance of our election in
ourselves; and not even in God the Father, if we conceive him as severed
from his Son. Christ, then, is the mirror wherein we must, and without selfdeception may, contemplate our own election. For since it is into his body
the Father has destined those to be engrafted whom he has willed from
49
WENDEL, 274-75.
50
´&RPPHQWDU\ RQ 0DWWKHZµ Opera omnia quae supersunt (Corpus Reformatorem),
(Brunswick, 1863-1900), 45, 319; also Wendel, 275.
51
Institutes III.25.5.
52
LEITH, 136. The presence of this tension raises some interesting questions about the nature
RIWLPHDQGWHPSRUDOLW\ZLWKLQ&DOYLQ·VV\VWHPRIWKRXJKW7KLVOLQHRILQTXLry, however,
is beyond the scope of this present paper.
53
LEITH, 127.
54
WENDEL, 274.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
17
eternity to be his own, that he may hold as sons all whom he acknowledges
to be among his members, we have a sufficiently clear and firm testimony
that we have been inscribed in the book of life [cf. Rev. 21:27] if we are in
communion with Christ.55
3UHGHVWLQDWLRQ WKHQ LQ :HQGHO·V HVWLPDWLRQ LV SURSHUO\ LQWHUSUHWHG LQ
UHODWLRQWRWKH SHUVRQDQG ZRUN RI &KULVW 7KXV DV KH VWDWHV ´ZKHWKHU ZH
place the accent upon predestination itself, logically conceived as the prior
condition of salvation, or³where Calvin usually places it³upon the offer of
VDOYDWLRQLQ&KULVWZHDUHEURXJKWEDFNWR-HVXV&KULVWLQHLWKHUFDVHµ 56
4
:HQGHO·V REVHUYDWLRQ LV VLJQLILFDQW ,W LV DOVR LQFRPSOHWH )RU LI DV KH
suggests, election and the cross are inextricably interwoven into a seamless
GRPLQLFDOGHFUHHQRWRQO\GRHV&DOYLQ·VGRFWULQHRIHOHFWLRQSRLQWWKHelect
WR WKH ´RIIHU RI VDOYDWLRQµ LQ -HVXV &KULVW &DOYLQ·V &KULVWRORJ\ PXVW DOVR
imply and entail the decretum of election in order for the association to be
FRPSOHWH 7KH FRUROODU\ WR :HQGHO·V FRQQHFWLRQ PXVW DOVR EH WUXH (YHQ
though later Calvinism took on its harsh predestinarian demeanour through
an inordinate emphasis on election as the foundational teaching for
subsequent Reformed theology,57 it is nonetheless here in this association of
WKH FURVV ZLWK *RG·V KLGGHQ GHFUHH WKDW WKH XQLTXH IHDWXUHV RI &DOYLQ·V
WKHRORJ\ EHJLQ WR HPHUJH (YHQ WKRXJK HOHFWLRQ PD\ LQ &DOYLQ·V
HVWLPDWLRQ VLPSO\ EHDQ´DQFLOODU\GRFWULQHµ 58 it still leaves its stamp as a
kind of a watermark image throughout the whole of his theology. 59
7KHELQDU\DVVRFLDWLRQRIHOHFWLRQDQGWKHFURVVZLWKLQ&DOYLQ·VInstitutes
LV HVSHFLDOO\ ZRUWK\ RI QRWH IRU LW LV KHUH WKDW KLV FRQWUDVW ZLWK /XWKHU·V
conception of conversion becomes most clearly evident. At the risk of
oversimplifying the theologies of these two great figures of the sixteenth
century reformations, the theologies of our two reformers can be seen as
revolving around two points of singular reference. For Calvin, they are
55
Institutes III.24.5.
56
WENDEL, 274.
57
See ANDREW PETTEGREE ´7KH 6SUHDG RI &DOYLQ·V 7KRXJKWµ CARL R. TRUEMAN,
´&DOYLQ DQG &DOYLQLVPµ DQG R. WARD HOLDER ´&DOYLQ·V +HULWDJHµ LQ The Cambridge
Companion in John Calvin; also ALISTER E. MCGRATH, Reformation Thought: An
Introduction, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988, 1993), 125.
58
MCGRATH, 128.
59
0F*UDWK QRWHV WKDW DOWKRXJK SUHGHVWLQDWLRQ LV QRW FHQWUDO WR &DOYLQ·V WKHRORJ\ it is
nonetheless foundational to it. MCGRATH, 125.
18
Lutheran Theological Review 22
election and the cross; for Luther, the cross and the Word (understanding
that the two dominical Sacraments are included here as a physical
expression of that very same Word).60 The singular reference for each of
their pairings is wrapped up in the divine work³one could dare even to call
it a decree³of sola gratia justification. The difference between their
respective emphases, however, is significant for understanding the overall
shape of both their theologies as well as the pieties which depend on them.
Each view, moreover, spins off its own particular model and conception of
Christian missions on account of their divergent theologies.
For Luther, this gift of salvation³expressed as justification³is anchored
in Christ, specifically His work on the cross (Lk. 23:34),61 and likewise
communicated to people through the means of the Word and the
sacraments (Acts 2:38-39; Mt. 26:27-29).62 Calvin, on the other hand,
anchors salvation in the decree of election, 63 to which the cross,64 the
Word,65 and even the sacraments66 stand as an external testimony to which
the Spirit adds the inner movement of His witness concerning the
justification of the elect.
Word and sacraments confirm our faith when they set before our eyes the
good will of our Heavenly Father toward us, by the knowledge of whom the
whole firmness of our faith stands fast and increases in strength. The Spirit
confirms it when, by engraving this confirmation in our minds, he makes it
effective. Meanwhile, the Father of Lights [cf. James 1:17] cannot be
hindered from illumining our minds with a sort of intermediate brilliance
60
&I/XWKHU·VH[SODQDWLRQRI%DSWLVPZKHUHKHGHVFULEHVLWDVIROORZV´Die Taufe ist nicht
allein schlecht Wasser sondern sie ist das Wasser, in Gottes Gebot gefasset und mit Gottes
Wort verbunden.µBELK, 515.
61
See SA, loc. cit.
62
´6R QX *RWW V\Q KH\OLJHV (XDQJHOLRQ KDW DXVODVVHQ JHKHQ KDQGHOW HU PLW XQV DXII
zweyerley weyse. Eyn mal eusserlich, das ander mal ynnerlich. Eusserlich handelt er mit
uns durchs muendliche wort des Euangelij und durch leypliche zeychen, alls do ist Tauffe
und Sacrament. Ynnerlich handelt er mit uns durch den heyligen geyst und glauben sampt
andern gaben. Aber das alles, der massen und der ordenung, das die eusserlichen stucke
sollen und muessen vergehen. Und die ynnerlichen hernach und durch die eusserlichen
komen, also das ers bescholssen hat, keinem menschen die ynnerlichen stuck zu geben on
GDVHXVVHUOLFKHZRUWXQG]H\FKHQµWider die himmlischen Propheten, WA 18:1369-13.
63
See Institutes III.21.5; IV.1.3.
64
See LEITH, 13.
65
See Institutes I.6-7.
66
See Institutes IV.1.22; IV.14.1. et al.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
19
through the sacraments, just as he illumines our bodily eyes by the rays of the
sun.67
Indeed, and this is important to recognize, for Calvin, the Word and the
sacraments do not, in and of themselves, impart grace to the partaker, but
VLPSO\KROGIRUWK&KULVWDVDWHVWLPRQ\RI*RG·VEHQHYROHQWORYHIRUWKRVH
who are elect.68 ,W LV WKH 6SLULW LQ &DOYLQ·V XQGHUVWDQGLQJ ZKR
communicates the benefits of the Gospel inwardly to the elect (without
means) to which the Word and the sacraments bear external witness. 69 ´:H
GRQRWGHQ\µ&DOYLQZULWHV
that God himself is present in his institution by the very present power of his
Spirit. Nevertheless, that the administration of the sacraments which he has
ordained may not be unfruitful and void, we declare that the inner grace of
the Spirit, as distinct from the outward ministry, ought to be considered and
pondered separately.70
7KXV DV %DUWK VXPPDULO\ QRWHV ´WKH ZDWHU RI EDSWLVP LV QRW itself our
FOHDQVLQJ DQG VDOYDWLRQ EXW VLPSO\ WKH LQVWUXPHQW RI WKHVH « :KDW
happens is not the forgiveness of sins but a strengthening of faith in
IRUJLYHQHVVµ $QG IXUWKHU ´WKH /RUG·V 6XSSHU LV QRW WKH EUHDG RI OLIH RU
Christ himself, but it reminds uV WKDW &KULVW LV WKH EUHDG RI OLIHµ71 The
reality and substance, Calvin suggests, is communicated not through the
external means (Luther), but beside them through the agency of the Spirit.
To be fair, Calvin does suggest that there is a communion that
accompanies the Word and the sacrament between God and the individual
believer. This communion, however, is conceived variously in terms of a
mystical union of Christ and the believer 72 or a contemplative ascent of the
soul into the heavenly heights.73 It is the Spirit who proves to be the
effecting agent to make all this possible. 74
67
See Institutes IV.14.10.
68
Institutes IV.14.14-17.
69
See Institutes IV.14.9; also BARTH, 182.
70
Institutes IV.14.17; cf. also IV.17.12.
71
BARTH, 174. Barth goes on to unfold the significaQFH RI WKH VDFUDPHQWV ZLWKLQ &DOYLQ·V
WKRXJKWDVIROORZV´7KHSRLQWRIWKHVDFUHGDFWLRQLVWRUHPLQGXVRIWKHJRRGQHVVRI
God in Christ and to summon us to recognize it, (2) to enable us to perform an act of
confession, and (3) to bring us to a fresh awareness of our fellowship with the brethren and
to lead us to love of them in Christ and of Christ in themµBARTH, 175, original emphasis.
See also BEEKE, 134.
72
WENDEL, 238; DEVRIES, 120.
73
Cf. Institutes III.24.5; Beeke notes that Calvin speaks of WKH VDFUDPHQWV DV ´ODGGHUV E\
ZKLFK ZH FOLPE WR KHDYHQµ BEEKE, 135. Also Institutes I.5.11. See also GEORGE H.
20
Lutheran Theological Review 22
&DOYLQ·V UKHWRULF LV UHYHDOLQJ 7KH VDFUDPHQWV VWDQG DV UHPLQGHUV RU
memorials of divine favour;75 piety is grounded in the knowledge of self and
the knowledge of God;76 his description of repentance is one of
´UHJHQHUDWLRQZKRVHVROHHQGLVWRUHVWRUHLQXVWKHLPDJHRI*RGWKDWKDG
EHHQ GLVILJXUHG DQG DOO EXW REOLWHUDWHG WKURXJK $GDP·V WUDQVJUHVVLRQµ 77
There is something which is both intimately personal and yet communal
and relational about this all. Indeed, he breathes the air of an Augustinian
Trinitarian piety which sees the human vocation in terms of the Trinitarian
image of God vaulted into the vernacular sphere of social realities. 78 Even
his description of faith as glove which ´HPEUDFHV &KULVWµ79 fits nicely into
this mould with a comparable pattern of the Giver, the receiver, and the Gift
that is shared. Given the role of the Spirit as the bond of unity among the
SHUVRQVRIWKH7ULQLW\ZLWKLQ$XJXVWLQH·VFRQFHSWLRQRIWKHLQQHUlife of the
Godhead, it is not surprising that Calvin would assign such a prominent
place to the third person of the Trinity within the pattern of his own
spirituality.
But by pushing the factum of justification beyond the threshold of the
sacraments, however, Calvin has effectively altered the scope and meaning
RI&KULVWLDQPLQLVWU\LQWKHZRUOG6LQFHRQH·VVDOYDWLRQLVGHSHQGHQWXSRQ
WKHLPPXWDEOHGHFUHHRI*RGWKH:RUGLQDQGRILWVHOIFDQQRWFKDQJHRQH·V
SUHRUGDLQHG GHVWLQ\ 7KLV LV D IDFHW RI &DOYLQ·s theology which is easily
overlooked, yet it is clearly there, and it is clearly foundational. He describes
this dynamic as follows:
For though only those predestined to salvation receive the light of faith and
truly feel the power of the gospel, yet experience shows that the reprobate are
sometimes affected by almost the same feeling as the elect, so that even in
TAVARD, 7KH 6WDUWLQJ 3RLQW RI &DOYLQ·V 7KHRORJ\ (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 2000), 172.
74
See HESSELINK´0\VWLFDO8QLRQµ
75
See Institutes IV.14.18- &RPSDUH WKLV ZLWK $XJXVWLQH·V DQDORJLFDO GHVFULSWLRQ RI WKH
Trinity in terms of memory-understanding-will. AUGUSTINE, De trinitate 10.11.
76
Especially Institutes I.1-2; see also BEEKE &RPSDUH ZLWK $XJXVWLQH·V DQDOogical
description of the Trinity as mind, self-knowledge, and self-love. AUGUSTINE, De trinitate
9:4.
77
Institutes ,,, &RPSDUH WKLV ZLWK $XJXVWLQH·V DQWKURSRORJ\ ZKLFK FRQFHLYHV RI WKH
individual person as created in the image of Christ but as being made in the image of the
very triune God himself. AUGUSTINE, De trinitate, 10:12. See also Institutes I.5.2 where he
elaborates upon humanity in terms of a microcosmic reflection of a divine archetype.
78
See TAVARD, 57-59. For an excellent discussion of late medieval Augustinian spirituality,
see DAVID N. BELL, The Image and Likeness: The Augustinian Spirituality of William of St.
Thierry (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1984).
79
Institutes III.2.8.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
21
their own judgment they do not in any way differ from the elect [cf. Acts
13:28]. Therefore it is not at all absurd that the apostle should attribute to
them a taste of the heavenly gifts [Heb. 6:4-6]and Christ, faith for a time
[Luke 8:13]; not because they firmly grasp the force of spiritual grace and the
sure light of faith, but because the Lord, to render them more convicted and
inexcusable, steals into their minds to the extent that his goodness may be
tasted without the Spirit of adoption.80
Yet in spite of this binding reality, Calvin counsels that one should not
VSHFXODWHDVWRZKHWKHURQHLVHOHFWRUQRW´/HWXVQRWµKHZULWHV´VHHNWR
penetrate into heaven itself, and to fathom what God from eternity decreed
IRU XV 6XFK WKLQNLQJ FDQ RQO\ YH[ XV ZLWK PLVHUDEOH DQ[LHW\ DQG WURXEOHµ
(1538 Catechism, article 13).81 He counsels, rather, that we should content
ourselves with contemplating our election in the mirror of Christ,82 all the
while not knowing for certain whether one is elect or not. 83 There can be no
WUXH ´FRPLQJ WR IDLWKµ RXWVLGH RI HOHFWLRQ 1HLWKHU :RUG QRU VDFUDPHQW
HIIHFWVDQ\FKDQJH7KH\PHUHO\SXEOLFO\FRQILUP*RG·VHWHUQDOGHFree while
serving also to socialize and police (through the exercise of the
excommunication) the communal life of both society and the church.
5
This brings us back to our original question. What then does conversion
mean when it is set against the backdroS RI &DOYLQ·V WKHRORJ\" 6LQFH
VDOYDWLRQ LWVHOI LV D PDWWHU ZKLFK KDV EHHQ SUHGHWHUPLQHG LQ *RG·V
LUUHYRFDEOHGHFUHHWKHMXVWLILFDWLRQLVVLPSO\QRW´XSIRUJUDEVµDVDSRVVLEOH
meaning of conversion for Calvin. Conversion has to do with
sanctification³or renewal in piety.84 Indeed, Calvin does write that the
QXUWXULQJ RI WKH ´KROLQHVV RI OLIHµ LV WKH JRDO RI HOHFWLRQ 85 Yet, as Barth
notes, this adds nothing to the initial vocation of the Christian which is
JURXQGHGLQ*RG·VRZQIUHHFKRRVLQJ86 ´1RWKLQJKDVto be added to faith.
)DLWK KDV VLPSO\ WR FRPH LQWR DFWLRQµ 87 This, after all, is what Calvin
80
Institutes III.2.11.
81
See HESSELINK´&DOYLQ·V7KHRORJ\µ
82
Institutes III.24.5.
83
BARTH, 182.
84
Cf. GRISLIS, 68.
85
Institutes III.23.12.
86
Institutes III.22.11.
87
BARTH, 196.
22
Lutheran Theological Review 22
expounded at length in Book II of his Institutes where he insisted that
conversion and all of its fruits as they flourish in righteousness are nothing
more than a flowering of that initial grace which is grounded in the
&KULVWLDQ·V HOHFWLRQ88 We can see it also in his keen skill as a spiritual
GLUHFWRUUHIOHFWHGLQKLVGLVFXVVLRQRI´IRUPHGµDQG´XQIRUPHGµIDLWK 89 This
is nothing short of piety, and as Joel Beeke describes, for Calvin,
Piety means experiencing sanctification as a divine work of renewal
expressed in repentance and righteousness, which progresses through conflict
and adversity in a Christlike manner.90
5HWXUQLQJWR6WHHQEULQN·VGLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQ´KLJKµDQG´ORZµIRUPVRI
conversion, it is interesting to note that Calvin breaks the mould. Piety must
be palpable. It must be something felt. It is that zeal for religion out of which
true piety springs forth which Calvin writes about at the start of his
Institutes.91 Indeed, as H. Jackson Forstman points out, the knowledge of the
faith of which Calvin writes is not in the head but in the heart. 92 Yet it is
also eminently communal and relational as his Augustinian Trinitarian
spirituality reveals.93 Indeed, this is reflected in his unique conception of the
VDFUDPHQWVDVWKH´H[WHUQDOPHDQVRUDLPVE\ZKLFK*RGinvites us into the
society of Christ DQGKROGVXVWKHUHLQµ 94 Even his description of the Office
of the Keys, as the ministry of exhorting others to live in forgiveness (but not
the actual speaking of Holy Absolution), reflects this same social and
communal dimension.95 $V VXFK &DOYLQ·V YLVLRQ RI WKH FKXUFK DQG KLV
XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI FRQYHUVLRQ HQJXOIV ERWK WKH ´KLJKµ DQG WKH ´ORZµ LQ
6WHHQEULQN·V W\SRORJ\ ´$XWKHQWLF FRQYHUVLRQ KROGV DOVR DQ HFFOHVLRORJLFDO
character: it is not only a turning to God but also an entrance into the
IHOORZVKLSRIWKH&KXUFKµ 96 As Beeke rightly notes, for Calvin faith, prayer,
88
Institutes II.3.6-14.
89
Institutes III.2.8-13.
90
BEEKE, 145.
91
Institutes I.9.
92
H. JACKSON FORSTMAN, Word and Spirit: CalvLQ·V 'RFWULQH RI %LEOLFDO $XWKRULW\ (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1962), 101; also TAVARD, 172, 188.
93
Cf. HESSELINK´&DOYLQ·V7KHRORJ\µ
94
Institutes IV emphasis mine.
95
Institutes IV.1.22. Note that Calvin excludes sacramental absolution from his discussion
here.
96
´De authentieke conversio heft nl. Altijd een ecclesial karakter: zij is niet slechts toekeer
tot God, marr ook toekeer door en in de gemeenschap der kerk.µ HIJENHUIS, 249. See
also N. A. NISSIOTIS ´&RQYHUVLRQ DQG WKH &KXUFKµ The Ecumenical Review 19 (1967):
261-70.
Beinert: Calvin on Conversion
23
and piety are far from private. They must not be hidden because they are
socially transformative.97
But since conversion, for Calvin, is only for the elect, conversion as
´VDYLQJ WKH ORVWµ WDNHV RQ D XQLTXH DQG GLVWLQFWLYH TXDOLW\ 1R ORQJHU
conceived in terms of a salvage and rescue mission where people are literally
saved from the throws of hell through the sacramental ministrations of the
church in community³a view which would fit very nicely within a
Lutheran perspective³the shape of conversion for Calvin becomes thus a
process of collection and socialization wherein the elect are gathered and
formed in their faith within the fellowship of the gathered (and re-formed)
Christian community. Christians are not made through the ministry of both
sacrament and Word³they are merely gathered together into a common
witnessing society for mutual edification. 98 The lost are merely socialized.
Stated more crassly, for Calvin conversion is like the discovery and
reformation (training) of Eliza Doolittle by professor Henry Higgins, from
*HRUJH%HUQDUG6KDZ·VMy Fair Lady, in order to present her to the courts of
privileged society, only to find, in the end, that he has discovered a diamond
in the rough and, in turn, fallen in love with her.
This is no Pauline or Augustinian pattern of sudden conversion.
Conversion, in Calvin, takes on a distinctive character entirely of its own
ZKHUHLQ VDOYDWLRQ LV QRW VHHQ DV ´XS IRU JUDEVµ RU ´RQ RIIHUµ ZLWKLQ WKH
grasp of sinners or the sacramental ministry of the church. Conversion is a
reformation of behaviour³both individual and societal³transforming the
ministry of the church into a ministry of the Law where the public life of the
church is understood as a witness and testimony to the irrevocable decree of
God (election). The church, for Calvin, provides no bridge to eternity for
lost sinners. It merely points to the decree like the proverbial finger pointing
at the moon.
:KHQ UHDG DJDLQVW WKH EDFNGURS RI &DOYLQ·V WKHRORJ\ ´FRQYHUVLRQµ
takes on a distinctively sociological flavour. It also steps back from
grappling with the question of fundamental religious change³of the
G\QDPLF SURFHVV RI WKH VLQQHU·V MXVWLILFDWLRQ³and focuses instead on the
process of active sanctification. Through his coupling of justification with a
supralapsarian decree of election, the question of religions transition is
submerged in the deus absconditus and subsequently drops out of sight. What
is left is an on-going reformation of piety which Calvin believes to be
manifest in the elect by a spirit of humble obedience and adoration. The
result is a stark separation of sanctification from justification in a way that
97
BEEKE, 145.
98
7KLV VWDQGV LQ VWDUN RSSRVLWLRQ WR /XWKHU·V FRQFHSWLRQ RI WKH &KXUFK DV KH H[SODLQV LWLQ
the Third Article of the Creed within his Small Catechism.
24
Lutheran Theological Review 22
ignores the vital importance of the ministry of the Word for the
communication of grace and faith formation within the day-to-day life of the
church. It, in essence, promotes a piety which maintains a form of godliness,
all the while, denying the power which animates it (II Tim. 3:5). Whatever
WKH VWUHQJWKV DQG WKH ZHDNQHVV RI &DOYLQ·V SUDFWLFDO FRQWULEXWLRQ WR WKH
Protestant understanding of conversion might be, the overall impact of his
theology cannot be adequately understood without recourse to the
theological foundations which underlie his system. Theology and practice
go hand in hand.
Piety and patterns of evangelism are not value neutral in the overarching
scheme of Christian ministry. While there are always practical
considerations in the doing of Christian ministry which inform and
transform the way in which we do ministry, careful recourse needs to be
made to the fundamental confession of the Christian church in order not to
lose the rubber-to-the-road mission reality of the sacramental cradle in
ZKLFK*RGIRUPVRXUIDLWK$VVWXG\RI&DOYLQ·VWKHRORJ\RIFRQYHUVLRQDV
FRQWUDVWHGZLWK/XWKHU·VRIIHUVERWKDFODULW\RILQVLJKWLQWRWKHLPSRUWDQFH
of a clearly articulated theology in both spoken creed and the lived ministry
of the church, it also offers a warning against an uncritical borrowing of
models and methods of evangelism within our own practice and ministry. A
theological disconnect in the way that we do our theology can speak louder
than the words of our preaching and catechetical instruction. At the very
least, it works to stir confusion in the minds and hearts of the faithful as they
seek to bring their faith to bear on their day-to-day vocations. As in
generations gone by, we too, in our own day, must learn to grapple with
how our theology not only informs but forms the way we do our work in
the ongoing mission of the church today.
Rev. Richard A. Beinert, M.A., is pastor of Immanuel Lutheran Church,
Winnipeg, Manitoba, and an adjunct professor of Concordia Lutheran
Seminary, Edmonton. He is a Ph.D. candidate in Religion and Reformation
Studies at the University of Manitoba.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 25-73
Saving the Gypsy Soul:
Reflections on Evangelical Outreach to German Sinti and
Roma in the Early 1800s
William F. Mundt
THE TITLE IS ALREADY TROUBLESOME.
³Gypsyµ, the usual English translation of
the German ´Zigeunerµ frequently conjures up images of shawled fortunetellers, dark-haired horse traders, scantily-clad small children begging in
public places (still observable for example on Berlin·s Friedrichstraße near
the many tourist shops which sprang up after the 1989 Wende), other
negative stereotypes, and of course, the wagons. ´Hide the children lest they
EH VWROHQµ was a common cry in small villages whenever these travellers
came to town. The seven deadly sins become stereotypes of gypsy
characteristics.1 The seven most common designations of this people group
are: (1) bums and vagabonds, (2) thieves, (3) fortune tellers, (4) pagan,
enemies of Christians, dedicated to the devil, (5) spies, (6) violin players, (7)
dancing girls.2
Largely the wagons have been replaced by motorized vehicles, and
although commonly referred to as ´travelling folNµ (die Fahrende, and
´travellersµ in Great Britain), there is generally less mobility than in the
early 1800s when various and varying territorial decrees or edicts compelled
frequent relocation as a means of survival. 3 Hancock argues that ´although
the popular notion holds that the Romanies are a wandering people with
mysterious origins, it has been known for over two centuries that their roots
are in India, and only a tiny fraction of the world`s twelve million or so
1
JOHANNES RIES, Welten Wanderer: Über die kulterelle Souveränität siebenbürgischer Zigeuner
und den Einfluß des Pfingstchristentums (Würzburg: Ergon Verlag 2007), 169.
2
WILHELM SOLMS´6LHEHQ%DXVWHLQHGHU=LJHXQHU-.RQVWUXNWLRQµ, Kulturloses Volk:
%HULFKWHEHU´=LJHXQHUµ und Selbstzeugnisse von Sinti und Roma, Beiträge zur
Antiziganismusforschung, Band 4, (Seeheim: I-Verb.de, 2006), 97-108.
3
HELMUT SAMER´(IIHFWVRI$VVLPLODWLRQ²Policyµ Rombase < http://romani.unigraz.at/rombase>, 1. Already in 1803 Napoleon Bonaparte ordered that able-bodied
gypsy men be forced to work, their children sent to orphanages, the women as well as the
old and the sick put into poorhouses. Despite, or perhaps because of such measures, Roma
took up nomadic ways of life and tried to make a living as basket weavers, coppersmiths,
horse traders, peddlers, flayers, etc. Itinerant trades did not produce secure living
conditions. Welfare was generally bound to a permanent place of residence and aid was
discouraged as nomadic Roma became increasingly seen as threats to law and order.
26
Lutheran Theological Review 22
Romanies are truly nomadic.µ4 Not all travellers fit under the Sinti/Roma
classification either. The Jenish are travellers but not considered to belong to
groups labelled as gypsy.
The German ´Zigeunerµ is considered by most to be derogatory (a fact
the author was frequently reminded of in seeking source material).
Unfortunately for the politically correct any reference to Sinti and Roma
activity in the 18th and 19th centuries (and of course before that) will always
be located under ´=µ not ´6µ or ´Rµ. Mode, among others, shares insights
into possible derivations of the word. 5 The term ´gypsyµ originated from the
Greek Word ´aigyptoiµ with the mistaken belief that they originated from
Egypt and means nothing. It is like calling an Inuit person an Eskimo, and
seen by Roma as an offensive label.6
Not infrequently the dreaded Z-word appears in a longer list of ´the
usual suspectsµ in police records along with ´Vagabanden, Diebe ... und andere
Gesindel.µ7 Simply substituting Sinti and Roma, the preferred modern
German titles does not solve the problem either. Within this diverse group
itself there is disagreement and division. One blog goes to great length
exploring the different connotations.8 Some proudly declare: ´I am a Gypsy,
I have always been a Gypsy. I will die a Gypsy.µ Then there is the problem
that not all Sinti are Roma, etc.
Classification of a largely mysterious peoples remains an on-going issue.
For the sake of simplicity this article uses ´gypsyµ to define the peoples
under examination, unless quotations use other terms, since the English
4
IAN HANCOCK, Uniqueness of the Victims: Gypsies, Jews and the Holocaust,
<http://radoc.net:8088/Uniqueness_of_the_Holocaust_Victims_print.htm>, 25 June
2007, 6. For more detailed information about the reasons for leaving India and the various
paths taken, see Michail Krausnick, Die Zigeuner sind da: Roma u. Sinti zwischen Gestern u.
Heute (Würzburg: Arena, 1981), 10-16.
5
H. MODE and S. WOLFFLING, Zigeuner: Der Weg eines Volkes in Deutschland (Leipzig:
Koehler und Amelang, 1968). SEBASTIAN SCHWALBACH´=LJHXQHUµRGHU´6LQWLXQG
5RPDµwww.helles-koepfchen.de/artikel/1387.html!QRWHVWKDW´ZigeunerµPD\EH
GHULYHGIURPWKHDQFLHQW*UHHNZRUG´DWVLQJDQRLµZKLFKPHDQV´XQWRXFKDEOHµ.
6
CARLA CARLSON´6SHDNHU7UDFHV/RQJ0\VWHULRXV+LVWRU\RIWKH¶*\SVLHV·µ Niagara
)DUPHUV·0RQWKO\ (January 2008): 14. For a detailed description from a 1544 viewpoint see
Sebastian Münster`s description in Cosmographia universa as quoted in RAJKO DJURIC,
JÖRG BECKEN, A. BERTOLT BENGSCH, Ohne Heim-Ohne Grab: Die Geschichte der Roma und
Sinti (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag 1996), 199.
7
Archival references abound. See also ´'LHEVWDKOLP%OLFNµ"=XU.ULPLQDOLVLHUXQJGHU
´=LJHXQHUµ, Beiträge zur Antiziganismusforschung, Bd. 3 (Seeheim: I-Verb.de, 2005).
8
RÜDIGER BENNINGHAUS, %HWUDFKWXQJHQ]XU´SROLWLFDOFRUUHFWQHVVµ´=LJHXQHUµ"RGHU´6LQWL
und Romaµ? <http://www.rbenninghaus.de/zigeuner-begriff.htm>, 5 February 2008.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
27
version of the word is milder in its overtones. 9 The terms ´Sintiµ and
´5RPDµ originate from Romani, the mother tongue of this minority. Sinti
refers to those who have been living in central Europe since the late Middle
Ages. Roma refers to those of southern European origin. Outside Germanspeaking areas, Roma, or simply Rom (human being) is used generically. 10
Solms suggests the Sinti may have previously lived about one hundred years
in Greece and acquired Christianity there.11
The second question, which seems to have an obvious answer, is does a
gypsy have a soul? In the late 1700s and early 1800s not everyone was
convinced that even if gypsies had souls that they would be worth saving.
´7KH J\SVLHV DUH QR FXOWXUHG IRON EXW D WULEH ZKLFK KDV QRW SURJUHVVHG
EH\RQG WKH FKLOG VWDJH RI KXPDQLW\µ, one researcher reported.12 Fricke
likewise dared to say what few contested at that time:
Many gypsy souls certainly often have the best plans for great deeds, and one
cannot deny in the hands of a skilled filer or polisher first class men could be
formed from these people. It is really a shame that so much talent is
suffocated, or goes the wrong direction, which then has a negative influence
on their morality throughout their entire lives, and will remain so as long as
the upbringing of gypsies is not changed and he is compelled to remain a
thief and a monster.13
Forty years later, the opinion persisted that gypsies were incapable of
being domesticated because they could not control their instincts and lacked
the intellectual means to carry out any resolve to care for themselves
through regular farming or trade.14 The official opinion of the government
of the Schwarzwaldkreis, dated 22 August 1827, in response to Josef
.DXIPDQQ·V DSSOLFDWLRQ IRU HVWDEOLVKLQJ D FRORQ\ IRU WKH J\SVLHV, was:
9
RIES, 189 notes that gypsy, or Zigeuner, is really an abstraction applied by non-gypsies to a
´ZRUOGZLGHPRVDLFRIGLYHUVLILHGJURXSVµ.
10
´6LQWLDQG5RPDµ'RNXPHQWDWLRQV- und Kulturzentrum Deutscher Sinti und Roma,
<http://www.sintiundroma.de>, 1.
11
WILHELM SOLMS´¶6LHVLQG]ZDUJHWDXIWDEHU«·'LH6WHOOXQJ der Kirchen zu den Sinti
XQG5RPDLQ'HXWVFKODQGµZeitschrift für Theolgie und Kulturgeschichte, http://aps.sulb.unisaarland.de/theologie.geschichte/inhalt/2006/10.html, 5.
12
MAREILE KRAUSE, Verfolgung durch Erziehung (Verlag an der Lottbeck: Peter Jensen,
1989), 72.
13
THOMAS FRICKE, Zwischen Erziehung und Ausgrenzung; zur württembergischen Geschichte der
Sinti und Roma im 19. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang 1991), 40. Contained in
the 1787 search list of Oberamtmann Schäffer in Sülz.
14
FRICKE, 49, based on an opinion expressed in 1828 and shared by many, including Maria
Theresia (cf. Claudia Mayerhofer, Dorfzigeuner: Kultur und Geschichte der Burgenland-Roma
von der Ersten Republik bis zur Gegenwart).
28
Lutheran Theological Review 22
´QHLWKHU KHOSIXO QRU SRVVLEOH WKHQ RQO\ E\ GLVWULEXWLQg them among the
general population could there be any hope of bringing them to a higher
FXOWXUDOOHYHOµ15 Stain, a top official in Ludwigsburg, had already decided in
1812 that the only solution to the problem was to eradicate the worthless
culture of the gypsies, either by keeping them apart or by keep them under
strict supervision.16 The gypsies should stop acting like gypsies and forget
their odd culture and lose their language. Where it was obvious that gypsy
parents were training their children to beg instead of to work and to learn,
and punishing the parents had not helped, then the children should be
removed from the homes and later taught a trade. 17
´It is easy to think, what the religion of these people looks likeµ Mode
reports a Dr. Theodor Tetzner observed. ´They have no feeling for the
higher and holy, not even a clue that man is made for something better than
an animal.µ18 Of even greater interest is to discover the role Enlightenment
thinking and race theories contributed to such inferiority views. In 1775
Immanuel Kant published an article, ´Von den verschiedenen Racen der
Menschenµ, where he strongly asserted, ´die Überlegenheit der ¶Weißen·
oder die kulterelle Unterlegenheit der Träger anderer Hautfarben [the
superiority of the ¶white· or the cultural inferiority of bearers of other skin
colours@µ.19 Certainly evangelical interests in developing members of the
Friedrichslohra settlement into responsible Christian citizens, for example,
was not much different than the political aims, a trend starting around 1775
with Grellman and others.20 The first written account of gypsies in Germany
comes from Hildesheim in 1407. Their persecution began less than fifty
years later as worsening economic, social, and political conditions led to the
conclusion that their presence was burdensome.
Negative notions are easily traceable to even earlier legends about
origins. One relates how two Roman soldiers, entrusted with 80 Kreuzer to
15
FRICKE, 49, 47. Kaufmann and a Jacob Reinhard originally made this request in 1818,
and repeated it in 1827 and 1828. They emphasized the danger of allowing gypsies to
remain living in immoral conditions: ´,QGLHVHU¶+RUGH·JHOWH¶NHLQH5HJHONHLQ*HVHW]DOV
LQGLYLGXHOOH:KONU·XQG¶XQHKHOLFKHQ=XVDPPHQ-OHEHQ·µ
16
FRICKE, 50 in a report dated 10.12.1812.
17
FRICKE, 53 in Nagold.
18
MODE, Zigeuner, 73.
19
UDO ENGBRING-ROMANG´9RUXUWHLOHQDWXUZLVVHQVFKDIWOLch begründet. Beiträge
DXIJHNOlUWHU:LVVHQVFKDIWOHU]XU%HJUQGXQJGHVUDVVLVWLVFKHQ$QWL]LJDQLVPXVµLQ
Aufklärung und Antiziganismus, Beiträge zur Antiziganismusforschung, Bd. 1 (Seeheim: IVerb.de, 2003), 40.
20
CLAUDIA BREGER´*UHOOPDQQ-GHU´=LJHXQHUIRrscherµ GHU$XINOlUXQJµLQAufklärung
und Antiziganismus, Beiträge zur Antiziganismusforschung, Bd. 1 (Seeheim: I-Verb.de,
2003), 50-65.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
29
REWDLQ IRXU QDLOV IRU -HVXV· FUXFLIL[LRQ VSHQW KDOI WKH PRQH\ LQ D ORFDO
tavern. Two Jewish smiths who refused the work felt the wrath of the
5RPDQV· VZRUGV )LQDOO\ WKH\ IRXQG D J\SV\ ZKR DJUHHG WR WKH ZRUN EXW
when he learned their intended usage while preparing the fourth one, he
heard the cries of the murdered smiths warning him. As he tried to cool the
last nail, it kept glowing. It is said that whenever this glowing nail appears,
the gypsies flee to another place. 21 An alternate explanation was that they
were cursed to endless wandering because their descendants failed to
provide accommodations for Mary, Joseph, and Jesus in Egypt.22 Still
others suggest gypsies are the real descendants RI+DP1RDK·VFXUVHGVRQ23
Sometimes the gypsies contributed to the confusion themselves,
especially if there might be some economic advantage. Wilsoscki reported
how some presented themselves as wayward Christians on a pilgrimage of
purification. Even more unthinkable was that they were descendants of
Jewish survivors of the Black Death (who incidentally started the plague by
poisoning wells to rid the world of Christians). The gypsies, of Indian origin,
developed their own language. Unfortunately their word for ´Godµ (Devla)
sounds very much like the English word for devil! 24
Interactions with gypsies often left locals feeling less than charitable also.
This became the greatest obstacle to outreach endeavours. ´Not in my
neighbourhood!µ is not only a twentieth-century phrase. Perhaps the
greatest factor was fear³fear of the stranger, as Seidler suggests. 25 What
most seem to admire about the gypsy life style ultimately became a source of
21
RAINER R. GÜNTHER, Das Kreuz der Zigeuner (Rottweil: Schwarzes Tor 1975), 9-10. A
variation of this story is that the gypsy blacksmith stalled and stalled but was finally
whipped by the Roman soldier to make four nails, three for the hands and feet and one for
the heart. The gypsy asked God to help. When he was to deliver the nails, he swallowed
WKHRQHIRU-HVXV·KHDUW:KHQ*RGVDZWKDW+HVDLG´*\SV\\RXDUHIUHHWRJRDQG
WUDYHODQ\ZKHUHDQG\RXFDQVWHDO\RXUIRRGDQGWDNHZKDW\RXQHHGWROLYHµ$QGWKLVLV
why gypsies travel and why they steal. BRIGITTE FUCHS, Verantwortung der Kirche für Sinti
und Roma, Studien zur Wahrnehmung einer kulturellen Minderheit Tsiganologische Studien,
hrg. Reimer Gronemeyer und Georgia A. Rakelmann, Nr. 1 u. 2 (Gießen:Justis-LiebigUniversität, Institut für Soziologie, 1991), , 219.
22
The reluctance to reach out has a lot to do with prejudices based on preconceived notions.
In Kulturloses Volk :6ROPVOLVWVWKHVHYHQLQJUHGLHQWVRI´antiziganismusµ7KHLQJUHGLHQW
list may have derived from or developed into various legends of origins, from the curse of
Cain to the less exotic.
23
WOLF IN DER MAUR, Die Zigeuner: Wanderer zwischen der Welten (Wien-München:
Molden-Taschenbuch-Verlag, 1978), 55.
24
MAYERHOFER, 94.
25
GERHARD SEIDLER, Die christliche Gemeinde und die Angst vor Fremden: aufgewiesen am
Beispiel der Sinti und Roma: seit 600 Jahren Fremde unter uns (Frankfurt am Main: Herchen
1989), 34-35.
30
Lutheran Theological Review 22
irritation. The gypsy`s love of freedom and disrespect for authority, living in
the present although cherishing traditions and legends of the past, their
spontaneity, their love of music and dance³all these and more have
inspired countless works of music, literature and art³and proved almost
insurmountable obstacles for evangelical outreach. 26 The numbers may be
inflated. At least in the early 1800s in Württemberg, locals encountered few
problems with their gypsy neighbours, nor was there much negative press.
But where fears persist, there opposition to outreach remains.
A third problem is the evangelical emphasis. Most gypsies were
considered, and considered themselves, to be Roman Catholic. In practice
gypsies tended to become whatever the locals were, to a certain degree.
They adopted the local religious aspects that coincided with their own
worldview. There was no objection to a Baptism³not even more than one if
it brought additional gifts from local godparents³or to Christian
celebrations.27 Weddings, funerals, and pilgrimages were conducted
accordingly.28 Evangelical efforts sometimes encountered political
opposition, such as when Lutheran foster parents were commanded to raise
the gypsy children in their care as Roman Catholic.
Wliscocki noted that despite Christian or Muslim appearances, gypsies
live in a world dominated by spirits and determined by Schicksal (fate). Their
Christian or Muslim faith is like festival clothing, but their belief in good
and evil spirits is their everyday wear.29
The Christian message also sounds rather confusing to non-Christian
ears. Mode reported on one conversation about Jesus supposedly overheard
by a Richard Liebrich:
26
See for example STEFANIE SABINE BACH, Die narrative und dramatische Vermittlung von
´=LJHXQHUILJXUHQµ in der deutschsprachigen Literatur (University of Strathclyde Ph.D.
dissertation, 2005).
27
´1DFKULFKWHQEHUKHLGQLVFKHQ=LJHXQHU-)DPLOLHQEHL1RUGKDXVHQµI1ULQ
Geheim Staatsarchiv, Rep. 76 III. Sekt. 1. Abt. XIV, 165 Bd. I, Die in den diesseitigen
Staaten sich aufhaltenden Zigeuner und die zu ihrer Zivilisation getreffenen Anordnungen.
28
MAX PETER BAUMANN´5HOLJL|VH%UFKHGHU&LQWLXQG5RPDµ in Musik- und Kulturtage
der Cinti und Roma, Berlin 1-11, Oktober 1992, n.p., observes that 80% of the Roma in
Germany, France, Spain, southern Europe, and North and South America are Roman
Catholic; Cinti and Roma groups in Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Russia are mostly
Orthodox; evangelical Cinti and Roma are found mainly in Niedersachsen; the Reformed
Church attracts some Cinti and Roma in Hungary and the Hungarian-speaking parts of
Romania; Cinti and Roma are mostly Muslim in Turkey, North Africa, Bosnia, Bulgaria,
and other Balkan countries; Pentecostals have members especially in France, Spain, and
America.
29
WLISLOCKI, Volksglaube, 1.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
31
A gypsy was talking with his wife about the essence of the Christian faith.
Both remembered that there was a greater, older adult God and a smaller,
\RXQJHU *RG 7KH ZLIH·V YLHZ IRU ZKLFK VKH DSSHDOHG WR /LHEULFK IRU
support, was that the great God no longer ruled but that he had stepped
down for the benefit of the son. But the husband explained that the greater,
older God had died a long time ago and that the world was now ruled by this
small God, who nevertheless was not the son of his predecessor but of some
poor carpenter.30
Despite all these obstacles, evangelicals, at least in certain parts of
Germany, did make real attempts to bring Sinti and Roma into the fold of
God`s people.
Historically the action steps seemed to be: tolerate, eliminate, assimilate
through legislation and education (then during Nazi era revert to eliminate
again). Attempts that might make Canadian Christians shudder were similar
to work among the natives. When establishing settlements did not seem to
work, the next step was frequently removing children from their families to
distance them from the language, culture, and wandering ways. Somewhere
along the line questions of financing such ventures became key issues, and
determinative.
Friedrichslohra was one example of the interrelationship between state
and religion in the German territories of the time. There were other
settlements or gypsy colonies, too, that received less attention and quietly
helped travellers become residents.31 The situation at Freidrichslohra is
better known because the evangelical media of the day got hold of the story
and quickly demonstrated why two seminary students sent out by a
missionary society as investigators for a short stay are not the most reliable
reporters. Although the intentions were noble, the result was less than
desirable. All mission stories then, like the television testimonials today,
were meant to attract attention, stir emotions, and raise funds. Samuel
Elsner (1778-1856), an active Berlin layman sometimes referred to as the
soul of an organization, published Neueste Nachrichten aus dem Reiche Gottes
(´Latest News from God·s Kingdomµ, 1817-1856), a compilation of
testimonies, reports and stories from a variety of sources, including many
30
MODE, Zigeuner, 77.
31
There were, for example, 130 Roma settlements established in Burgenland in Austria
during the 19th century. Homes were built on public lands and the residents not registered
as owners. After the deportation during World War II almost all the approximately 1300
homes were destroyed and none of the survivors received reparation because none could
prove they ever owned a house. ´'LH5RPDVLHGOXQJHQGHV%XUJHQODQGHVµ
Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstandes, 1.
32
Lutheran Theological Review 22
English ones, to encourage support.32 When news of the living conditions in
the settlement at Friedrichslohra was printed, this set off a flurry of letter
writing to and from various government officials and friends and supporters
of evangelical missions. Many of these letters, or copies of them, are
FDUHIXOO\ ERXQG DQG SUHVHUYHG LQ %HUOLQ·V Geheim Staatsarchiv preußischer
Kultur-Besitz. Conditions were dismal, to be sure. Intense poverty produces
such climates as those described in the correspondence and reports as
´sittenloser Verwilderungµ und ... Versunkenheit.33 Great exception was taken to
the observation that nothing was being done to correct them.
The evangelical supporters of outreach were convinced that
Christianizing would produce civilizing. The children were targeted. Within
one generation the gypsies would be cured of their wandering and
irresponsible life style.
The Origins of ´The Gypsy PUREOHPµ
By the end of the fifteenth century gypsies are mentioned in the public
records of almost every European country. The first noted presence of
gypsies in Germany is recorded in 1407 in Hildesheim. On 20 September
that year these newly arrived Tartars enjoyed a refill of wine as officials
checked their papers.34 The first recorded expulsion took place in 1416 from
the Meissen region.35 A group of three hundred men moved into the North
Sea region in 1417. Under the leadership of a duke and a count (Herzog and
Graf), they moved on foot and on horseback, leading hunting dogs as a sign
of nobility (although when they hunted it was silently and without dogs),
with the women and children sitting on their goods in carts. 36 By 1418,
gypsies were reported in many parts of Germany. That same year, near
Zurich, numerous tribes came together under the command of a Duke
32
$OWKDXVHQLQKLV´Kirchliche Gesellschaftenµ described Elsner as the editor and businessman
RIWKH%HUOLQ$ZDNHQLQJ´2QHZHQWWR(OVQHULIKHQHHGHGDGYLFHLQSUDFWLFDOPDWWHUV+H
knew how to help and organize. He arranged contacts with his many correspondents and
is the centre above all for the mission of the SULQWHGZRUGµ,QWILLIAM F. MUNDT,
Sinners Directed to the Saviour: The Religious Tract society Movement in Germany (1811-1848)
(Zoetermeer: Uitgeverij Boekencentrum 1996), 100.
33
Amtsblatt der königlichen Regierung zu Errfurt. (UIXUW1UXQGHU´Verordnungen und
%HNDQQWPDFKXQJHQGHU5HJLHUXQJµLQ5HS,,,6HNW$EW;,9%GII.
34
DJURIC, 195.
35
Patrin Timeline of Romani History, <http://www.geocities.com/Paris/5121/timeline.htm>,
2.
36
GUSTAV FREYTAG´'LHIDKUHQGH/HXWHµSpiegel Online: Project Gutenberg-De
<http:gutenberg.spiegel.de/?id>, 7.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
33
Michel from Little Egypt. Among the more than 1000 present, were two
dukes and two knights. They claimed to have been driven out of Egypt by
the Turks, carried a lot of cash they said had been forwarded to them by
relatives at home, ate and drank well, and paid generously. Never again
were they reported to be so well off.37
King Frederick III provided a Geleitbrief (a letter of safe passage), dated
15 April 1442, for Michel, Count of the Gypsies, and his companions,
asking neighbouring rulers to permit safe travel and to allow them to buy
provisions. In 1446 the city of Frankfurt conferred citizenship on a ´Heincz
von Mulhusen zygunerµ,38 but in 1449 the Roma were driven out of the
city.39 Towards the end of the 1400s letters of protection (Schutzbriefe)
became less common and were replaced by greater oppression and
persecution. Increasingly gypsies were forbidden to carry out their trade and
driven away. The parliaments in Landau and Freiburg, 1496-98, declared
WKH´Roma traitors to the Christian countries, spies in the pay of the Turks,
and carriers of the plague.µ40 The Diet of Augsburg in 1500 renewed the
resolution brought against gypsies at the Diet of Freiburg in 1498 forbidding
entry or any accommodation to them.41 It further declared them traitors to
Christian countries and ´accused them of witchcraft, kidnapping of
children, and banditry.µ42 Expulsion edicts were repeated in resolutions
from 1534 and 1544, as well as in the Reichspolizeiordnungen in 1530, 1548,
and 1577.43 The 1540 law for BrandenEXUJGHFUHHG´because we as ruler of
this land have decided that in none of our lands gypsies nor foreign beggars
shall be suffered; so if the gypsies approach our land·s border, our cities are
37
FREYTAG, 7.
38
´6LQWLXQG5RPDµ'RNXPHQWDWLRQV- und Kulturzentrum Deutscher Sinti und Roma, 2.
39
Patrin Timeline, 3.
40
Patrin Timeline. 3.
41
´'LHLHQHQKDOEHQVRVLFK]HLJHXQHUQHQQHQXQGZLHGHUXQGIULQGLH/DQG]LHKHQHWF
soll per edictum publicum ... ernstlich gebotten werden, das sie hierfür dieselben
zeigeuner, nachdem man glaublich anzeig hat, das sie erfarer, usspeer und
verkundschafter der christen land seyen, in oder durch ire land, gepiete oder oberkeit nit
ziehen, handeln noch wandeln lassen, noch inen des sicherheit oder geleyt geben und das
sich die zeigeuner daruf hinzwischen ostern rechtskünftig uß den landen teutscher nation
tun, sich der eußern und darin nit finden lassen, wann wo sie darach betreten und yemants
mit der tate gegen inen zu handeln fürnemen würde, der soll daran nit gefrevelt noch
unrecht getan haben, wie dann soliches unser mandat wyter inhalten wirGHWµ.DWULQ
Reemtsma, Sinti und Roma. Geschichte, Kultur und Gegenwart (München 1996), 36.
42
Patrin Timeline, 4.
43
REIMER GILSENBACH, Weltchronik der Zigeuner. 2000 Ereignisse aus der Geschichte der Roma
und Sinti, der Gypsies und Gitanos, und aller anderHU0LQGHUKHLWHQGLH´=LJHXQHUµJHQDQQW
warden, Teil 4: von 1930 bis 1960 (Frankfurt, 1998), 115.
34
Lutheran Theological Review 22
at liberty to assault them, raid them, and cast them down.µ44 By 1688,
Kurfürst Wilhelm I had issued an edict that neither the gypsies nor their
WUDGLQJ ZHUH WR EH WROHUDWHG ´7KH PHQ ZHUH WKUHDWHQHG with forced labor
(building forts), the women with whipping and branding, and the children
ZLWKFRQILVFDWLRQµ 45
Control measures continued to be intense. In 1579, Elector Augustus
ordered the confiscation of passports and banned gypsies from Saxony; in
1661, then Elector Johann Georg II imposed the death penalty on any
Roma caught in his territory; in 1711 Elector Frederick Augustus I
authorized shooting any who resisted arrest.46 Prince Adolf Frederick of
Mecklenburg-Strelitz ordered in 1710 that ´all Roma can be flogged,
branded, expelled, or executed if they return; children under ten are to be
removed and raised by Christian families.µ At the same time in Prague,
Joseph I issued an edict that all adult Roma men be hanged without trial
and that boys and women be mutilated; in Bohemia, the left ear is to be cut
off, in Moravia, the right one.47 King Friedrich Wilhelm I of Prussia, in his
1725 ´Instructionµ, allowed authorities to hang all male and female gypsies
over 18 without trial. ´In order to be able to torture, break on the wheel, and
GHFDSLWDWHÄ UREEHUV WKLHYHV DQG J\SVLHV· )ULHGULFK·V IDWKHU WKH PRVW
important ruler of the Enlightenment, re-introduced the Peinliche
Gerichtsordnung of Emperor Karl V. At the same time, the gypsies were for
the first time brought to prison, work camps and orphanages.µ48 In 1734, the
Landgraf of Hesse offered six Reichstaler for every gypsy captured alive and
half that for each dead one. Such incenWLYHVIRUPHGWKHEDVLVIRUWKH´gypsy
huntsµ (Heidenjachten), a common, popular sport in Germany by the early
1800s.49 In Saxony this so-called Kesseltreiben (referring to driving them into
an area where they were encircled), where the Roma were hunted like game
E\ORFDOVZDVFRQVLGHUHGDQ´adventurous form of public entertainment.µ50
Some were recorded, like this one in the Pfalz in 1760:
The huts where the women and children lay were stormed by farmers and
militia and the women and children stabbed and beaten contemptibly with
bayonets and pitchforks. A small boy, 7 or 8 years old, was thus condemned,
44
REEMTSMA, Sinti und Roma, 40.
45
HELMUT SAMER´+LVWRU\DQG3ROLWLFVµ Rombase, <http://romani.unigraz.at/rombase>, 2.
46
Patrin Timeline, 5-7.
47
Patrin Timeline, 7.
48
SAMER, Rombase, 2.
49
Patrin Timeline, 9.
50
SAMER, Rombase, 3.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
35
VR WKDW « KH JDYH XS KLV VSLULW $ ZRPDQ DOVR GLHG IURP KHU QXPHURXV
wounds. According to the testimony of vassal, in one hut a woman and her
two children were burned alive. The community leader shouted again and
DJDLQ´6WDEWKHPWRGHDWK%HDWWKHPWRGHDWKµ7KHKXWVZHUHSOXQGHUHGDW
QLJKW«7KHSLWLIXOFRQGLWLRQRIWKHVHPXUGHUHGJ\SVLHVVDLGWREHLQDOO
cannot sufficiently be described.51
Hundreds of similar massacres can be documented as well. In Bayreuth,
on a single day in 1724, fifteen gypsy women, ranging in age from 15 to 98,
were hanged and their bodies left on the gallows for many days as a warning
to other vagabonds. In Dresden, gypsies were drowned in the Elbe river. 52 A
landowner punished a run-away serf named Chutschdy Peter, returned to
him by authorities, by having the soles of his feet beaten with rods until they
bled and then forcing him to soak them in a strong lye solution. Next he cut
RIIWKHVHUI·VXSSHUOLSIULHGLW, and made him eat it. Two other runaways,
Rätyös Ferki and Tschingeli Andris, each received fifty blows, were forced
to eat two wheelbarrows full of horse manure, and to kneel with bare legs
IRU D ZKROH GD\ LQ IURQW RI KLV ZLIH·V ZLQGRZ +H GHFODUHG ´, DP DOUHDG\
sick enough and this is how WKLVUDEEOHWKDQNVPHµ 53 The public execution
of a group of Sinti accused of robbery took place in Gießen in 1726 based on
the torture-induced confession of a Johannes des Glücklichen (John the
Fortunate One).54
Persecution and criminalization continued. In Württemberg, decrees in
1720, 1736, 1742 and 1751 called for the immediate arrest or elimination of
the Jauner oder Zigeuner (robber or gypsy). While hunts were being
organized, the gypsies usually moved on to less hostile areas. 55 Although
passes were required, forgeries were easy to acquire. A new vagrant decree
in 1805 made it possible for some gypsies to obtain Württemberg
citizenship.56 A general ordinance from 11 September 1807 did not name
gypsies but did take aim at them. It referred to the control and registration of
DOO SHRSOH ZLWK QR IL[HG DGGUHVV ´WR HQVXUH SXEOLF VDIHW\ HVSHFLDOO\ E\
expelling and eliminating vagrants, thieves, beggars and other generally
harmful occupationsµ and introduced new regulations about door-to-door
51
KRAUSNICK, 18.
52
KRAUSNICK, 18.
53
KRAUSNICK, 18-19.
54
DJURIC, 205.
55
See FRICKE, 187 ff., IRUVDPSOHVRIDSSOLFDWLRQVIRU´KXQWLQJ SHUPLWVµEDVHGRQSUHYLRXV
experience and success, and applications for exemptions by hard-working gypsies.
56
FRICKE, 29ff.
36
Lutheran Theological Review 22
sales (Hausierhandel) and support for the needy despite a demonstrated need
for the products and services gypsies were able to provide. 57
Between 1500 and 1800 in the German Empire alone, approximately 150
gypsy edicts were passed, and the new ones always surpassed the old ones in
cruelty.58 To make these new laws public, the authorities had them read out
IURPWKHSXOSLWVLQFKXUFKDQGSODFHGVLJQERDUGVRQERUGHUV´RQZKLFKWKH
SXQLVKPHQWV ZKLSSLQJ WRUWXUH JDOORZV IRU ¶J\SVLHV· GDULQJ WR HQWHU WKH
territory were depictedµ59
Assimilation Policies
7KHJ\SVLHV·DUULYDOLQ(XURSHLQLWLDOO\DURXVHGFXULRVLW\DERXWWKHLURULJLQV
Europeans were at first patient, accepting these nomads as the penitent
Christian pilgrims they claimed to be. In some places they were welcomed
because they brought new technologies in working iron and metals. But as
Roma became better known, initial support, seen as Christian duty, turned
into disapproval and rejection. Hospitality waned partly because of the
associated costs to the communities where they stayed as vagabonds and
EHJJDUV 7KH FKXUFK YLHZHG WKH J\SVLHV· VWUDQJH PHGLFDO SUDFWLFHV DV
XQFKULVWLDQDQGGLVDSSURYHGRI WKH ZRPHQ·VDUWRISDOPUHDGLQJDQGRWKHU
´witchcraftµ. During the sixteenth century sympathy for all strangers
seemed to decline. Pilgrimages became less popular in light of Reformation
teachings. Living from alms, as an appeal to Christian compassion and
brotherly love, became reprehensible. ´Having lost the protective status of
pilgrims, the picture of the Roma as pitiable creatures changed and turned
them into idle, useless beggars and thieves.µ60 Where gypsies did offer their
57
FRICKE, 37, 80. For enforcement an initial corps of 200 (by 1822 it was 290, by 1825 it
was 390, and by 1872 it was 500) was recruited to patrol roads, search remote homes,
farms and mills, and arrest anyone suspicious or turn them over to local authorities. In
1828 Württemberg again offered citizenship to any gypsies who would relinquish their
wandering and accept constant supervision and discipline, 78. Hausierhandel, especially of
used wooded articles (primarily pipe bowls) was their chief occupation. A chart on page
79 gives a breakdown of occupations based on surveys in 1829 and 1854.
58
SAMER, Rombase, 2.
59
SAMER, Rombase, 1. In France during the 1700s, bounties of 24 francs for men and 9 for
women, were established. The original plan to round up the gypsies and ship them to
Louisiana ended when the territory was sold to the United States. Donald Kenrick,
Grattan Puxon, Tilman Zülch, Die Zigeuenr: Verkannt-Verachtet-Verfolgt (Hannover:
Niedersächsischen Landeszentrale für politische Bildung 1980), 17.
60
SAMER, Rombase, 1.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
37
services as manual workers local workers and guilds viewed them as threats
to their own income and monopoly.
Martin Luther contributed less to the stigmatization of the gypsies as
socially and culturally inferior than he is at times accused of. Luther made
no direct attacks on gypsies but frequently used them as examples of
impropriety in writings against wandering beggars, monks, the pope, or the
Jews. In a commentary on Isaiah 24, in talking about the punishment of the
ungodly, Luther writes: ´In the manner of Cain they will be fugitives and
vagabonds, like the gypsies and Jews in our time.µ61 A forward to the 1528
edition of Von den falschen Bettelbüberey accused travelling people of relying
on begging rather than work of lies and deception. 62 In the Table Talk
VHFWLRQWLWOHG´Children Must be Disciplined with Understandingµ between
28 March and 27 May 1537, Luther, commenting that children should not
be allowed to commit thefts, noted: ´6WHDOLQJ LV QR DUW ,W·V GHFHSWLRQ
PDQXDO GH[WHULW\ 3UHVWR DQG WKH VWXII LV JRQH 7KDW·V KRZ WKH J\SVLHV
were.µ63 Such a negative Protestant view may explain why so many gypsy
families moved to the Catholic south, especially into Baden. In his On
Marriage Matters (1530), Luther accused itinerant people of treating
´marriage as the Tartars and gypsies do, who continually celebrate
weddings and baptisms wherever they go, so that a girl may well be a bride
ten times and a child be baptized ten times.µ64 The repudiation found its
way into the gypsy tracts of the seventeenth century and into many works of
fine literature and lexica articles. In his book, Von den Juden und ihren Lügen
(1543), Luther called for the destruction of Jewish homes and synagogues,
´EHFDXVH LW LV WKHUH WKH\ LQVWUXFW WKHLU FKLOGUHQ LQ WKH -HZLVK UHOLJLRQ DQG
entrap them, like the gypsies, so that they will know they are not lords in
RXUODQG«EXWWUDSSHGLQPLVHU\µ 65
61
AE 16:191.
62
SOLMS´6LHVLQG]ZDUJHWDXIWµZTKG, 1. Sinti and Roma did retain their own culture
and customs. Marriage and family were very important. Marriages were prearranged by
parents, marriage to non-gypsies forbidden, and families organized into clans whose
leaders were called king or queen. ´6LQWLXQG5RPDRGHU=LJHXQHU"µOrientalisches
Tanzlexikon, <http://www.oriental-dance.net/lexikon-zigeuner.html>, 31 December
2007, 1.
63
AE 54:234. The other interesting reference Luther makes to gypsies is in observations
DERXW´WKLVLVP\ERG\µDQGWKRVHZKRFODLP´VLQFHWKHPLUDFOHLVQRWYLVLEOHVXUHO\
&KULVW·VERG\LVQRWSUHVHQWµ+HVD\VLIKHGLGQRWNQRZWKDWWKHVHDUJXPHQWVKDGFRPH
IURP´OHDUQHGDQGH[FHOOHQWPHQµKH´ZRXOGFHUWDLQO\KDYHWKRXJKWWKH\KDGEHHQPDGH
up by some gypsy or YDJDERQGWRPRFNXV&KULVWLDQVµAE 37:77.
64
AE 46:294.
65
SOLMS, 6.
38
Lutheran Theological Review 22
The Council of Trent (1545-63) was not much kinder. Because gypsies
maintained their own rituals they were suspected of heresy. Synods were
directed to examine the origins of gypsy religious practices. Their usual
occupations as fortune-tellers, healers and wonder workers earned them the
label of schismatics, Islamists, or heretics, and promoters of superstition.
The Archbishop of Mailand, Karl Borromäus, proposed at the Mailand
Synod of 1565 that the only alternative to expelling the gypsies lay in
IRUFLEO\ LQFRUSRUDWLQJ WKHP LQWR ´OLIH VW\OHV appropriate for Christians.µ66
7KH 6\QRGV RI 1HDSHO DQG 6DOHUQR VLPSO\ GHFODUHG ´6LQFH
WKHJ\SVLHVDUHSDJDQVDQGKHUHWLFVWKH\PD\QRWEHWROHUDWHGµ 67
There were also supporters. Philipp Neri listened to the formal
complaints of the gypsy women whose husbands had been recruited by force
to be rowers for the papal fleet and called on Pope Pius V for relief. Instead
he received a papal censure. In 1600 Josef von Calasenza was
commissioned to evangelize the gypsies, and shortly thereafter a gypsy
congregation was founded in Rome and throughout the seventeenth century
served those visiting the city. Evangelical and Catholic theologians north of
WKH $OSV OLNH &DVSDU 3HXFHU 0HODQFKWKRQ·V VRQ-in-law) and the Jesuit
Delrio accused the gypsies of black magic. Therefore D. Gerhardus and
other theologians demanded that no one regard them as Christian or permit
them to reside among Christians.68 Astoundingly in Saxony during the
period of gypsy hunts, more humane opinions began to surface also. In
some FRXQFLOVWKHQRWLRQSUHYDLOHG´WKDWDOVRWKHJ\SVLHVVKRXOGEHUHJDUGHG
DVKXPDQµEHFDXVHWKHFUXHOW\GLUHFWHGDWWKHPZDVLQKXPDQHDQGGLGQRW
result in the desired relocation or elimination. 69 Others too enjoyed a
66
SOLMS, 7.
67
SOLMS, 7.
68
SOLMS, 7. This position was presented in tracts such as the ´nützlichen Tractätleinµ (1564)
and in others about the Zigeuner by Jacob Thomasius (1652) and Ahasver Fritsch (1664).
Since they were not considered Christian, the gypsies were spared the ordeal of being tried
as witches, a process reserved for believers who had supposedly succumbed to the devil`s
temptation.
69
MODE, Zigeuner, 162. ´Wir sind aber noch weit entfernt von dem Punkt, wo man bei der
Lösung des Zigeunerproblems von dieser Erkenntnis ausging. Immerhin ließ sich schon
1715 eine sächische Behörde von Menschlichkeit leiten, als sie über das Schicksal von drei
Zigeunerinnen zu befinden hatte. Wegen Nichtbeachtung der Gesetze in Sachsen und
Böhmen waren sie wiederholt grausam bestraft worden. Alle drei hatten bereits-eine sogar
schon zweimal-den Staupbesen zu spüren bekommen. In Böhmen war jeder Frau ein Ohr
abgeschnitten worden, in Sachsen aber hatte man der einen noch zwei Finger abgehauen,
weil sie trotz eidlicher Versicherung, das Land nicht noch einmal zu betreten, doch
wiedergekommen war. Jetzt mußten sie sich erneut verantworten. Die Gefangenen aber
sagten, ¶sie hätten gar keine andere Lebensart bis jetzt erwählen können, indem man sie
nirgends leiden wollen und von einem Orte zum andern gejagt, gleichwohl müßten sie
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
39
protected existence for a time. A Jakob RHLQKDUGW NQRZQ DV ´+DQQLNHOµ,
enjoyed a quiet, prosperous life, compliments of the Duke of HessenDarmstadt, until policy and ruler changes brought him and three
companions to the gallows on 17 June 1787.70 After 1722, for a time,
gypsies were allowed to settle in the Duchy of Wittgenstein, where the first
gypsy settlement was established in 1771 at Saßmannshausen. 71
Because of a complete failure in banishing gypsies permanently, rulers
EHJDQ VHHNLQJ RWKHU VROXWLRQV IRU WKH ´J\SV\ SUREOHPµ %HJLQQLQJ LQ WKH
mid-eighteenth century, assimilation by state decree was added to expulsion
DQG SHUVHFXWLRQ 7KH GHVLUHG JRDO ZDV WR HOLPLQDWH DQ ´XQFRQWUROODEOH
QXLVDQFHµ E\ WUDQVIRUPLQJ XQSURGXFWLYH URYLQJ YDJDERQG J\SVLHV LQWR
´UHVSHFWDEOH REHGLHQW DQG GLOLJHQW SHRSOHµ72 Coercing them to settle by
becoming farmers or learning trades, and the attendant destruction of their
cultural identity, would result in assimilation into society. Although the
primary motives for such attempts were undoubtedly greater control and
HQKDQFLQJ HFRQRPLFV D UXOHU·V UHOLJLRXV EHOLHIV DOVR SOD\HG D UROH ´7KH\
VDZDQKRQRXUDEOHGXW\LQWKH¶FLYLOLVDWLRQ·RIWKH¶J\SVLHV·TXDVL&KULstian
response to enforce their ¶UH-HGXFDWLRQ·LQWREHFRPLQJ¶JRRG&KULVWLDQV·µ 73
Heinrich Moritz Grellman, the Göttingen historian, was convinced that
within two or three generations they would cease to be gypsies and have
become productive citizens. Despite innate laziness, an inclination to
stealing and an extremely strong sex drive (especially the women), these
´KDOI-KXPDQVµZLWKWKHDLGRISROLWLFDOSRZHUVDQGVWULFWFRQWUROZRXOGLQ
time reach the desired level of maturity. 74 Kaufmann·s proposal in
Württemberg argued that helping gypsies settle in a colony would help not
only the locals but the gypsies themselves. He saw the assimilation process
as mainly a problem of proper discipline and as a question of morals. The
VLFKGRFK]ZLVFKHQ+LPPHOXQG(UGHDXIKDOWHQ·'LH=LJHXQHUIUDXHQEDWHQXP.OHLGXQJ
und um Duldung. Ferner erklärten sie sich bereit, einer ehrlichen Arbeit nachzugehen. Die
sächsische Landesregierung befürwortete gegenüber den Geheimen Räten des Königs das
Gesuch und gab zu bedenken, daß der wichtigste Grund für die Zigeunerverfolgungen,
ihre herkunft aus Ägypten und die deshalb bestehenede Verbindung mit den Türken, jetzt
hinfällig sei.µ
70
DJURIC, 205.
71
DJURIC, 205.
72
HELMUT SAMER ´0DULD 7KHUHVLD DQG -RVHSK ,, 3ROLFLHV RI $VVLPLODWLRQ LQ WKH $JH RI
Enlightened Absolutismµ Rombase, <http://romani.uni.graz.at/rombase>, 1.
73
SAMER´3ROLFLHVRI$VVLPLODWLRQµ 1.
74
SOLMS, Kulturloses Volk, 50. DJURIC I *UHOOPDQ·V ERRN Historischer Versuch über die
Zigeuner, betreffend die Lebensart und Verfassung, Sitten und Schicksale dieses Volkes in Europa,
nebst ihrem Ursprunge appearing in 1783, contained the cliches and pseudo-scientific
arguments later used to justify anti-gypsy sentiments in Germany.
40
Lutheran Theological Review 22
government rejected his proposal each time, citing that the proposed land
was unproductive because of a lack of water and other conditions, and
because the government was not prepared to undertake the costs of
establishing houses, wells, worship spaces, and training centres.75
$VVLPLODWLRQ SROLFLHV UHVWHG RQ WKH (QOLJKWHQPHQW·V YLHZ RI KXPDQ
nature: individuals were capable of learning and improving. Progression was
important for inferior cultures. Thus physical extermination of gypsies was
replaced by a push for the total elimination of their culture and traditional
way of life. As early as 1619 in Spain, authorities wanted to sedentarize
wandering Roma and later forbade the use of Romani (1633), separated
parents and children, placing the latter in orphanages and the men and
women into separate workhouses (1686, 1725). 76 Johann Gottfried Herder
(1744-1803) believed that military training was the quickest way to teach
WKLV´ORZ,QGLDQFDVWHµGLVFLSOLQH)ULHGULFK:LOKHOP,,RI3UXVVLDIDYRXUHG
them as army recruits.77
Maria Theresia, the Empress of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, imposed
policies of assimilation quickly copied by other sovereigns. Her desire was
to create equal rights for all classes and eliminate special privileges. Gypsies
were not to be punished, exiled, persecuted, or eliminated but re-educated,
indoctrinated, in order to integrate as partners in society. 78 She issued four
great decrees during her reign (1740-80) to force the gypsies to give up their
life style and become new citizens or farmers. The 1758 decree compelled
settling by denying gypsies the right to own horses and wagons, otherwise
used to support their wandering. Furthermore, they were issued land and
seeds and had to pay tribute from their crops. They were supposed to build
houses and obtain permission, stating an exact purpose, if they wanted to
leave the village. A successful implementation of the decrees meant a
Christian upbringing resulting in regular church attendance and
demonstrations of a Christian mind-set.79 In the next decree (1761) the term
Zigani ZDVUHSODFHGE\´QHZFLWL]HQµ, ´QHZIDUPHUµ, ´QHZ+XQJDULDQµ, or
´QHZ VHWWOHUµ, They were to give up their old names, as well as their old
ways, to accelerate assimilation. Boys would learn a trade or enter military
service. In 1767 all gypsies became subject to local jurisdictions and were
ordered to register. Conscriptions were carried out based on the registration.
75
FRICKE, 48.
76
SAMER´3ROLFLHVRI$VVLPLODWLRQµ 1.
77
DJURIC, 206.
78
CLAUDIA MAYERHOFER, Dorfzigeuner: Kultur und Geschcihte der Burgenland-Roma von der
Ersten Republik bis zur Gegenwart, 23.
79
SOLMS´6LHVLQG]ZDUJHWDXIWµKulturloses Volk, 49.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
41
The fourth decree (1773) prohibited marriages between gypsies. Mixed
marriages were encouraged by subsidies and permission to marry was
ERXQG WR WKH DWWHVWDWLRQ RI ´D SURSHU ZD\ RI OLIH DQG NQRZOHGJH RI WKH
&DWKROLF UHOLJLRXV GRFWULQHµ80 All children over the age of five were to be
KDQGHG RYHU WR D IDUPHU·V IDPLO\, which received 18 gulden annually as
compensation for providing Christian upbringing. 81 Isolated from their
parents the children went to school and later learned trades or became
farmers.
Joseph II (1780-FRQWLQXHGPRUHULJRURXVO\KLVPRWKHU·VDVVLPLODWLRQ
policies. Although he did release the Roma of Buchowina from bondage, his
1783 decree, de Domiciliatione et Regulatione Zingarorum, imposed greater
restrictions such as the compulsory use of local clothing and language,
prohibitions against living in tents, owning horses and eating the meat of
fallen animals, as well as requirements for religious education in the
Catholic faith, and harsh punishments for those not conforming. 82 Such
measures eventually succeeded in Burgenland, where the Roma settled and
remained. Frequently children did not return to their own parents and in a
few towns completely assimilated and Roma names disappeared. In most
other areas, however, there was resistance to a state-ordered way of life, so
the gypsies took to the road again and the state lacked the resources to
enforce their own rules.
In Germany similar measures were taken, although on a smaller scale.
The Count of Wittgenstein established a settlement at Saßmannshausen in
1771. According to a report from 1911, there were still forty gypsy families
80
SAMER´3ROLFLHVRI$VVLPLODWLRQµ, 2
81
MAYERHOFER, 26, and others provide an eyewitness account of ´official kidnappingµ
from the travel documentary of a French writer: ´An einem für dieses Volk entsetzlichen
Tag, an den es noch mit Schrecken zurückdenkt, erschienen Soldaten mit mitgeführten
Karren, die Kinder, vom eben entwöhnten Säugling bis zu den Jungvermählten, die noch
ihre Hochzeitskleider trugen, von den Zigeunern fortnahmen. Die Verzweiflung dieser
unglücklichen Bevölkerung läßt sich nicht beschreiben. Die Eltern warfen sich vor den
Soldaten auf den Boden und klammerten sich an die Karren, die ihre Kinder fortführten.
Sie wurden mit Stöcken und Gewehrkolben weggestoßen, und da sie nicht fähig waren,
den Wagen zu folgen, auf dem das Teuerste auf der Welt aufgeladen war, nämlich ihre
kleinen Kinder, begingen viele Eltern auf der Stelle Selbstmord. Die Wegführungen
konnten die Zigains weder von der großartigen Moral überzeugen, die man ihnen
predigte, noch von der Nützlichkeit der Opfer, die man ihnen auferlegte.µ MAYERHOFER,
27-28, provides more details of this decree and a list of children relocated and their foster
parents.
82
MAYERHOFER, 27. SAMER´3ROLFLHVRI$VVLPLODWLRQµ )RUWKHXVHRIWKH´J\SV\
ODQJXDJHµWKHODZSUHVFULEHGDIORJJLQJZLWKEORZVMAYERHOFER, 26: Children over
twelve received no provision from foster families but were required to work. All children,
even Lutheran orphans, children with no religion, or those living with Lutheran foster
parents, were to be raised Catholic.
42
Lutheran Theological Review 22
there who all belonged to the evangelical church and sent their children to
school.83 Better known is the settlement in Friedrichslohra, near
Nordhausen in the Harz mountains, the first to be founded by Friedrich II
RI 3UXVVLD·V GHFUHH LQ ZKLFK HQYLVLRQHG QXPHURXV VXFK YLOODJHV
Originally the king had thought to settle textile workers there, but since
there were already gypsies in the region, begging and stealing their way
through the area, they were ordered to settle in Friedrichslohra, where they
lived separate from the other villagers. Gypsies from the Grafschaft of Glatz
were moved into the area in the early 1800s.
In the end it was not all the laws and ordinances that domesticated many
gypsies. Rather increased bureaucracy and industrialization brought the
gypsies into larger cities over the next 150 years, where they settled mainly
in slums and homeless shelters.
Settlements
Saßmannshausen
The first lasting gypsy settlement in Wittgenstein-Hohenstein was the lane
in Saßmannshausen, a village not far from Siegen. Earliest references
indicate that some gypsies were living in the area already in 1737. Of nine
gypsies arrested in 1754, four women listed Saßmannshausen as their
home.84 In 1838, an ancestor of Ludwig Haßler declared that his forefathers
had settled in Saßmannshausen eighty years earlier. Although 17 March
1764 is given as the official incorporation of the settlement, clearly a gypsy
band had settled there earlier. Archival evidence indicates another early
unofficial settlement as well in Eisenstein, near Berleburg. 85 In the summer
of 1721, a band of gypsies erected cabins in Hirzenhain (upper Hessen).
When it looked like they intended to settle there, locals drove them off but
only with reinforcements from neighbouring villages. 86 Around 1730,
gypsies did establish a settlement near Elkenroth, and the local authorities
did not want to risk going up against the well-armed, battle-ready group. In
83
MODE, Zigeuner, 163.
84
ULRICH FRIDRICH OPFERMANN´Daß sie den Zigeuner-Habit ablegenµ: die Geschichte der
´=LJHXQHU-Kolonienµ zwischen Wittgenstein und Westerwald (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang,
1997), 69.
85
OPFERMANN, 70.
86
OPFERMANN, 72.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
43
addition to such group settlements, individual gypsy families gave up
wandering, either freely or out of necessity, as early as 1690. 87
Extraordinary poverty characterized life in that Saßmannshausen
laneway. Attempts to find regular employment failed and the gypsies
resorted to their traditional ways of earning a living: tinkers, cooking-pot
salesmen, rag-pickers, day workers, fortune-telling, music, and begging.88
The houses were humble:
Small miserable huts out of clay, dirt, some rough wood, and covered with
straw or QHHGOHV WZR VWRULHV KLJK « EXW « VR ORZ WKDW D JRRG MXPSHU
without much effort, could reach the top floor. In order to reach the second
IORRURQHXVHGDVPDOOODGGHURQWKHRXWVLGH«7KHUHLVRQO\RQHVPDOOURRP
in which the entire family, regardless of sex or age, sleeps side-by-side on the
floor.89
Life expectancy was not high. Hunger and cold, infections and illness,
took their toll. Anthrax was quite common, as were smallpox, scabies,
erysipelas, typhoid, and cholera. Those too sick to work might sit on the
side of the road to advertise their need. The other villagers regarded them as
pariahs of society, although individual accounts of ordinary people
providing needed assistance have been found. The wanderers might now be
living in houses but their living standards had not improved.
In the summer of 1829, Prince Friedrich wrote to the officials at
Arnsberg that he wanted to close down the settlement. Not only was this
becoming an expensive undertaking but the gypsy lifestyle was undermining
public morality: half-naked people wander around in homes that look like
cattle stalls, and there lead the most immoral lives one can imagine. They
are reproducing rapidly but are too lazy to work. Therefore he suggests:
1. All inhabitants (42 at that time) be sent to workhouses.
2. Children to be raised in the evangelical faith, to distance them from their
past.
3. Intermarriage forbidden (which led to common-law arrangements,
Concubinat, wilde Ehen).90
87
OPFERMANN, 74.
88
OPFERMANN, 96. A survey in 1831 showed that 26 out of 40 inhabitants were 14 or older
and thus to be employed. Eight were beggars; four had other family members begging for
them, usually men sent out women and children; three were begging and stealing; three
played music in order to beg from passers-by; two picked rags as a pretext for begging;
eleven did nothing at all.
89
OPFERMANN, 90.
90
OPFERMANN, 93.
44
Lutheran Theological Review 22
His philosophy: in this way their souls will be saved temporally and
eternally, and God would bless the king for ridding the land of this plague.
Not much changed. In the fall of 1840 a more aggressive tone was taken and
correspondence between local authorities and officials in Arnsberg went on
for five years. A six-point plan forbade the building of more homes, the right
to marry, and passports. It proposed isolating the children from the parents,
punishing any apprentice who returned after his training was complete, and
a reward for anyone denouncing gypsy beggars. 91 The goal again was to
promote an orderly life that harmonized with the other villagers. The most
important goal was to make the building of new colonies impossible and to
eliminate the existing ones as soon as possible. Such a view did little to
foster the notion that gypsies might be worthy recipients of mission
outreach. The failure of efforts in Friedrichslohra lent credence to the
argument that this approach was not feasible. Despite all this pressure, the
settlement grew from two buildings in 1807 and 1829 to seven by 1838, nine
by 1870, and still six in 1911. The number of residents increased
accordingly, from 23 in 1818/19, to 43 in 1841, 56 in 1895, and still 40 in
1911.92 Houses became better built, but still without water or sewer
connections. Usually there were just two rooms on the main floor, hay
storage in the attic, and cows in the basement. In 1895 the royal trustees
began to buy homes and tear them down. It took over twenty years,
increased offers, visits from health inspectors, and threats of taking away the
children, to facilitate sales. Finally in 1913 the district council could decree
WKDW WKH J\SV\ FRORQ\ H[FHSW IRU RQH VPDOO KRXVH ´KDG GLVDSSHDUHG IURP
WKHIDFHRIWKHHDUWKµ2IFRXUVHWKHJ\SVLHVZHUHVWLOOWKHUHDQGPRVWVHWWOHG
into neighbouring villages. The last house was not torn down until the 1920s
when its owner, Heinrich Janson, died. He had resisted all offers to sell it or
to be forced out.93
Altengraben
In the woods or along the road between Berleburg and Schüllar, the Lagarin
family began a very small gypsy settlement. In 1810 one of the two small
huts there since the beginning of the century burnt down and was rebuilt.
Forty years later when it was in danger of collapsing, rebuilding was not
permitted. Since they lived in the woods they frequently tried to bypass
regulations but forestry superintendents kept a close watch on their
activities. No more than a dozen people lived there at one time and the
91
OPFERMANN, 102-3.
92
OPFERMANN, 115.
93
OPFERMANN, 118.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
45
poverty exceeded that of the Saßmannshausen families. When Gustav
Lagarin was conscripted in 1847, he had nothing to wear and no money to
buy what was needed.94 The families worked hard to improve living
conditions. That may be one reason the Berleburg officials did not act
immediately on a royal demand of 1845 that the gypsies vacate the premises
and rely on social help. When a house collapsed in 1848, one family lived
outside until illness, sympathetic neighbours, and the mayor led them to
seek more suitable accommodations. Various attempts to rebuild the house,
even calling it a shed, were prevented or torn down. Finally in 1909
permission was granted.
Berleburg
The settlement here had a different character than those in Saßmannshausen
and Altengraben. It was never considered to be a gypsy settlement, but
simply a part of town with a mixed population that included gypsies.
Marriages between locals and gypsies were not uncommon. Most were daylabourers. Some had learned trades or worked in forestry. As families
moved in and out of the section, the number of gypsy families increased,
including some from Saßmannshausen. They remained poor but not as
desperate as in other settlements. Police record books show little conflict
between the gypsies and their neighbours. 95 Already by 1831 the gypsy
settlers expressed contentment with living conditions and made sure their
children attended school. The officials, too, were pleased that their gypsies
owned their own homes and did not join wandering, destructive bands.
Gypsies continued to settle in other communities in the region too,
especially after the 1850s.
Württemberg
Between 1835 and 1838, in order to develop gypsies into useful citizens,
authorities in Württemberg decided not to concentrate them into settlements
but to scatter them throughout the province and to keep related families as
far apart as possible. There should not be more than one family within two
neighbouring jurisdictions. These individual families received a place to live,
furniture and utensils. Local authorities made sure that the adults worked
and the children attended school. Several acres of land were also made
available for the family. Those who could not do the farm work were taught
how to provide other useful helps. Passes were required to be peddlers, but
94
OPFERMANN, 119. He received a jacket, pants, two shirts, usable shoes, and 10 silver
groschen for travel costs, compliments of the taxpayers.
95
OPFERMANN, 127. Out of 760 cases between 1823 and 1826 very few involved gypsies.
46
Lutheran Theological Review 22
these were difficult to obtain and valid only for six months at the most.
Parents were prohibited from taking along children under the age of
eighteen, and families with children younger than fourteen were not
permitted to travel at all, or the mother would have to stay with the children
at a permanent place of residence.96 1HYHUWKHOHVV WKH ORFDO DXWKRULWLHV·
desired goal was to send the children as early as possible to orphanages or to
have them raised by non-gypsies.
Friedrichslohra
Between 1829 and 1837, a small settlement of gypsies on 22 nd Street in the
village of Friedrichslohra, near Nordhausen, became the focus of intensive
efforts by the Evangelische-Missions-Hulfs-Verein in Naumburg. The settlement
had been established in the previously existing village of Lohra, by the
decree of Friederich II of Prussia, in 1775, and renamed in his honour. By
1828 there were 52 gypsies in residences, including some who moved into
the area from the Duchy of Glatz.97 Less stringent laws regarding vagrants
and vagabonds seemed to be the draw, since the Westphalian government
did permit gypsies to settle in communities where they could find living
accommodations.98
News of the settlement, notice of the intent to begin work among the
gypsy families there, and need for support, were brought to the attention of
evangelicals, and government officials, by Samuel Elsner in the February
1828 edition of his Neueste Nachrichten ´&KULVWLDQ ORYH FRPSHOV PHµ, the
DUWLFOH EHJDQ ´WR PDNH \RX DZDUH RI D SDJDQ UDFH WKDW XQWLO QRZ KDV
UHPDLQHGRYHUORRNHGDQGQHJOHFWHGµ 99 On a visit there in late fall 1827, the
letter writer, a Baron von Wurmb, learned there were about 300 in and
around the village living in squalid conditions. Neighbours reported that the
gypsies lived from stealing, begging, and the women`s fortune-telling. About
their faith, he reported:
96
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 71. Similar restrictions had already been imposed earlier elsewhere.
The Annalen der Preußsichen innern Staats-Verwaltung, Herausgegeben vom wirklichen
Geheimen Ober-Regierungs-Rath von Kampf in Berlin, Vierter Band. Jahrgang 1820, §31,
S. 523 ´den Hausirhandel betreffendµ stipulated that all peddlers required a visa and were
forbidden from taking their children along. Peddlers from other areas were completely
forbidden and were to be sent back to their homes (§25, S. 597)
97
I. HA Rep 76 Kultusministerium, III Sekt. I. Abt. XIV, 165 Bd. 1, Die in den diesseitigen
Staaten sich aufhaltenden Zigeuner und die zur ihrer Zivilsation getroffenen Anordnungen (18281834), 131f. A report dated 19 November 1828 provides a list of the families by name and
numbers.
98
MODE, Zigeuner, 164 citing archive files.
99
´1DFKULFKWHQEHUKHLGQLVFKH=LJHXQHU-)DPLOLHQEHL1RUGKDXVHQµ,+$5HS
Kultusministerium, III Sekt. I. Abt. XIV, 165 Bd. 1, 65f.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
47
The majority of gypsies say they profess the Catholic religion, but this
happens only because of the question, then they otherwise have no contact
with the Catholic church, except that sometimes let their children be
baptized, in order to get gifts from the godparents, and usually more than
RQFHLQGLIIHUHQWSODFHV«7KHPDMRULW\UHPDLQXQEDSWL]HGVLQFHWKH\ZHUH
born in the wild, removed from any official supervision.100
A guided excursion to those in the woods, and some friendly
conversation, astounded the gypsies, who otherwise encounter only
harshness and severity. He continued:
O dear friend! Because this region is Prussian, I do not expect to meet with a
refusal for these pitiable people, when I hereby implore you to show an
interest in their souls and bodies and send them, as soon as possible,
evangelical help and comfort. But of course caution is required and
consideration needs to be shown in improving their external condition.
Because gypsies generally avoid working, this makes helping them more
difficult. But it remains a true mission post, where to each who understands
it; the means must be placed in their hands to lighten where possible their
pressing physical needs, and to provide the necessary support. And to this
end, Christian hearts and hands will open to share their mites (like so many
other Christian organisations), and they will certainly support those, which
do not send their money overseas with some uncertain outcome, when there
is now an opportunity for the conversion of pagans in their Fatherland. I am
certain, that with the Lord`s help, the goal of bringing these unfortunate ones
into Christian fellowship will be achieved.101
The writer is amazed that a group of over one hundred thousand, living
for years in Germany already, is simply overlooked except by police. As
they gathered for lunch (and offered him some of the dead pig carcass they
had cooked, but he declined) he offered them some tracts from the Prussian
society and discovered very few could read. 102 He argues that past treatment
and present policies make this an opportune time for organized outreach.
What moved me most was a very old woman among them who showed her
joy with gestures and words as she heard that the Son of God had also come
and died for her salvation. I leave the rest to your Christian love and insight,
and only observe that if you are thinking about establishing a mission outpost
here (which would not be difficult under the Prussian Christian government),
a preacher of salvation to go there could find a place to rest about four hours
away on the Oberspier estate, owned by Carl Zahn (who has offered to help
in any way). There are also many Christian friends in Nordhausen, the first
100
´1DFKULFKWHQµ
101
´1DFKULFKWHQµ
102
Der Hauptverein für christliche Erbauungsschriften in den Preussischen Staaten was founded in
Berlin in 1814. See MUNDT, Sinners, 95-113.
48
Lutheran Theological Review 22
and foremost being the nail-maker Freybe. May the Lord give His blessing to
everything you decide to do in this matter.103
Elsner continued:
What our Christian friend shared about his own encounter with this small
group corresponds with what is otherwise known about these marvellous
people who have resided in Germany since 1417. All reports indicate they
are nomads who prefer to camp under the sky in woods or desolate places.
And during the winter cower in caves, grottos, or earthen huts. Few find
employment. Women in their younger years are often dancers, as they get
older almost always fortune-tellers, a rewarding profession because of
superstition, which even Christians have not yet renounced. The children run
around naked until they are ten years old. Their nourishment likewise
testifies to their crude condition: it is especially the meat from animals that
have died, which means contagious diseases are welcomed, besides that,
garlic and onions. Brandy is their favourite drink. Tobacco, smoked or
chewed, is their greatest treat and one for which men and women will
sacrifice everything. They do not have their own religion. They are Muslims
when among the Turks, and in Christian countries they adapt the local
customs without any concern for instruction or religious concepts. They do
not get married but live together like animals. The young gypsy man, when
he is fourteen or fifteen, takes the girl who pleases him, without any concern
about blood relations, and if he gets bored with her, he drives her away.
Training among such people is unthinkable. Parental love for children is
more like animal instinct for their survival. Thus children are neither taught
nor punished and grow into the customs of the adults and become loafers,
thieves, cheats, cruel, also cowardly and vengeful, but of course with all the
cleverness of their untrained nature. Has not such a sorrowful, spiritually
dead folk earned the sympathy and aid of Christianity, which has the high
FDOOLQJ´WRSURFODLPWKHYLUWXHVRI+LPZKRKDVFDOOHGXVRXWRIGDUNQHVVLQWR
+LV ZRQGHUIXO OLJKWµ" 7KH GHFUHHV LVVXHG DW GLIIHUHQW WLPHV IRU WKHLU moral
and civic improvement have, as lies in the nature of the matter, fostered little,
and the harshness, which has increased to persecution, was of little use. But
sending a messenger, who proclaims to them salvation in Christ with the
wisdom and faithfulness of Christian love, and who works on their hearts
ZLWKWKHGLYLQH:RUGFDQQRWUHPDLQZLWKRXWEOHVVLQJ´)RUWKHZRUGRI*RG
is living and active, sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing o the
GLYLVLRQ RI VRXO DQG VSLULW « DQG GLVFHUQLQJ WKH WKRXJhts and intentions of
WKH KHDUWµ +HEUHZV 7KHUHIRUH WKH DERYH UHSRUW RI D &KULVWLDQ
philanthropist will surely awaken the attention and active participation of our
contemporaries. The Berlin Society for the Advancement of evangelical
Mission among the Pagan (Die Berliner Gesellschaft zur Beförderung der
103
´1DFKULFKWHQµ
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
49
evangelischen Mission unter den Heiden) is ready to receive remittances of every
kind towards this objective.104
Shortly after the article appeared, Rev. Wilhelm Leipoldt, Secretary of
the Barmen Mission Society, informed authorities that the Society now felt
PRYHG WR VHQG ´WZR RI WKHLU PLVVLRQDU\ WUDLQHHV RQ D YLVLWDWLRQ IRU VRPH
ZHHNVµ +H H[SODLQHG LQ KLV 11 March 1828 letter, that this decision to
obtain more information on the spot was motivated by ´WKHVDGVLWXDWLRQLQ
which these humans lived and the desire to meet their spiritual needs in
VRPH ZD\µ, DQG DGGHG WKDW WKLV WULS ZRXOG EH ´WULDO SUHSDUDWLRQ IRU WKH
WUDLQHHVZKRZRXOGVRRQEHJLQWKHLUFDUHHUVDVPLVVLRQDULHVµ 105 They were
given strict instructions to limit their involvement to observation only, to
refer to the Gospel in casual conversation only, and above all else to avoid
creating any conflict with local authorities. Carl Wefelmeyer and Gottlieb
Leipold then travelled to Nordhausen to evaluate the internal and external
conditions of the gypsies and the possibilities of cooperating with local
RIILFLDOV´WRSURSDJDWHLQVRPHZD\&KULVWLDQNQRZOHGJHDQG&KULVWLDQOLIH
DPRQJWKHVHIRONµ106 They contacted Carl Zahn and Christian friends there,
especially the nail-maker Freybe, and determined that an emphasis on
God·s promise that Christ Jesus came to make sinners holy would be the
best means for taming such crude and wild people. They recommended
telling or reading Bible stories, since most gypsies could not read. The most
suitable stories were those about the life, suffering, and death of Jesus,
followed by selections from Acts and the epistles. Luke·s parables were
particularly commended for the way in which they demonstrated Christ`s
love for sinners.107
A local newspaper, the Naumburger Kreis-Blatt, published by K.
Klassenbach, also reported on activities in Friedrichslohra in the 19
September HGLWLRQ +H QRWHG WKH %HUOLQ VRFLHW\·V LQWHQW ´WR GR
something for the conversion of the pagan g\SVLHVQHDU1RUGKDXVHQµ,108 and
added:
It might at least be necessary that first the Gospel be preached to these
heathen, that is, that at least the children be raised to be humane, genuinely
Christian trained, useful citizens of the state. Along with that they should be
taught how to nourish themselves through useful work, because it is well
known that prayer alone, without any effort, succeeds as little as effort
104
´1DFKULFKWHQµ7.
105
Rep 76, III, 165 Bd. 1, n.p.
106
Rep. 76, III, 165, Bd. I, 9.
107
Rep. 76, III, 165, Bd. I, 10.
108
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 66.
50
Lutheran Theological Review 22
without prayer. Indeed last year some reasonable and well-intentioned men
from a Christian society in Westphalia stayed several months in
Friedrichslohra in order to become better acquainted with this pagan lifestyle.
« +HUH PLVVLRQDULHV FRXOG DW ILUVW EH XVHIXO LQ SURYLGLQJ UHDO KHOS WR WKHVH
pagans, or the establishment of a training and educational centre through
cash donations to the funds of mission societies, like the one at Halle, which
is prepared to work with the Berlin society. Then state commissions, not
forgetting their best and pure will and efforts, have accomplished very little
with all the means at their disposal except to build churches and schools and
give needy teachers pay increases. A trustworthy preacher of out times truly
DQGSURSHUO\VDLGLQWRGD\·V6XQGD\VHUPRQDERXWWKHWHVWRIKXPDQORYHLQ
our time, in the 3rd part, if our times give people the right direction for their
ORYH2QHVHHNVZLWKLPPHDVXUDEOHH[SHQVHWREULQJ*RG·V:RUGWRWKHPRVW
remote nations, and sends proclaimers of Christianity to the darkest corners
of the earth to rescue them from pagan darkness, without first having done
enough in Christianizing our own folk and land.109
Soon government officials got involved. The Privy Councillor von
Klewitz (Geheim Staats Minister), summarized what the state was prepared to
do as of 3 January 1829 in three proposals, and his opinion about each. The
first advocated allowing the gypsy families to stay in Friedrichslohra but the
police should apply vigorously all existing regulations. Adult vagrants and
those without proof of honest employment should be sent to workhouses.
The costs for these, and for children thus left without parents, would be born
by the state. Secondly, the families in Friedrichslohra could be given land
and settled into colonies. The state would have to provide materials for
homes and implements and seeds for farming. Thirdly, gypsy families
should not all be relocated to one place, but individual families should be
sent to different places, preferably to larger centres where they could find
work as day-labourers. Klewitz noted that the first proposal would be
difficult to implement and most likely not result in any reform of the adults.
Taking away the children might be desirable but would be called a barbaric
action no matter how it was presented. On top of all that, the great expense
to the state makes it unfeasible. At first glance the second proposal seems
friendly enough and one would have to see how the gypsies reacted to the
plan. The danger, of course, is that their inborn urge to run free would lead
most to abandon the houses and fields because of the amount of work
required to maintain them. Additionally, to improve the morals of the
people a pastor and a schoolteacher would need to be hired. The third
proposal could not guarantee that accommodations and employment would
109
Naumburger Kreis-Blatt, No. 38, Rep. 76, III, 165, Bd. I, 186. Preached by Witzleben, 13
September 1829.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
51
be available and that the gypsies would not move away in order to reunite
with friends and family elsewhere. He concluded:
It is no easy task for the state authorities to raise these wild humans to the
same cultural level as the other residents, and to improve their moral
condition and remove from them the most pressing needs and wants of every
kind, and that the church and school could work on them appropriately. It
seems risky to make proposals without first hearing more opinions, so that
eventually the burden can be taken up.110
He proposed placing two or three families in major centres, providing
them with free housing initially, and distribute clothes, utensils, etc., under
the supervision of the local police so that the gypsies not be tempted to alter
their living arrangements. Travel passes would be provided when proof of
employment or of necessity could be shown. Local authorities would be in
charge of the programme. Larger cities would offer more opportunities for
employment as messengers, deliverymen, or similar door-to-door work.
They might prefer this to steady work. There are also more types of work, so
if a gypsy tired of factory work he could cut wood or find some other daylabourer position.
In 1830, Elsner provided readers with a progress report. After expressing
gratLWXGH WR *RG WKDW DIWHU \HDUV ILQDOO\ VWHSV ZHUH EHLQJ WDNHQ ´WR
SURYLGH IRU WKH FDUH RI WKHLU LPPRUWDO VRXOVµ EHFDXVH RI WKH DFWLRQV RI RQH
Christian who encountered their need and wrote to the Berlin society, he
was pleased to announce an increased interest but saddened to say no
donations had yet been received.111 He attributed this lack to the absence of
any firm plan. The article continued with a report from the two mission
trainees sent out by the Barmen Mission Society. They encountered 79
gypsies (one man had 24 children), with little to wear and little to eat.
Women and children begged. The men might play music for dances.
Fortune-telling was no longer lucrative because people in the area no longer
believed in it. The Naumburg society took this report to heart and recruited
Wilhelm Blankenburg as missionary. The fourth paragraph of the detailed
instructions to him indicated that he was to ensure that:
1. Each family would have its own rental accommodations.
2. (DFK IDPLO\ VKRXOG ´HDW LWV RZQ EUHDGµ DQG Whus carry out a necessary
occupation. that would support it, with frugality and morality.
110
Rep. 76, III, 165, Bd. I, 11.
111
´'LH=LJHXQHUEHL1RUGKDXVHQµNeueste Nachrichten aus dem Reiche Gottes (Berlin) 14.Jg.
1830, 353.
52
Lutheran Theological Review 22
3. ,Q HDFK IDPLO\ *RG·V :RUG ZRXOG EH KHDUG KHHGHG, and read by the
youth.112
Blankenburg described the village and surrounding area in his reports
and letters and noted that the residents were Protestant (evangelisch).113 The
gypsies rented unfinished rooms from locals. There were often four families
in one house, each paying six or seven thaler. Despite their desperate
situation, he was impressed with their attitude.
They live in proper marriages. Their children are even baptized and
confirmed. They go to Communion, and there is no indication of any idol
worship, or icon worship. On the whole, I would rather deal with the gypsies
than with the others. They only steal what they need in extreme
circumstances. They often go hungry for days. The women must beg so that
they do not starve. No one offers them work, and they also do not want to
work. Still they have to pay the rent, in advance. They insult no one. I also
find they are not seeking revenge, but neglected to the highest degree.
Everyone curses and swears about them and wants to give them nothing.114
%ODQNHQEXUJ·V ZRUN LV LQLWLDOO\ KLQGHUHG E\ VXVSLFLRQV WKDW KH ZDV VHQW
from Berlin to round up the gypsies and send them off to prison. Children
ran away from him in fear. When he was able to house the children, he
invited the elders and explained in a calm manner that the rumours were
false and that he had come, out of love, to instruct the children and to teach
them all kinds of good things. But they still did not trust him and in despair
one day he determined to seek advice from a neighbouring pastor. But
illness prevented him at first. When he started his journey he met a gypsy in
the woods who happened to be the son of one of the elders. After listening
to Blankenburg, the man cried out for joy that he had come to believe there
were no more people in the world who loved the gypsies. This man
promised to speak with the others and to send his brother as the first
student. A few days later he had a similar encounter with another gypsy. As
the others began to see how much he cared, and how he spoke up for them,
they began to trust him more. He cared for the sick and needy. All the
children wanted instruction. He found work for some of the men, and
GRQDWLRQV IURP VXSSRUWHUV LQ 1RUGKDXVHQ (OVQHU·V UHSRUW HQGV ZLWK DQ
appeal for donations to be sent to him at 40 Spandau Street or to Mr Heller
112
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 67.
113
BARBARA DANCKWORTT´)ULHGULFK,,9RQ3UHX‰HQXQGGLH6LQWLYRQ)UHLGULFKVORKUDµ
in Diebstahl im Blick? Zur Kriminalisierung der Zigeuner hrsg. Von Udo Engbring-Romang
and WILHELM SOLMS (Seeheim: I-Verb.de, 2005), 119, indicates that in 1837 of the 619
residents, 326 were ´evangelischµ and 293 Catholic.
114
´'LH=LJHXQHUEHL1RUGKDXVHQµNeueste Nachrichten aus dem Reiche Gottes (Berlin) 14.Jg.
1830, 355.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
53
at 33 Französische Street. A few months later he reported that Blankenburg
had married a woman who was just as determined to dedicate her life to the
Lord in ministry to the gypsies. The needs never end, so he asks for prayers
and donations.115
(LJKWPRQWKVDIWHU%ODQNHQEXUJ·VDUULYDOWRDVVLVWLQLWVRYHUDOOPLVVLRQ
and especially in regards to work among the gypsies at Friedrichslohra, the
chairman and secretary, Göschel and Kinder respectively, appealed to the
king on behalf of the Naumburger Hülfsverein der Berlinischen Gesellschaft zur
Beförderung der evangelischen Mission unter den Heiden for free frankage
(Portofreiheit). This was established on 25 March 1829 as a daughter society
of the Berliner Gesellschaft zur Beförderung der evangelischen Mission unter den
Heiden. The appeal pointed out how Blankenburg understood the
importance of approaching these people with love and that he:
sought to support them with advice and action, and encourage them to
LQGXVWU\ VR WKH\ PLJKW HYHQWXDOO\ OLYH D UHJXODU OLIH « ZLWK VSHFLDO
faithfulness he instructs the children, who in part follow him with an
abundance of love, in all kinds of useful crafts and at the same time makes
them familiar with the Law and the Gospel through simple teaching and
stories.116
The school grew quickly, but not without challenges. Already on 28
October 1830, Blankenburg had eight students. Most were between eight
and ten but one was twenty years old. By 21 December he reported eleven
girls and six boys attended during the day, his wife was instructing women
in their home, and ten men came in the evening to learn to read. The school
day began at 9 a.m. with half an hour of songs, prayers and Bible stories
XVLQJ 6FKPLGW·V Erzählungen). Then came lessons of reading, writing,
counting, doing math in your head, and memorizing Bible verses and the
Commandments. At noon, lunch was brought to the school. Trade school
followed in the afternoon until 4 p.m. and local children came also. The
girls learned sewing and knitting. All the boys were supposed to work in the
straw fields, but some were too young and weak, and only three went.
Another problem was that he had not yet been able to make wooden shoes
for all the children so that they have something on their feet. From 4 to 5
p.m. he is busy cutting quills and making copies. The adults arrive at 5 p.m.
I tell them Bible stories from the very beginning, whenever there is
opportunity to do so, and to speak comforting words to their hearts. You
would not believe how eager they are to come to school, and what joy and
115
´'LH=LJHXQHULQ)ULHGULFKVORKUDµNeueste Nachrichten aus dem Reiche Gottes (Berlin) 14.Jg.
1830, 448.
116
Rep 89, 1829, 2. This appeal and subsequent ones were denied.
54
Lutheran Theological Review 22
comfort it is for my often oppressed heart, when I see children and women
beginning to hear and to learn something good. I must say, that I am totally
revived, and the instruction is not at all difficult, then whenever God gives a
responsibility, he also provides understanding.117
The latter is important because Blankenburg admitted he was frequently
GLVFRXUDJHGDQGDOPRVW´ORVWDOOFRXUDJHDQGKRSHLQGHHGLI,KDGQRWEHHQ
convinced that the Lord called me to this office, my wife and I would not
KDYHEHHQDEOHWREHDULWµ
A month later he described his work in more detail to family members.
Elsner reprinted his letter from 12 January 1831 with this introduction: ´A
letter from the dear Blankenburg to his relatives, which was given to us to
share, provides the friends of this undertaking with a description of the
present conditions. We need add nothing more to it in order to encourage
continued support.µ
I have not heard from you in a long time. How are you all then? We are
doing well, are not at all bored. God has given us lots to do and we are
rightly satisfied thereby. That there are also sad and difficult hours, you can
of course imagine. But there are also many delightful hours and one joyful
time sweetens ten sad ones, so one no longer thinks about them. My dear
wife and I are happy. We are of one heart and mind and are glad to live and
to work among the poor gypsies and God will not let our work go without
fruit. We are busy all day with our gypsies and I have now started a gypsy
school. My wife started already on 22 October to teach the girls sewing and
knitting, at which time the children also receive a noon meal. I still do not
have a place for the school, but God has provided so that I could begin with
the children on 22 November, after I had primarily been occupied with the
adult gypsies for four months. I now have 22 children who receive in the
morning instruction in biblical history, writing, reading, math and
memorization. During this time my wife prepares the noon meal. When the
instruction time is ended, they are all fed in the schoolroom. You should see
how good it tastes to the poor dark brown children. After eating, when
everything is washed up again, the work school starts, where my wife teaches
the children sewing and knitting and I do all kinds of other work. This goes
on until 4 p.m. Then the children go home and around 5 p.m. the men arrive,
who also learn to read and write. This lasts until 8 p.m. While I meet with
the men in the school, my wife has village girls who are not gypsies in our
apartment again for sewing and knitting. When I am done with the school,
there are already men and women waiting, our neighbours, who want to hear
something and so I read them all kinds of wonderful stories. So it goes from
early morning to late at night with old and young; everyone wants to learn
and to hear something good. The gypsy men are not at all ashamed to come
117
The details in this paragraph, as well as the quotes, are from I. HA Rep. 76
Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, 78.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
to school to learn the ABC·s. Seven can already read. With them I read and
explain the New Testament. Others are just learning to recognize the letters.
There is a lot of enthusiasm for learning to read and write; ten men attend the
school. In addition to them, young and old from other villages in the
surrounding area come throughout the day to obtain a Small Catechism and
other literature. From this you can see that we are not lonely and do not get
bored and for me living among the gypsies is a hundred times better than
living in the palace gardens at Niederschönhausen and Schönholz (areas of
Berlin with villas and palaces).
Christmas was very beautiful for my poor children. Our dear friends in
Nordhausen and Naumburg saw to it that I could give the children real joy.
On Christmas Day I let them come to me already at 7 a.m. I had moved the
tables and benches from the school into my living room. Two Christmas
trees, decorated with many candles (wax lights), gold coloured nuts, apples,
ginger bread and balls, had been set up. On each place was a brand new
outfit. For the boys this meant a shirt, jacket, pants, stockings, scarf and
handkerchief; for the girls it was a blouse, a warm dress, stockings which
they had knitted themselves, an apron, scarf and kerchief. On top of each
outfit for every child lay a large gingerbread, apple, nuts, dried plums, a
white bread, and a school book. Also there were knitting baskets, knives and
scissors, knitting and sewing needles and thimbles. The joy which these
children experienced is indescribable. As they now stood in rows before the
tables, the children sang that beautiful Christmas song, which they had
learned by heart, ´O, come little children, O, come one and allµ (Ihr
Kinderlein kommet, ach kommet doch alle). Then we prayed and the children
were shown to their places. When this was done I told them about the birth
of our Saviour and then breakfast, consisting of fresh milk and white bread,
was brought out. After breakfast we thanked God for all the joy which He
prepared for us through the birth of His Son. Then the old rags were removed
and they put on their new clothes, and I led them into the church. Here there
was a general stirring among the people as they saw the children so cleanly
washed and clothed. During this time my wife was at home cleaning up
everything and preparing the noon meal. What a joy it was for the children
as they came home with me again that they could attend church. Previously
they did not dare to enter the church because they were naked and bare. Now
dinner was served, consisting of rice, beef, bread and beer. The fathers also
came and rejoiced that their children had been treated so royally. The gypsies
said: our children no longer look as if they were our children, but they look
like nobility. After the meal I talked with the children for a couple of hours,
and then the new clothes were taken off and the old ones put back on. They
could not take the clothes along because they would quickly get dirty and
covered in lice in their homes. Then the children said that they had never had
such a day in their whole lives and went home again. On Second Christmas
Day I went with my dear wife to Nordhausen because we had been invited
many times by our friends. We had a very good time with them. The old year
ended pleasantly and the new one began similarly. The New Year·s singing
was overdone here; on the last day of the old year it went from early morning
to late at night. The gypsies also came to us with songs and music. We
55
56
Lutheran Theological Review 22
invited the men in to close the old year and to begin the new one with us.
This happened with songs, music and prayer. We receive respect and love
from all sides. Of course there are also opponents, but God watches over us
and thwarts all unjust attacks. Therefore we praise His name.
Next summer a new house is to be built so that we can keep the children with
us and we will not have to live as cramped as now, so that the children will
be raised by us entirely. God will provide the means and the ways for that!118
On 20 March 1831, Klewitz wrote from Magdeburg, praising the
VRFLHW\·V ZRUN LQ FRUUHVSRQGHQFH ZLWK WKH NLQJ $IWHU UHYLHZLQJ SUHYLRXV
political solutions that failed, he observed:
The plan of the Missions-Hülfs-Verein in Naumburg is different, and I think
more appropriate. Then more will be accomplished by example, together
with instruction and assistance, and if one can believe the relationships
reported in the latest edition of the Nachrichten aus dem Reiche Gottes ... then
hope is at hand, that in this way not only will the gypsies get accustomed to
work and an honest profession, but their morals will overall be improved by
Blankenburg and his wife ... who appear to be solving this difficult task. ...
All indications are it is true that they profess the Catholic faith, are
themselves baptized and have all their children baptized. They swear all
couples are married ... they have activated their ties with the Christian
church by confession and communion. Their grasp of religious concepts is
very imperfect and this aspect of their sad lives offers a sympathetic picture of
moral depravity. The local Catholic pastor, along with the schoolteacher, is
not enough. Schooling is not regular because the parents often move around
in order to make a living. The children also lack clothing, without which they
may not attend the local school.119
Two years later Klewitz reports that the society had purchased a property
LQ ZKLFK WKHUH ZDV URRP IRU WKH %ODQNHQEXUJ·V DSDUWPHQW DQG IRU WKH
school. It also had a large yard where the adults could learn job skills. A
local damask weaver was prepared to accept gypsies as apprentices. Bishop
Draeske, who visited the school in June, shared with Klewitz his proposal
that the government provide money for tools, school supplies and rent, as
well as compensation for the weaver, named Bender, for any materials
ruined by unskilled workers.120
The most pressing problems remained providing the necessities of life. In
)HEUXDU\%ODQNHQEXUJ·VOHWWHUUHPLQGHGRIILFLDOVDQGVXSSRUWHrs of the
work.
118
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, 19.
119
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, n.p.
120
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, n.p.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
57
Continually the hungry must be fed, the thirsty given something to drink, the
naked clothed and the sick cared for. The continuation of this rescue
institution can only be accomplished through further, continual support. The
need now is to find homes because four or five families, regardless of age or
sex, are pushed together into one narrow room where the floor serves as bed,
table and chair. As long as this emergency situation, and the harm that
results from it, cannot be averted, any step towards improvement is
endangered and the conditions for the discipline, orderliness and industry of
the gypsies remain unfulfilled. Without their own hearth they cannot learn to
love it and stop seeing themselves as homeless strangers ....121
As work progrHVVHG WKH JRYHUQPHQW WRRN QRWLFH RI WKH VRFLHW\·V
accomplishment. Prussian officials in Erfurt showed their support in an
edict issued on 14 February 1832. It called for generosity towards the
institution and declared:
The faith, in which the moral rescue of a group of people who have fallen
into ruin at home is undertaken, cannot be faked, and the reaction of distant
benefactors, who have given generously, will not prevent us from being
PLQGIXORIWKHZLGRZ·VPLWHV122
Such a position encouraged supporters to seek support from public funds
also. One requested a subsidy for an additional teacher. 123 Erfurt approved a
grant of 100 Reichsthaler on 30 September 1835.124 Another asked that the
LQVWLWXWH´EHDZDUGHGWKHULJKWVRISXEOLFFRUSRUDWLRQVDQGLQVWLWXWHVIRU the
needy, because the name of the house father continued to be recorded as the
RZQHUZKLFKZDVQRWSURSHUµ125
There were setbacks. The 1 March 1835 edition of Neueste Nachrichten
revealed that at last report a number of families had returned to their
wandering ways and removed their children from the school. More arrived
and so the number went up to 23, although two of them, one boy and one
girl, were 14 and would be sent to the St. Martin Home in Erfurt. Two
young children who grew up in the reform house would start soon. What a
blessing it had been for them to be raised apart from their families, who had
constantly been on the move until recently arrested and sent to a
121
Verordnungen und Bekanntmachungen der Regierung 1U´$PWVEODWWGHUN|QLJOLFKHQ
Regierung zu Erfurt. Stäck 7, Erfurt, den 25sten 1832µ I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium
III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I.
122
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 67.
123
´'LH$QVWDOW]X)ULHGULFKVORKUD]XU(U]LHKQJGHU=LJHXQHU.LQGHUµ,+$5HSGeh.
Zivilkabinett, jüngere Periode Nr. 22691, Berlin, 4 September 1835.
124
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, Berlin, 13 January 1836.
125
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. I, Berlin, 13 January 1836.
58
Lutheran Theological Review 22
workhouse. But Wanderlust remained a challenge to be overcome. The
previous year, on 26 June, two gypsy women took a child from the home
and six other adults, one of whom was an apprentice in the weaving-mill.
They also secretly took a young boy, one of the best trainees. School
officials searched in vain, hoping at least to bring back the boy. The fear is
that the next gypsy released from a workhouse would misuse the new-found
IUHHGRPWROHDGDVWUD\DJDLQFKLOGUHQIURPWKHKRPH´6KRXOGZHWKHQDIWHU
such troubling experiences, withhold our help from this stubborn folk? Far
be it! Each experience should serve to humble us, to strengthen us in love
and patience, and to look to the Lord, who alone can give blessing and
VXFFHVVµ126
The difficulties continued, even with the additional public funding. There
were lots of suggestions but in the end everything was just too much for the
Blankenburgs. Even the addition of a seminary student assistant, a Frenkel
from Weißenfels, could not prevent the work coming to a standstill and
finally breaking down completely. What happened? The old gypsies could
not get used to new customs. Some got Wanderlust. Others became
rebellious and refused to work. So the measures recommended by the
government in Magdeburg were put into effect. Numerous children ended
up in the Martinsstift in Erfurt; while 38 gypsies in Groß-Salze were sent to a
workhouse. Another 23 trainees and 28 adults were brought to a new
addition at the reformatory. Constant conflict between the Catholic priest
and the Protestant pastor because of the children`s training programme
worsened the climate in Friedrichslohra.127 Even a little progress in
Protestant work among the Catholic gypsy families was enough to arouse
protests from the local priest. Sometimes the parents reacted the same. In
January 1834 there was a formal protest recorded and some parents
removed their children by force from the school. The reason for the revolt
appears to be the 1834 conversion of two girls, Sophie Deutsch and
Adelheid Steinbach, to Protestantism. They had been attending the Martin
institute in Erfurt since 1832. The following year, two young men
converted.128 Franz Mettbach, a gypsy father, objected in a direct appeal to
the Prussian king in a 20 April 1836 letter. He lamented first of all that
shortly after his arrival in town; his six year old daughter had been taken
away by force and entrusted to Blankenburg. He wrote:
126
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Sekt. 1, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. 2, 23.
127
MODE, Zigeuner, 163-164.
128
DANCKWORTT´HLQH8QWHUULFKWV- und Erziehungsanstalt für verwahrloste Kinder.µ
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
59
I have never opposed and will never object to my children receiving good
school instruction. But I wish that they be raised in the Catholic religion,
which will not happen under that Protestant teacher.129
The request was denied, but Montag convinced authorities to order the
children be sent to him twice a week for religious instruction. In most areas
the Catholic Church had otherwise been content simply to baptize gypsies
upon request.130
Even without religious reasons, children kept running away, or were
taken by parents on their travels but later arrested as vagabonds. The
assistant Frenkel left in July 1836. Stricter decrees, such as forbidding the
use of the Romani language simply accelerated the relocation of
Friedrichslohra families. Declining numbers meant that the Mission Society
lost the reason for its existence and the maintenance costs of the empty
building became too great. Authorities suggested giving the house to the
Evangelical church for use as a school, but the Minister of Culture opposed
any hasty dissolution of the training centre, pointing out that one could not
expect to accomplish significant change in two or three years among people
who had already lived over four hundred years in Europe. The Erfurt
government, having failed to force parents to return their children to the
institute, formally closed it on 2 September 1837. They purchased the
property from the Mission Society and turned it over to the local protestant
church for use as a school. The three remaining children were sent to Erfurt.
Blankenburg returned to Berlin and became teacher for children cared for by
the Goßner Society. Some of the families returned to the area, but to nearby
Lohra, closer to Magdeburg. Some, still fearing reprisal, changed their
name.131
The experiment was over. What transpired is that non-gypsies learned
more about the culture and language of a previously unknown people. A
school board member named Graffunder produced extensive notes on their
language. Frenkel had produced Romani translations of the passion of
&KULVWDFFRUGLQJWRWKHIRXU*RVSHOVDQGWKHEHJLQQLQJRI-RKQ·V*RVSHO
The settlement attempt in Friedrichslohra failed because the impossible
was demanded from the gypsies to achieve integration:
1. They were to relinquish a life style determined by and defined by their
identity as gypsies.
129
DANCKWORTT, 127.
130
SOLMS, 5-6.
131
DANCKWORTT, 134.
60
Lutheran Theological Review 22
2. They were expected to acquire in a short time the relational and work
patterns of the locals as part of the organic, continuous socialization
process.
3. They were to sever family ties and the human conflicts connected with
them.
4. They were expected to accept inhumane living conditions, to work for
low pay or no pay, and to despise their lifelong habits.
5. They did not fulfil the economic expectations placed on them. Already in
1832, Blankenburg proposed that the older gypsies be placed in
workhouses, where they could be beaten if they did not want to work. 132
In the end, the supporters of Friedrichslohra resorted to the same
provisions already practised for over two hundred years for the care of the
gypsies: put adults in prisons or workhouses and the children in orphanages.
When the Friedrichslohra mission was finally closed in 1837, the children
ZHUHVHQWWR6W0DUWLQ·V+RPHLQ(UIXUW7KH\GLGQRWUHPDLQORQJ3DUHQWDO
appeals, and political pressure, compelled their return, but not without one
more demand: children would be returned when the parents could provide
proof of residency.133 Sporadic settlement attempts remained the exception.
German rulers generally forbade the gypsies to settle and thus deprived them
of the chance to learn domestic occupations. One author summarized the
results of the Friedrichslohra project thus:
The gypsies again lived as they were accustomed to. Their descendants today
are just as gypsy as their cousins, whose forefathers were not trained in
Friedrichslohra. One cannot deny that the greatest blame touched on the
incorrigibility of the gypsies, who considered the admission, care and
education of their children in the institute an intrusion into their right to raise
these children as they themselves were accustomed, that is fraud, begging,
stealing, and a vagabond life.134
Krause observed that attempts to force the gypsies to settle in
Friedrichslohra, and elsewhere, were at the same time attempts to dissuade
them from the validity of their own cultural norms and values and to
substitute the Prussian ones. Thus once again one sees that the real goal was
not integration into society but the destruction of their culture and thereby
their extermination. All such retraining attempts of the eighteenth and
132
GEORGE VON SOEST, Zigeuner zwischen Verfolgung und Integration: Geschichte,
Lebensbedingungen und Eingliederungsversuche (Weinheim und Basel: Beltz Verlag, 1980), 8687.
133
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 69.
134
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 70.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
61
nineteenth centuries resulted from a justification of the total subjugation of
the Roma and Sinti.135
On the other hand, the Wittgenstein-Berleburg colonies lasted 150 years,
until deportation to Auschwitz by the National Socialists. During the entire
time there was minimal social interaction between gypsies and locals, and
almost no marriage, because the other residents regarded the gypsies as too
dirty and lice-infested. But the Berleburg model does demonstrate that
creating a gypsy settlement is possible when the following factors are
considered:
1.
2.
3.
4.
A regard for ethnic peculiarities.
A readiness for long-term involvement.
Making land available.
Providing appropriate employment opportunities.136
Another necessary factor, missing from the Berleburg colonies, was to
aid both gypsies and locals to come to grips with their anxieties and
reservations about the other group. In Berleburg each group was simply left
to cope on its own. Locals showed little readiness to welcome people they
regarded as strange, and even dangerous, into their community. The
archives record some parents vigorously insisting that the gypsy children
´XQGHUQRFLUFXPVWDQFHVµEHSHUPLWWHGWRDWWHQGVFKRROZLWKWKHLURZQ,Q
one case the police had to intervene.137
Roma Religion
$VN D J\SV\ ´:K\ GLG *RG FUHDWH \RX"µ DQG KH LV OLNHO\ WR DQVZHU ´6R
that I can eat, drink, dance, DQGVOHHSµ138 7KHJ\SV\·VIDLWKLVFKDUDFWHUL]HG
by belief in a higher power, ancestor worship, and an inner relationship to
God. Belonging to a particular church or denomination is relatively
unimportant. Although approximately ninety per cent of German gypsies
call themselves Roman Catholic, their magical worldview gives them a
pagan mentality.139
135
KRAUSE, Verfolgung, 70.
136
SOEST, 87-88.
137
I. HA Rep. 76 Kultusministerium III, Sekt. 1, Abt. XIV, Nr. 165 Bd. 2, 2.
138
HERMANN ARNOLD, Die Zigeuner: Herkunft und Leben der Stämme im deutschen Sprachgebiet
(Olten: Walter-Verlag, 1965).
139
For specific examples see ENGELBERT WITTICH, Beiträge zur Ziegeunerkunde (Frankfurt am
Main: Verlag Peter Lang, 1990).
62
Lutheran Theological Review 22
Despite his Christian faith, demons and fetishes determine his behaviour.
Superstition (Aberglaube) is essentially his real faith. Laws of logic are
incomprehensible and foreign. An understanding that penetrates into his
inner human nature is hardly possible.140
Pilgrimages may be one way gypsies sought to win the approval of other
Catholics. Their most important destination is Les Saintes-Maries-de-laMer, where they worship the Egyptian Sara from 24-25 May each year. She
is said to be the gypsy maid to Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of James,
and Mary Salome, the mother of the apostle John. The legend says that the
three women were put to sea off the coast of Palestine in a boat without
rudder or sail. As the ship was pushed out, Sara stepped into the boat of her
own accord and the boat was safely and suddenly transported across the sea
by angels, landing on the coast of Provence. 141
Gypsy faith is influenced from their Indian origins even though much
had been forgotten during the years of migration. Even the practice of
accommodating themselves to the religion of the region they were in stems
from their past experience as lower caste people, when the Brahmans, the
priests, made all the religious decisions and conducted all the
observances.142 The Hindu belief in the transmigration of souls is still
evident in gypsy faith. Their religion was tied to a language that was
incapable of expressing the teachings and creeds of the Muslim or Christian
world.143 Their language became static after leaving India so the names of
the deities were translated. During their migration into Iran they would
KDYH FRPH XQGHU WKH LQIOXHQFH RI =DUDWKXVUD·V WHDFKLQJ ZLWK DQ HPSKDVLV
on the earthly battle between a good and an evil spirit. As Asia Minor
became Christian, they, like other poor, displaced peoples, may have been
attracted to this new teaching since the old gods had not done much to
alleviate their misfortune. Zealous missionaries may not have given them
any special attention.
The gypsies may well have been prepared for this new faith which spoke
to the irrational and spiritual needs of Asian people. But they converted
themselves in a rather carefree way in that they accepted the new teachings
along with their old demons and fetishes. This was easier for them than for
those settled in cities and villages. Had they remained in one spot, they
would have soon been branded by the church as sectarians and heretics
140
IN DER MAUR, 53.
141
ARNOLD, 167.
142
MAYERHOFER, 90.
143
DJURIC, 295.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
63
because of the church·s increasing severity in the interpretation of the
fundamentals of the faith.144
The next influential religion for them would have been Islam. In general,
the gypsies felt that a religion placing more emphasis on ideology than on
faith did not belong in the house of God. Thus they felt more attracted to
sects and small fellowships. The Catholic, and more recently the Protestant
(evangelische) churches in Europe tended to overlook this aspect of their faith
and simply attacked them for belonging to a sect, or more commonly
regarded them merely as a social problem and only rarely as spiritual beings
who also wished to believe, to have a religious life, and thus to develop
morality.145
In relation to Christianity, because of the high mortality rate due to
tuberculosis, gypsy parents in Austria had their children baptized one week
after birth. If they could not decide on a name, then the pastor advised
them. In addition to the official name, which was commonly repeated, each
child received a nickname that was also recorded. Between 1797 and 1850,
out of twenty-four Baptisms, five were illegitimate.146 Children were also
brought to First Communion and later confirmed. Burial rites followed local
customs.147 If a pastor refused to enter a gypsy home, then the corpse would
EH EURXJKW WRD QHLJKERXU·V KRXVH $QHLJKERXU OLNHZLVH ZDVKHG WKH ERG\
since the gypsies were afraid of Mulo, the spirit of the dead. The wake lasted
thirty-six hours. Men received wine; the women, nothing. Fables and stories
filled the time. The entire extended family, and others from the community,
came to accompany the body to the cemetery. Processions of 100 were
common. Gypsies, even the men, made a great show of their sorrow and
distress with crying and screaming, so much so that sometimes the pastor
ZRXOGKDYHWRUHPLQGWKHP´:DLWXQWLO\RXJHWWRWKHJUDYHWKDWGRHVQRW
EHORQJ KHUHµ 7KH\ VKDUHG WKH VDPH VXSHUVWLWLRQV Ds the locals, too: if the
coffin was let down crooked, it meant the deceased was doomed to hell.
When a musician died, his comrades not only played funeral songs but also
all his old favourites. When a married man died his wife pulled out bunches
of hair and threw them into the grave. No one dared mention the deceased
E\QDPH+HRUVKHZDVUHIHUUHGWRDV´WKHZKLWHGRYHµZKRKDGOHIWWKHP
7KH GHFHDVHG·V FORWKLQJ ZDV EXUQHG RWKHU REMHFWV SODFHG LQ WKH JUDYH
Sometimes the family would move into another house in an attempt to
outwit the Mulo. Since the gypsies were poor, they were buried in separate
144
IN DER MAUR, 78.
145
DJURIC, 316.
146
MAYERHOFER, 82.
147
This description from MAYERHOFER, 88-91.
64
Lutheran Theological Review 22
sections outside the cemetery; but families spared no cost on gravestones
and frequently brought flowers and candles to the grave.
Bad Mulos brought bad luck: possessions and meals disappeared; they
might push a man down in the streets, or impregnate a woman. Children of
such unions were either sickly, became vampires, or died. On the other
hand, there could be good Mulos, too, who helped find money or lost items,
who caused stepmothers to deal kindly with children, or who stopped men
from beating their wives and drinking.
The mysterious world of the gypsy mind made it extremely challenging
for Christian outreach endeavours. Reinhold Urban lamented that little
outreach to the gypsies was even attempted before the early 1800s.
If one may assume that rare individual Christians occasionally would
certainly have tried to tell a gypsy about the love of God, nevertheless the sad
truth remains, that a well-planned, thorough work among the gypsies was not
even once again attempted until most recent times. The Christianity, which
today has already benefited the most distant and low standing people with
the Gospel, has excluded from eternal salvation the gypsy people living in
their own laps.148
Explanations can be offered, he noted, such as the largest number of gypsies
live in southeast Europe, or are all Catholics, but the most common reason
for lack of outreach is the belief that the gypsies are simply incorrigible in
morals and faith. They are unreachable for the Gospel! Getting to know the
J\SVLHVEHWWHUDQGOHDUQLQJWRVKDUH*RG·V:RUGLQWKHLURZQODQJXDJHKH
argues, go a long way to bringing these forgotten people into the Christian
fold.
Seelsorge for Sinti and Roma
What did the church do? Very little, the archives and reports relate. Here
and there approaches were undertaken. Grellmann praised Emperor
-RVHSK·VLQLWLDWLYHVDQGQRWHG´6KRXOGKLVXQGHUWDNLQJVXFFHHG«LWZLOOEH
DQ DGGLWLRQDO MHZHO LQ KLV FURZQ « WKat upwards of eighty thousand
miserable wretches, ignorant of God and virtue, deep sunk in vice and
brutality, like only half men, wandering in error, were by him drawn out of
WKHLU GHOXVLRQ FRQYHUWHG WR KXPDQ FUHDWXUHV DQG PDGH JRRG FLWL]HQVµ 149
The 1775 decree required:
148
REINHOLD URBAN, Die Zigeuner und das Evangelium (Striegau: Verlag von Reinhold Urban
1906), 18.
149
GRELLMANN, 88.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
65
FIRST, with respect to religion, they must
1. Not only be taught the principles of religion themselves, but send their
children early to school.
2. Prevent, as much as possible, their children from running about
naked, in the house, the roads, and streets, thereby giving offence and
disgust, to other people.
3. In their dwellings, not permit their children to sleep promiscuously by
each other, without distinction of sex.
4. Diligently attend at church, particularly on Sundays and holidays, to
give proof of their Christian disposition.
5. Put themselves under the guidance of spiritual teachers, and conduct
themselves conformably to the rules laid down by them.150
Other parts of the decree dealt with their everyday behaviour and life style,
such as, abstaining from feeding on cattle which died of distemper, change
their appearance, discontinue using their own language, refrain from
bartering, and keep up the necessary farm work.151
That the gypsies were in need of Christianizing, and missionizing, had
already been established in the Friedrichslohra situation by the report of an
Examination Commission (Untersuchungskommission) sent out by the Erfurt
government in the fall of 1828. The delegation interviewed fifty-two
individuals to determine their social wellbeing and their religious
knowledge. They were expected to be able to read and to write and to recite
E\ KHDUW WKH /RUG·V 3UD\HU DQG WKH 7HQ &RPPDQGPHQWV 7KH ODFN RI DQ\
religious knowledge was attributed to the hostile attitude of the local
Catholic priest, 0RQWDJZKRIRUH[DPSOHRQFHUHPDUNHG´WKHJ\SVLHVILUVW
have to be made human, and then WKH\DUHQRW\HWWKDWµ 152 This despite the
fact that local officials spoke highly of some of the families who had
demonstrated honesty and industry and for all practical purposes had
become residents.153 Nevertheless, the commission concluded:
If being baptized and perhaps having gone only once to Confession and
Communion is sufficient to characterize a person as a Christian, then the
gypsies certainly are Christian. But in so far as the confession of the specific
Christian doctrines is also required, one cannot consider them to be
Christians.154
150
GRELLMANN, 85-86.
151
GRELLMANN, 86-87.
152
DANCKWORTT, 121.
153
DANCKWORTT, 120. Officials indicated this in a 29 April 1828 letter to von Klewitz and
to the Berlin Ministerium in a 8 December 1828 communication.
154
DANCKWORTT, 121.
66
Lutheran Theological Review 22
Since the gypsies were mostly unable to read, few publications were
directed at them. Although the Religious Tract Society (RTS), organized in
London in 1799, produced at least three tracts to use in personal witnessing
WRWKHPRQO\WKH:XSSHUWDO7UDFW6RFLHW\LQLVVXHGRQHDERXW´0DU\
6D[E\DFRQYHUWHGYDJDERQGDQGJ\SV\LQ(QJODQGµZKR´IHOOLQWRDJUHDW
VLQµ DQG UDQ DZD\ when rejected by her lover.155 The RTS publications
SRUWUD\HG D FRQYHUVDWLRQ DW ´7KH *\SV\ 7HQWµ, DGGUHVVHG ´$ )HZ .LQG
:RUGV WR D *\SV\µ, and in a Narrative Series tract provided ample, dire
ZDUQLQJV WR ´7KH '\LQJ *\SV\µ.156 Later German evangelicals also relied
KHDYLO\RQ(QJOLVK PDWHULDOWRPDNHD SRLQWIRU*HUPDQ PLVVLRQ6FKOLHU·V
Missionsstunden (1874), for example, relates the experience of Rev. James
Crabb when he was in Winchester in 1827.157
Ries relates the history and progress of Pentecostal outreach efforts
among the gypsies in Romania and comments on developments in other
areas. He observed that after BDSWLVPE\LPPHUVLRQ´WKHFRQYHUWHGGLGQRW
see themselves as merely a religious fellowship, which met twice weekly, but
DVWUXO\WKHSHRSOHRI*RGµ158 He continued:
%DUEDUD 5RVH /DQJH GHWHUPLQHG WKDW LQ +XQJU\ ´0DJ\DU-Rom churches
IXQFWLRQHG OLNH VRFLDO PRYHPHQWV E\ UHRUJDQL]LQJ HWKQLF VWUDWLILFDWLRQµ ,Q
FRQWUDVWWRDOOWKH´VHFXODUµJURXSVWKH\ZRXOGIXUWKHUD´FRQWUDVWLQJLGHDORI
egalitarian commXQLW\« Nevertheless I characterize the gypsies in Trabes
in the congregation of the converted not as an interethnic group, but I call it a
transethnic congregation, then the discussion among the converted is not
between different ethnic groups, but argues beyond all ethical classification.
In the congregation of God these differences are removed and are no longer
important. The German evangelist Stefan called out joyfully to the newly
EDSWL]HG LQ KLV EDSWLVPDO VHUPRQ ´*RRG E\ JRRG E\ (YHU\WKLQJ ROG QRZ
GLHV 7KHUH LV QR PRUH 5RPDQLDQ QR J\SV\ RU 6D[RQ« <RX DULVH DV QHZ
people. Hallelujah, that is the new society.159
The trans-ethnic emphasis continues in the preaching:
Each one of us is different. Here in this house sit different ethnic groups,
different races, different nations and cultures. Brothers and sisters, we are all
very different. One is perhaps a musician; another is a mathematician or
155
´0DU\6D[E\HLQHEHNHKUWH/DQGVWUHLFKHULQQX=LJHXQHULQQLQ(QJODQGµDie TractatGesellschaft im Wupperthale (Barmen, 1819).
156
London: The Religious Tract Society, numbers 460, 556, and 803, n.d.
157
JOSEPH SCHLIER, Missionsstunden für evangelische Gemeinden, Viertes Bändchen
1|UGOLQJHQ&+%HFN·VFKHQ9HUODJ
158
JOHANNES RIES, Welten Wanderer: Über die kulturelle Souveränität siebenbürgischer Zigeuner
und den Einfluß des Pfingstchristentums (Würzburg: ERGON Verlag 2007), 166.
159
RIES, 166.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
67
physicist. Here sit poor and rich, strong and weak, thick and thin, we are all
very different. What binds us together? Something exists in us that we have
in common and that holds us together: the desire to be with the Lord. And
this desire makes us all the same.160
Individuality subsumed by the focus on faith; all reduced to their basic
connection to God³these emphDVHV ´OHYHO DQG DPRUWL]Hµ HYHU\ FRUSRUDWH
GHVLJQDWLRQ´2QHFDQGHVFULEHWKHJURXSRIFRQYHUWHGDVDQHWZRUNFHQWUHG
on God, in which the converted are therefore interwoven with one another,
EHFDXVH DOO WKUHDGV UXQ WR *RGµ161 For many of the converts this family
IHHOLQJ ZDV LQVWUXPHQWDO LQ FRPLQJ WR IDLWK ´7KH FRQYHUWHG DUH RQH ELJ
IDPLO\LQZKLFKRQHPXWXDOO\VXSSRUWVDQGKHOSVWKHRWKHUµ 162
Each believer is to achieve purity in soul, spirit, and body. Hence the
common goal also furthers a sense of equality. Supervision assures
compliance and guards against superficial conversions. Believers are further
expected to observe normal cultural norms. Thus a girl with a nose ring
would be unacceptable in a Romanian group but perfectly normal in a
church in India.163
Despite the emphasis on family-like unity, Ries cautions that gypsies
never stop being gypsies and, especially in relation to non-gypsies, retain an
LQGHSHQGHQFH RU VRYHUHLJQW\ ZKLFK OHDYHV WKHP ´UHOLJLRXVO\ HODVWLFµ.164
3HUKDSVWKH´GHHGVQRWFUHHGVµHPphasis in some denominations is more to
their liking. Accepting a confession of faith ought not be confused with
adapting the faith itself. Conversions, particularly of children, frequently
result from the generosity of the missionaries. Physical needs become the
´SRLQW RI FRQWDFW LQ RUGHU WR FRQIURQW WKH VLQQHU ZLWK -HVXV· WHDFKLQJ ¶,
KDYHQRWKLQJDJDLQVWHQWLFLQJSHRSOHZLWKERQERQV·, a missionary observed.
¶1HYHUWKHOHVVWKH\PXVWWKHQJUDVSWKDWZHRIIHUPRUHWKDQFDQG\ZHRIIHU
VDOYDWLRQ LQ &KULVW·µ165 For the children conversion means the difference
between corn chowder with bread and a piece of cake. The desire is that
they also see it as entry into a better life for their souls and spirits also.
160
RIES, 166.
161
RIES, 167.
162
RIES, 283.
163
RIES, 179.
164
RIES, 307, 338-39.
165
RIES, 264-65.
68
Lutheran Theological Review 22
What is the church to do? One papal answer: ´For ministry to the Sinti
und Roma the church itself has to become gypsy.µ166 In 2006 a Vatican
council of the national directors of ministry to the gypsies called for the
Gospel in its entirety to be offered to nomadic peoples, and not just social
assistance. The failure in the past has been attempts at assimilation rather
than at integration that allow them to keep their identity. Among the
recommendations were:
1. The church must become familiar with the gypsies anxieties and hopes so
that the gospel can be lived and proclaimed according to their mentality and
traditions. This has to happen in the liturgical and catechetical areas also.
2. The church understands that its universality demands it enrich itself with the
values of the gypsies, accept their opposition to assimilation, and condemn
persecution. This means more attention to advocacy, and changes in practice
such as:
a. Creating more opportunities to listen to them.
b. Strengthening their presence and responsibility.
c. Intensifying efforts to develop gypsy priests, deacons, and orders.
d. Multiply the number of places where they may express their faith,
such as building more schools.
e. Eliminate the usual pattern of preparation for the Sacrament.
f. Think more in terms of ongoing pastoral care.
g. Encourage pilgrimages and other opportunities for interaction with
others to dispel the notion that one has to relinquish his gypsy identity
to be a good Christian.
h. To foster justice in the civil realm.
i. To keep boards and councils informed.
j. To co-ordinate the supervision of gypsy chapels with local clerics.
k. To accept the nomadic nature of some.
l. To increase co-operation with government authorities.167
Christian encounters with gypsies over the years have shown that these
people have a rich oral tradition. This frequently includes references to
biblical events and characters. Thus the church should not assume gypsies
exist in some kind of religious vacuum or merely cling to fragments of
166
´3lSVWOLFKHU5DWGHU6HHOVRUJHIUGLH0LJUDQWHQXQG0HQVFKHQXQWHUZHJVµDokument:
Kirchl. Seelsorge für Sinti und Roma (Studientreffen der National-Direktoren der Pastoral für
die Zigeuner, Vatikanstadt, 11.-12. Dezember 2006) 19/01/07.
167
´.LUFKO6HHOVRUJHIU6LQWLXQG5RPDµ
<http://www.oecumene.radiovaticana.org/ted/Articolo.asp?c=113389>. See also
´3DSVWZRUW]XP,QWHUQDWLRQHOHQ:HOWNRQJUHVVEHU=LJHXQHUVHHOVRUJHµ
<http://www.kath-zigeunerseelsorge.de/3 Zum Thema.htm>, 89. Welttag der Migranten
und Flüchtlinge (2003). The current impetus for gypsy mission began in 1964 when Pope
Paul VI instituted the so-FDOOHG´*\SV\DQG1RPDGSeelsorgeµCf. SOLMS, Kulturloses Volk,
59.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
69
otherwise long-lost superstitions. Religious thought that impacts on the
entire reality of life still prevails among the gypsies. Likewise the church
needs to recognize that gypsy religious thought is based on a distinct
mythology and oral tradition, and we cannot grasp their complexity and
their connection with traditions because we only know fragments of it.
Thirdly, what has been handed down over centuries in gypsy religion clearly
reveals, in a most impressive way, an intensive engagement with basic
Christianity.168
The church can become a meeting place for such diverse groups and
facilitate dialogue for a better understanding of faith traditions. Such efforts
UHPDLQIXWLOH)XFKVDUJXHV´DVORQJDVWKHFRQYLFWLRQSHUVLVWVWKDWWKHUHLV
RQO\ RQH WUXWK RQH·V RZQ WKLV SUHYHQWV RQH IURP SHUFHLYLQJ WKDW RWKHU
cultures live in other realities, equally practicable and by no means an
LQIHULRU ZD\ WR PDQDJH OLIHµ 169 Therefore the first goal for the cKXUFK·V
dealing with Sinti and Roma could be supporting and encouraging them to
discover their own cultural expression of Christianity as proof of its
universality.
Conclusions: Christianity and Culture
´7KH\ DUH QRW OLNH XVµ, is a label used to justify marginalization. Colour,
customs, and language form criteria for determining who belongs and the
EDVLVIRU FHUWDLQFRQFOXVLRQVDERXWFKDUDFWHU´(YHU\RQHZLOOQRWLFH WKDW LI
you speak with these people in their own language, you find them more
IULHQGO\DQGRSHQWKDQLI\RXVSHDN*HUPDQZLWKWKHPµ, and although they
may adapt some Christian customs they continue in their pagan culture. 170
The only conclusion can be: they lack true religion and fear of God. Thus an
emphasis on their foreignness in a Christian-influenced society, coupled
ZLWK VXVSLFLRQV RI XQUHOLDELOLW\ OHDGV WR ODEHOOLQJ DV ´WUDLWRUV DQG VSLHVµ
working against Christians.171
The first gypsies arriving in the German states received protection from
the church and government because they were believed to be penitent
168
FUCHS, Kirchliche Verantwortung, 261.
169
BRIGITTE FUCHS´9HUDQWZRUWXQJGHU.LUFKHIU6LQWLXQG5RPD6WXGLHQ]XU
:DKUQHKPXQJHLQHUNXOWXUHOOHQ0LQGHUKHLWµLQJOACHIM S. HOHMANN, Handbuch ur
Tsiganologie (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang 1996), 256.
170
ARNO HERZIG´'LH)UHPGHQLQIUKPRGHUQHQ6WDDWµLQ-DFTXHOLQH*LHUH>+UVJ@Die
gesellschaftliche Konstruktion des Zigeuners: zur Genese eines Vorurteils, Wissenschaftliche Reihe
des Fritz-Bauer-Instituts, Bd. 2 (Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag 1996), 38.
171
HERZIG, 38.
70
Lutheran Theological Review 22
pilgrims. But as doubts about their Christianity increased, they were
considered pagans and the Council of Trent excluded them from
consideration for the priesthood. Although Catholic priests might baptize,
marry, and bury gypsies, there was no real mission work begun until
Protestant outreach endeavours in the early 1800s, beginning with the
Quakers in England in 1815. Other attempts in Scotland followed. The first
significant German outreach began in 1828 when the Barmen Mission
Society initiated the establishment of the educational facility in
Friedrichslohra.
Despite a variety of approaches over the years, gypsy missions had only
minimal success. Every now and then a missionary might report some
progress, but modern reports frequently resemble closely the comments of
Crabb, who started a mission among the New Forest Gypsies in England in
1837. He concluded that the gypsies are ungrateful objects of Christian
mission endeavours, because despite all the intense efforts to lead them to
repentance and faith, they show little interest for the Christian doctrine of
salvation.172
Failure to penetrate, or to be permitted to enter into, the gypsy culture
made outreach endeavours nearly impossible for Protestant evangelists or
missionaries. Catholic clergy seem to have somewhat more success.
Pentecostals today seem to be more effective than other groups. Outreach
into such a culture leaves the Christian missionary in an awkward position.
It is like riding a rail, Ries observed, because you have one foot in their
culture (of which you will never fully be a part) and the other in your own
culture (of which they will never fully be a part). An extreme emphasis on
institutions, traditions, and theological formulas appears archaic, and
inconsequential, in the gypsy worldview of moment-by-moment religious
experience. Answers to questions about death and transcendence seem less
LPSRUWDQWWKDQIDLWK·VLPSDFWRQGDLO\OLIH
Although we like to say that Christianity is a non-cultural form of faith,
thus unlike Judaism and Islam which see state and church as one unit, the
evidence shows that Christianity fares better in a supportive culture, too.
7RGD\·V1RUWK$PHULFDQ unchristian or anti-Christian society with its own
standards and demands for tolerance makes outreach difficult. Lutheran
churches have difficulty retaining youth, for example, because there is little,
if any, common or community support for the Christian faith and life. More
likely, young Lutherans will have friends of different faiths, or of no faith,
and the friendship takes on a higher value than fidelity to a Confirmation
vow. Little relevance may be seen between worship rituals and world
realities.
172
ARNOLD, 173.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
71
Outreach to gypsies, or any other unique group, begins with some basic
understandings: What factors contribute to the identity and/or lifestyle of
the group? What does the Christian church and the Gospel have to offer?
Encounters with other cultures prompt the question: ´:KDWQHHGVWREH
IL[HG ILUVW"µ )XFKV VXJJHVWV WKLV LV WKH ZURQJ TXHVWLRQ %HWWHU WR DVN LV
´:KDW LV ZRUNLQJ"µ +HU DUJXPHQW PHQWLRQHG SUHYLRXVO\ LV WKDW WKH
Christian revelation is a-cultural, that is universal, and therefore God does
not concern Himself with any particular culture. Problems develop when
people begin to think all other cultures except their own are false or
inferior.173 She likewise cautions against confusing evangelism with social
VFLHQFHV ´,W LV QRW VXIILFLHQW WKDW WKH SDVWRUDO seelsorgerliche) and diaconal
activities of the church be based on sociological, historical, or ethnological
theories, whose implicit presuppositions cannot be tested by its real
FRPPLVVLRQWKHPHVVDJHRIWKH*RVSHOµ 174 Social work typically is oriented
towards marginal or fringe groups. But appearances can be deceiving. For
example, the nomadic nature of gypsies, which has earned them the name
´WUDYHOOHUVµ, is it an external or an internal drive? Thomas Acton described
DQ HFRQRPLF QRPDGDV RQH ´ZKR DZDUH RI WKH geographical and seasonal
variations in the prices of goods and services, regularly moves his household
WRWDNHDGYDQWDJHRIWKHVHµ175 A theologically based theory of outreach and
interaction therefore needs to realize there is more than one possible reason
IRU DQ\ SKHQRPHQRQ DQG WR ´H[SODLQ HYHU\WKLQJ LQ WKH NLQGHVW ZD\µ
(explanation to the Eight Commandment) in order to prevent the
´GHJUDGDWLRQDQGUXLQµRIRWKHUV176
The Lutheran Church²Missouri Synod reports on its outreach activities
WRRIIHU´1HZ/LIHIRU*\SV\3HRSOHµ
There are approximately 11 million Gypsies worldwide. Most of these people
are unreached with the Word of God. They are blind in the sense that they
FDQ·W VHH ZKR -HVXV LV 6LQFH RXU SDVWRU 5HY /DUU\ 0HULQR LV KLPVHOI D
Gypsy, he has an understanding of the culture and is able to gain entry
among these people where white people cannot. Through our work in
Slovakia, with the Evangelical Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession,
some Gypsies have come to know Jesus. Several Gypsy men are now being
173
FUCHS, 31.
174
FUCHS, 26.
175
FUCHS, 21, quoting THOMAS ACTON, Gypsy Politics and Social Change: The Development of
Ethnic Ideology and Pressure Politics among British Gypsies from Victorian Reformism to Romani
Nationalism (London and Boston 1974), 254.
176
FUCHS, 35, quoting HELMUT PEUKERT, Wissenschaftstheorie-Handlungstheorie-Fundamental
Theologie: Analysen zu Ansatz und Status theologischer Theoriebildung (Frankfurt a. M.: 1978),
351.
72
Lutheran Theological Review 22
trained as leaders to work among their people. Opportunities have also begun
to open up for reaching Gypsies in the United States.
Many Gypsies are convinced that they could not become Christians even if
they wanted to, just because they are Gypsies. Another obstacle they face is
that by becoming Christians they will be totally rejected by their families, and
it is difficult for them to live outside of their tribes.
Outreach activities include:
x
x
x
Consultation and leadership training
Development of culturally appropriate material for evangelism and
discipleship of new Gypsy Christians
Networking among those involved in Gypsy mission 177
Despite the nomadic nature of the early Israelites, who were able to take
their faith and worship with them, breaking into a nomadic lifestyle with the
Gospel is a serious challenge for concerned Christians and churches today.
:H WHQG WR XVH ´J\SV\µ WR GHVFULEH DQ\ UHVWOHVV ZDQGHUHU EXW WKHUH LV DQ
identifiable group associated with the label. The average Christian knows
few, if any, such nomads. They live and move and carry on their lives in
their own circles, such as on the backstretch of racetracks, in theatrical
productions, as seasonal migrant workers, and in a host of other
occupations and pastimes. Unfortunately modern business practices seem to
be creating more nomads, who frequently, but not always, encamp on
weekends in suburbs or embark on other nomadic-type experiences from
retreats to the cottage, sports competitions, shopping, home renovations,
etc. These opportunities are endless. The opportunities for outreach are
limited.
%LEOLFDO DGYLFH QHYHU KXUWV ´$OZD\V EH SUHSDUHG WR JLYH DQ DQVZHU WR
everyone who asks you to give the reason for the hope that you have. But do
WKLVZLWKJHQWOHQHVVDQGUHVSHFWµI Pet. 3:15, NIV). The greatest and most
lasting inroads in outreach to gypsies took place not by organized efforts or
coercion, but individually and by ordinary Christians showing kindness and
ORYH WR D PDOLJQHG PLVWUHDWHG PLVXQGHUVWRRG SHRSOHV ´&KULVW·V Oove
FRPSHOVXVEHFDXVHZHDUHFRQYLQFHGWKDWRQHGLHGIRUDOOµII Cor. 5:14).
All Gospel outreach begins and springs from the love of God we have
received by His grace. Then that same love directs us to consider the needs
of those around us and to seek ways by which effective communication
PLJKWWDNHSODFH7KHUHLVQRPDJLFPHWKRGRQO\WKHPLUDFOHRI*RG·VORYH
for all.
177
<http://www.newlife.in.lcms.org/gypsies/work.asp>, 1.
Mundt: Saving the Gypsy Soul
73
Rev. William F. Mundt, Dr.Theol., is Associate Professor of Theology at
Concordia Lutheran Theological Seminary, St. Catharines.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 74-93
The Imprecatory Psalms:
*RG·s Enemies and Our Prayers in Christ*
Jody A. Rinas
Introduction
I·D LIKE TO THANK THE PROGRAMME COMMITTEE
for the invitation to speak on
this topic, a topic which, if it doesn·t stretch your mind, certainly stretches
mine. I can·t help but wonder if there was a bit of divine providence at work
in this assignment, since already last spring our congregation·s Ladies· Bible
Class had taken up the topics of both the penitential and imprecatory
psalms. There·s some repetition in each category, in the sense that, once
\RX·ve done one or two, you·ve done thHP DOO 6R \RX GRQ·t have to
examine each one in order to see the pattern.
Let·s set the stage by listening to a few words from Psalm 109, a psalm
which is included neither in the red, green, blue, nor maroon Lutheran
hymnals. The NKJV appends the prescript, ´Plea for Judgment of False
Accusersµ. Then we hear David sing,
Do not keep silent, O God of my praise! For the mouth of the wicked and the
mouth of the deceitful have opened against me. They have spoken against me
with a lying tongue. They have also surrounded me with words of hatred,
and fought against me without a cause. When he is judged let him be found
guilty, and let his prayer become sin. Let his days be few, and let another
take his office. Let his children be fatherless, and his wife a widow. Let his
children continually be vagabonds, and beg. (vv. 1-2, 7-10)
And this ´plea for judgementµ goes on for some thirty verses, with some
particularly harsh words.
Admittedly, it takes a bit of fortitude for a person to voice these grave
words with conviction. To demonstrate the challenge in praying like this,
one Rabbi David Blumenthal asked for ´audience participationµ in a
presentation he gave at the annual meeting of the Society of Biblical
Literature some years ago. He asked for a volunteer to read out loud the
acrimonious middle section of Psalm 109. He asked for a second reader, this
*
A devotional essay originally delivereG DWWKH$OEHUWD &KXUFK :RUNHUV· Fall Conference,
6-9 October 2008, along with two other presentations devoted to the Psalter.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
75
time requesting a more expressive reading. A series of readers tried their
mouth at reading for him but failed to deliver on the desired amount of
passion and vigour. He told his hearers that the psalm was to be prayed
´only if you can sustain the anger.µ1
Objections to Imprecation
Such imprecatory or threatening psalms like Psalm 109 go beyond both the
penitential psalms which confess and lament our sin, and the complaint
psalms which grumble to or against God. The imprecatory psalms grumble
against the enemy to the point of actually invoking curses upon him.
´Imprecationµ means curse.2 The psalmist appeals to God for aid, that God
would attack the enemy, bring misfortune or shame upon him (perhaps by
physical inflictions), or carry out vengeance on him and his family.
The immediate reaction to this is, ´Well, that·s not loving the neighbour
as Jesus commanded! Jesus said we should pray for our enemies, but I don·t
think He meant that we should pray like this. We cannot pray such things as
in Psalm 109.µ3 And if that is true, then we also cannot pray such other
things as actually made it into the new Lutheran Service Book: ´Oh, that You
would slay the wicked, O God! Do I not hate those who hate You, O
LORD? I hate them with complete hatredµ (Psalm 139).4
A gentle and pious laywoman, for example, could possibly be tortured
for years by psalms such as this, as she ponders whether or not she should
pray such psalms against her abusive and unbelieving husband. Such a
prayer makes her queasy. This reaction of revulsion toward the psalms is
1
As recounted by MARTI J. STEUSSY in ´The Enemy in the Psalmsµ Word & World 28:1
(Winter 2008): 5-12. Cf. 10. The essays found in this issue are devoted to the subject of
´The Enemyµ
2
ODCC suggesWVWKDW´7KH,PSUHFDWRU\3VDOPVµ is a designation first used by W. Robertson
Smith (1881) for those psalms that invoke divine vengeance. Smith was a Scottish
theologian and Semitic scholar, an author and higher-critical professor. The Oxford
Dictionary of the Christian Church, ed. F. L. Cross (London: Oxford University Press, 1957),
683.
3
See C. S. LEWIS, ´The Cursingsµ Reflections on the Psalms (New York: Harcourt, Brace and
Company, 1958), 20-33. Cp. HEATHER WHITEHOUSE, ´Reflections on Reflection on the
Psalms (1958)µ Lutheran Theological Review 19 (2006-07): 97-104, esp. 99.
4
On the false notion of ´God hates the sin, but loves the sinnerµ see the terse comment in
HORACE HUMMEL, The Word Becoming Flesh (Saint Louis: Concordia, 1979), 434. For a
longer consideration, one may consult RONALD F. MARSHALL, ´Beneath God's
Righteous Frownµ The Bride of Christ, 26.3:10-14. See especially note 1, which pertains to
Psalm 109.
76
Lutheran Theological Review 22
especially prominent and appealing today when a non-judgemental God is
what many people envision when they think of ´Godµ.5 Thus, neither is it
surprising when psalms thought of as ´imprecatoryµ are not included in LSB
(12, 35, 52, 55, 58, 59, 69, 83, 94, 109, 129, 137, 140). Eighty years ago the
proposed revision of the Church of England·s Book of Common Prayer
permitted the omission of such portions of the Psalter from public recitation
as were considered incompatible with the spirit of Christianity. 6
Recently one of our members gave me a copy of a book he no longer
wanted, The Comfortable Pew, in which the author tells the story of why he
left the Anglican Church. One of the reasons he cited was that he heard the
same old ´string of religious clichésµ issuing from the pulpit. As he puts it,
´the repetition of old, familiar phrasesµ was not comforting to him.7 I
submit that, exercising ourselves in the complaint and imprecatory psalms
will keep us from voicing the same grievance. In these psalms there are no
easy answers. Repetition of clichés will not suffice. As we see in these
psalms, followers of the true God have a challenging religion in both deed
and word. Almighty God calls us to carry a cross; He also gives us some
strong words to ponder in His Scripture. We do not sit in comfortable pews.
Just as we cannot fathom why God ´allows the pious to be met by
misfortune and the godless to escape freeµ, devout souls also may not be
able to ´celebrateµ or enjoy the imprecatory psalms because His words
therein simply are hard for us to accept. This, though, is not God·s fault but
ours.8 ´His behaviour is too difficult to grasp.µ9 In some cases, the praying
Christian speaks contrary to his or her heart. 10 Thus the objective Word
instructs our subjective feelings.
A little over a year ago, the imprecatory psalms³particularly Psalm
109³made national news when a Southern Baptist pastor in California
5
Lee Strobel·s recent book, The Case for Faith (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2000), popular in
some circles as a lay manual for apologetics, devotes four of eight chapters to the task of
explaining God·s judgement and the presence of violence in the world: Since Evil and
Suffering Exist, a Loving God Cannot; God Isn·t Worthy of Worship If He Kills Innocent
Children; A Loving God Would Never Torture People in Hell; Church History Is Littered
with Oppression and Violence.
6
ODCC, ´The Imprecatory Psalmsµ 683.
7
PIERRE BERTON, The Comfortable Pew (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Limited, 1965),
23.
8
PATRICK HENRY REARDON, Christ in the Psalms (Ben Lomond, CA: Conciliar Press,
2000), 215.
9
DIETRICH BONHOEFFER, Psalms: The Prayer Book of the Bible (Minneapolis: Augsburg,
1970), 47.
10
CARL AXEL AURELIUS, ´Luther on the Psalterµ Lutheran Quarterly 14.2 (Summer 2000):
193-205; cf. 203.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
77
urged his parishioners to pray the imprecatory psalms against a group
known as ´Americans United for the Separation of Church and Stateµ.11
Announcing his personal preferences in the early stages of the American
presidential campaign, Pastor Wiley Drake had, on church letterhead,
issued a statement endorsing Mike Huckabee as Republican candidate for
president. Since churches are tax-exempt organizations, however, they may
not do such ´campaigningµ. So ´Americans Unitedµ asked the IRS to
investigate the legal status of Drake·s congregation. Drake told his
supporters that he had tried to address the issue directly with ´Americans
Unitedµ, in keeping with the Matthew 18 directive of going privately to
show someone else his fault. But he had had no success. So he then urged
his supporters to appeal to divine justice, by supplying them with Psalm 109
and advising them to pray.12
So now the question becomes, whether this was the right thing for the
pastor to advise his congregation. And in what circumstances does it
become permissible for us to pray the same such psalms?
One more story to get the pump primed. A few years ago a church
member and volunteer Sunday school teacher commented on a nice gift she
got for Christmas, the Bible on tape. She would listen to several chapters
every morning as she rode her stationary bike. So she was getting both
physical and spiritual exercise. She started with Genesis, and listened
through I Samuel. She was eager to speak about how much she had heard.
She writes to her pastor:
Wow, I have learned many things that I never knew were in the Bible!
However, there are some things that I just don·t comprehend; I am so glad
that I didn·t live in Old Testament times, the rituals, the bloodshed; the
expectations that were placed on them were pretty overwhelming. I had a
hard time listening to Judges (especially the last three chapters) and was
relieved when I finally reached the mild book of Ruth!! I am beginning to
think that it·s dangerous for people to read the Bible without any explanation
to go along with it.13
11
In August of 2007. For examples, see
http://articles.latimes.com/2007/aug/25/local/me-beliefs25 and
<http://blogs.usatoday.com/onpolitics/2007/08/dispute-over-pa.html>. Drake reissued
his call to imprecatory prayer six months later in February of 2008. See
<http://articles.latimes.com/2008/feb/16/local/me-drake16>.
12
A very few examples like this are recounted by Matthew Henry (who draws upon Calvin·s
exposition) in his commentary on Psalm 109. See there under vv. 6-20. Matthew Henry·s
Commentary on the Whole Bible, Vol. 3, Job to Song of Solomon (Old Tappan, NJ: Fleming H.
Revell Company, n.d.), 655.
13
Someone who is never taught to understand and love the Scriptures, perhaps an atheist,
will read the Bible and claim that it is full of contradictions; for such a person God is
78
Lutheran Theological Review 22
Yes, indeed, certain parts of the Scripture may shock us, may cause us
consternation or stress when we actually read it. What we read may even
cause us to abandon cherished [heterodox] beliefs! The Bible is no tame
book. Whether it be the books of Joshua and Judges and the idea of ´holy
warµ, the ´oraclesµ written by Jeremiah and the prophets against the pagan,
blasphemous, idolatrous Gentile nations, or the imprecatory psalms and
other severe passages, much in the Old Testament has been described, by
scholars or even pious laypeople, as unfit for reading and meditation. That
is, these books and passages demonstrate the inferior, low-grade quality of
the Old Testament which does not achieve the lofty, high-minded, and more
refined sentiments found in the New Testament. 14 Old Testament content
does not achieve the required grade of ´universal love and compassionµ. It
is the New Testament that describes and encourages superior prayers and
morality.
These arguments which criticize the Bible and destroy its unity are
effective on less-informed Christians who may be tempted to believe that
there are conflicting statements or contradictions in Holy Scripture. In some
cases people are not comfortable talking about their enemies. So that they
will not be judged, they themselves will not express judgements. Or at least
they routinely avoid passages of Scripture which trouble their minds. Such
persons are left in doubt.
Now if psalms are not included in the hymnbook, they are automatically
excluded from devotional consideration or at least deemed substandard.
And if you pick up a Biblical study guide on ´Selected Psalmsµ, you
probably won·t find the imprecatory psalms included. Going back to look
on my notes from Old Testament courses, we did touch ever so briefly on
the imprecatory psalms in seminary training. 15 It may have been beneficial
also to consider the pastoral practice or churchly use of these special psalms.
Hints of Imprecation in our Prayers
There should be no problem with praying the imprecatory psalms. On the
one hand, the church is well-familiar with the petitions in the Lord·s Prayer
which plead for God to let His kingdom come and His will be done. In the
bloodthirsty and cruel. Hence there is the need for the ministerial office, sage housefathers,
and theological scholars who are competent in the task of apologetics. Prerequisite is a
careful reading of God's Word, with attention to context.
14
RAYMOND F. SURBURG, ´The Interpretation of the Imprecatory Psalmsµ Springfielder 39
(1975): 88-102; esp. 96f.
15
One study question out of hundreds.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
79
Small Catechism Pastor Luther explains the latter petition as breaking and
hindering every evil plan and purpose of the devil who does not want to let
God·s kingdom come or His will be done.16 Then there is the petition where
we ask to be delivered from evil. Christians are commanded to pray that the
Holy Spirit would, until the end, preserve them from the enemy. In our
hymnals we also have hymns categorized under the headings of ´Christian
Warfareµ and ´The Church Militantµ.17
So the Christian·s prayers are not void of this thought of violence or
conflict when it comes to his predicament between himself and the enemy.
The opponent may even be the Christian unto himself. St Paul, who can
describe himself as a wretched man, within whom there wages a war of
wills, talks about pummelling his body and subduing it. We might also
mention the preliminary judgement in the church known as
excommunication, in which the wicked man is cut off from the altar, and
the church commits the cause to the One who works repentance and judges
justly (e.g., I Cor. 5; I Tim. 1). God must take serious action against His
assailant or come to defend His people as He has promised. 18
In a way we can all relate to the problem or dilemma in having an
enemy. What shall we do about it? What can you do when you are at odds
with other people? What are your options? There has been a significant
attempt in our synod to promote the ´Peacemakersµ programme in order to
defuse conflict or accomplish reconciliation not only in chaotic situations
but as a part of everyday relationships. (To my knowledge, utilizing the
imprecatory psalms is not a component of the ´Peacemakersµ curriculum.)
And if we consider our holy mother the church and her Gospel, we might
recall that reconciliation between God and His enemy is perhaps the chief
motivation for the Son of God becoming man. That is, Christ becomes a
friend of sinners.
Psalm 109 as Imprecatory Exemplar
Returning to Psalm 109, we can break it up into four sections. David first
appeals to God and lodges a complaint against his enemies (vv. 1-5). Next
he prays against his enemies, that they be condemned and punished (vv. 6-
16
Cf. Large Catechism 3:59-70, in The Book of Concord: The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, trans. and ed. Theodore G. Tappert (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959),
428f.; ´The Sermon on the Mountµ (1532), AE 21:101; What Luther Says, ed. Ewald M.
Plass (Saint Louis: Concordia, 1959), 1100f., esp. entry 3517-19.
17
CHAD L. BIRD, ´Singing Against Our Enemiesµ, Gottesdienst 14.2 (Trinity 2006): 11-13.
18
JOHN N. DAY, ´The Pillars of Imprecationµ Touchstone 19.9 (November 2006): 32-35.
80
Lutheran Theological Review 22
20). The tone shifts in the third part as David prays for God to supply help
and comfort (vv. 21-29). Lastly there comes a doxology and a firm
expectation for deliverance (vv. 30-31).
We see that the Lord has given Psalm 109 to us through David. 19 Yet
David gives no precise indication of the enemy. In the Davidic psalms we
might think of Saul, the Philistines, or David·s rebellious son Absalom as
the perpetrator of wickedness. We are wise to ask, ´For what situation was
this psalm written?µ We seek for ourselves an intelligent reading of the Old
Testament. Rightly we attend ourselves to the history and cult of Israel; we
ask about the use of the psalms in the original setting of Hebrew life and
worship. Yet here we have no exact historical circumstance to which we
may attach this particular song. These songs, of course, are not simply
religious history. As far as their literary genre, they can be categorized as
poetry, better yet, prayers.20 We consider this as we listen to them.
What is significant is how the gifted David composes this psalm under
the Spirit of prophecy21 who has His divine eye set on Christ, His passion
and persecutors. This is no shallow or flighty chorus of revenge; David has
measured his words and guarded against voicing the selfish yearning for
personal vengeance. We note well, in the New Testament, the most
frequently cited Old Testament book is the Psalms. Following numerous
excerpts in the Gospels, we see more citations follow as soon as the Lord
has ascended into heaven. The book of Acts recalls the first order of
business: find a replacement for the apostle Judas Iscariot. In that situation,
a concrete evil had opposed incarnate God; Judas was an embodiment of
the demonic. In overseeing the election of a new apostle St Peter quotes
from two imprecatory psalms, one of which is Psalm 109. 22 To the church·s
plight Peter applies v. 8: ´Let another take his office.µ In this verse David
had first prayed that a certain enemy would die prematurely and that
another, more responsible or faithful office-holder would come forth. This is
one Christological fulfilment of the imprecatory psalm. 23
19
73 psalms are attributed to David.
20
JOHN YOCUM, ´&KULVWLQ$OOWKH6FULSWXUHVµ Touchstone 11.2 (March/April 1998): 29-35.
21
Cp. Acts 1:16; Heb. 2:11f.; 3:7f.; 10:5f.
22
The other quotation comes from Psalm 69:25. This, too, is a psalm of Christ·s passion.
23
In commenting on Psalm 109:6 as a reference to Judas, Martin Luther says: ´When he
refused to listen to Christ, he had to listen to the wicked high priests; and although he was
sorry afterwards and acted as though he wanted to do right, he did not return to the right
path but fell into despair. For Satan was standing directly at his right hand and holding on
to him.µ ´The Four Psalms of Comfort. Dedicated to Queen Mary of Hungaryµ (1526),
AE 14:261.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
81
We may take a lesson here that, while no certain but only general
information may be supplied by a psalm in itself, enlightenment may later
come from the New Testament on how we should regard or use a psalm.
And it may give us great satisfaction to read the sometimes dim Old
Testament through the enlightening lenses of the New Testament. Really,
we are no longer able to read the Old Testament without the completion of
God·s revelation in Christ as it comes to us in the latter Testament,24 nor
should we. Here it is helpful to have some sort of ´study Bibleµ or other
resource in which, when you read the Old Testament, all the references to
the New Testament are prominent or highlighted.25
We may look a little closer at the imprecations in vv. 6-20. At some
length David directs his curses toward the adversary. Surely the Christian
will not curse anyone due to personal hatred or a selfish desire to see
revenge done. For we have those instructive collects in which we implore
God to turn the hearts of all who have forsaken the faith, or to engender
repentance in the hearts of the church·s enemies. So what of praying the
curses?
If we know how to bless, we will also then know how to curse. Or are we
´not aware of the powerµ of sin?26 We must not hesitate to acknowledge
some of the more uncomfortable realities. A great conflict is in progress.
Evil people do exist. Human beings embody wickedness and perpetrate
heinous crimes. Some of this wickedness refuses to give heed, refuses to be
forgiven. False teaching is perpetuated. If permitted to continue, heresy
would become gangrene among those who are nourished by the true faith.
Or perhaps God·s people would be exterminated by the enemy. Such
wickedness can only be destroyed.
24
Liturgically this Christological or Trinitarian fulfilment of the psalms is reinforced by the
addition of the Gloria Patri at the end of each psalm. The Gloria Patri first encouraged
people to join in the singing the psalms, which they didn·t know by heart. It also served to
guard against heterodox Trinitarian teaching in the days of Arianism. The Gloria Patri
also can prevent us from reading the psalms in a purely Zionist fashion. We understand
that these are prayers about Christ and of Christ. Cf. JOSEF A. JUNGMANN, The Early
Liturgy (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1959), 192-95, 204f.
25
In its treatment of Psalm 109, the CSSB does mention the reference to Acts 1, in both the
study notes and the marginal cross-references. In its treatment of Acts 1, the CSSB
includes study note, text note, and marginal cross-reference while offsetting the quotations
with increased margin space. Concordia Self-Study Bible: New International Version, ed.
Robert G. Hoerber (Saint Louis: Concordia, 1986), 905, 1656.
26
Cp. SA 3.iii:20 (Tappert, 306). Speaking positively of the imprecatory psalms, James A.
Reed says that ´men lose sight of the enormity of sin before they utter their mawkish
sentiments against these Psalmsµ (cited in SURBURG, ´The Interpretation of the
,PSUHFDWRU\3VDOPVµ 101).
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
For example, in Psalm 58 David draws a line between the righteous and
unrighteous: ´The wicked are estranged from the womb; they go astray as
soon as they are born, speaking lies. Their poison is like the poison of a
serpent; they are like the deaf cobra that stops its ear, which will not heed
the voice of charmers,27 charming ever so skilfully. Break their teeth in their
mouth, O God!µ Thus God has His enemies and He is ´powerlessµ to
change them. Accordingly, He will subdue them. These curses may then
prove effective; as we observe in Psalm 83 where Asaph says, ´Fill their
faces with shame, that they may seek Your name, O Lordµ (v. 16). Their
condemnation gives way to their salvation. In all things, God will get glory
for Himself, as Asaph then sings, ´Let them be put to shame and perish, that
men may know that you whose name alone is the Lord, are the Most High
over all the earthµ (vv. 17f.).
Who Prays these Psalms?
We read or pray these psalms with a number of levels in mind. 28 First, the
psalms are the individual prayers of David, Solomon, Asaph, Moses, and
others, who are in that old covenant relationship with God. Second, the
psalms are the prayers of the children of Israel, prayers now bequeathed to
us that we might employ them in the church, the new Israel. So we are
inspired and comforted by the psalms as we pray them in our Sunday and
weekday corporate worship settings. This means that the psalms are prayers
for the Christian, the child of God brought into the new covenant by holy
Baptism. God·s Word has been transmitted to us; the hymns of the Jews
have been given to us to sing and pray. Lastly and most importantly, these
are the prayers of Christ our Lord, who Himself is Israel, the Son who is
called out of Egypt. If David can complain of injuries he sustained in the
course of battle with his enemies, how much more could Christ complain of
the same. And since Christ is the head of the church, we as His body, His
members, benefit directly through our incorporation into Christ. We as His
brothers and sisters pray through Him.
In the church, Christians find themselves in Christ, praying with Him
concerning the enemies. In Psalm 109 then, David complains of unjust
treatment and the torment inflicted by his foes. He appeals to God, to whom
27
They cannot sing the third stanza of ´Oh, for a Thousand Tongues to Singµ: ´Jesus! The
name that charms our fears, That bids our sorrows cease; ·Tis music in the sinner's ears,
·Tis life and health and peaceµ (LSB 528).
28
DAVID P. SCAER, ´God the Son and Hermeneuticsµ Concordia Theological Quarterly 59.1-2
(January-April 1995): 49-66.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
83
judgement belongs. We have already seen the reference to Judas and Christ.
In v. 25 David says: ´I also have become a reproach to them; when they
look at me, they shake their heads.µ We cannot but hear the prophecy as
fulfilled at the crucifixion and inscripturated in Matthew: ´And those who
passed by blasphemed Him, wagging their headsµ (27:39). This affliction of
David and Christ has been repeated many times as the church in different
times and places has found herself under threat of punishment, violence,
and extinction, whether it be from empire, nation, or regime. Corrupt
governments and courtrooms commit grievous offences against humanity by
not upholding justice. Praying in Christ, the church has recourse to the One
who judges justly when God·s good order is perverted or reversed. Compare
David·s opening salvo in Psalm 58:1: ´Do you indeed speak righteousness,
you silent ones? Do you judge uprightly, you sons of men?µ So that no more
harm may be done, David contests with his enemies and calls on God to defang their hungry mouths.
To avoid offending anyone, the easier thing to do would be to
spiritualize the curses and apply them to our individual battles within the
soul. And if you are particularly masochistic³or better, if you are aware of
the wretchedness within your heart³apply the curses to yourself, because
surely God·s judgement falls upon us and our transgressions. Sometimes
Christians are their own worst enemies.
If you are squeamish about praying against your enemies, you might
then find it more acceptable to ask God to smite your personal demons such
as lust, depression, or addiction. 29 This method then internalizes the
external threats cursed by the psalmist. Or perhaps, if you follow St Paul
you realize that you do not wrestle against flesh and blood but against the
principalities, powers, and dark rulers of this world. 30 You might ask God to
curse the spiritual wickedness in high places. If the roaring lion is out there
seeking to devour you, it may be good to pull out the big guns.
There·s only one problem to limiting yourself to this spiritualizing, and
that is, in the psalms, the enemies are human. The devil works through
people. The ´unholy trinityµ of devil, world, and flesh are always at work
through deceivers or lovers of wickedness. Even St Paul could say, in the
´morally superiorµ New Testament, ´If anyone does not love the Lord Jesus
Christ, let him be accursed [anathema]µ (I Cor. 16; cf. Gal. 1). Paul directs
this statement as both a warning and a pronouncement to the Corinthians.
As depicted in his first epistle, that congregation is portrayed as a riotous
bunch of no good layabouts. If anyone should continue in this manner, Paul
29
STEUSSY, ´The Enemy in the Psalmsµ 9f.
30
Cf. THOMAS S. BUCHANAN, ´Breaking Teethµ Touchstone 17.2 (March 2004): 25.
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
intimates, he has already received the judgement. All that remains is the
sentencing.
The church will be reproached for not going along with the spirit of the
times. She may be penalized for standing in her teaching. So the church
recognizes that she will be hated just as her Lord was hated. She will be
persecuted by the world just as He was. For example in John 15 Jesus tells
His disciples, ´They hated Me without cause.µ In this Gospel Word, Jesus
gives His own interpretation as He draws from Psalm 109:3, ´They have
also surrounded me with words of hatred, and fought against me without a
causeµ (cf. 35:7, 19; 69:4). True, the church may bring scorn upon herself
through foolish decisions, petty arguments, and poor witness. Yet the reason
she is persecuted is for the sake of Jesus who called her and established her
as His bride. She finds herself praying not as detached victim with a
personal vendetta; rather she prays with Him against the enemies, who hate
God·s cause.31
Perpetually walking through the days and seasons of the liturgical
calendar, we pray during the life of Christ. The praying voice is that of
Christ. Our voice is ´through Jesus Christ, our Lord.µ The voice is not one
of ruthless revenge. Yet the voice is of that heard for battle in these end
times. Christ engages the forces of sin, darkness, and destruction. They must
render an account for their lack of righteous deeds, not doing justice, loving
mercy, or walking humbly with God.
The church, however, does not pray the psalms in quite the same way
that Israel prayed them. The nation of Israel had military enemies who from
time to time attacked individually or in coalitions of the willing. Some of
these are catalogued in imprecatory Psalm 83, where Asaph mentions
familiar foes such as Edom, Moab, and Assyria. These cruel, political
enemies of Israel then were also enemies of God. It becomes a bit easier to
comprehend how Israel was able to give voice to sentiments of imprecation,
since these were enemies of God·s people both church and state.32 For Israel
there was no separation of the two. Under assault was God·s kingdom, His
cause, the destiny of His plan. In some cases these onslaughts commence
without provocation, as David observes in Psalm 109:4-5, ´In return for my
love they are my accusers, and they have rewarded me evil for good.µ In
these words Christological tones again ring clear. 33
31
The church is aligned with, and stands for, those commandments of God and Christ
which the world finds offensive. In FRQWUDVW WKH ZRUOG XSKROGV PDQ·s inherent goodness
and the teaching of works righteousness while persecuting the doctrine of grace.
32
HUMMEL, The Word Becoming Flesh, 434.
33
To sing this in modern expression, see LSB 430, stanzas 3-5.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
85
The church, however, is a kingdom not of this world. As God·s bride she
has no earthly crown, throne, temple, or acreage to defend. Instead she
might understand Judas Iscariot as a sort of ecclesiastical Babylon to be
prayed against. When persecution breaks out against Christ and His
members, they turn to the imprecatory psalms. One might recall atheist
Russia, communist China, Hindu India, eastern or African Islamic
countries, or any place where pastors and their congregations, because of
who or what they stand for, are subject to ridicule, torture, and execution. 34
While Christians extend to their enemies love, they are in faith urged to call
on the Lord who defends them from false teachers, workers of iniquity, and
bloodthirsty men.35 The church may not take up sword and shield, but she
can pray. Then the Lord works to convert or confound the enemy as He sees
fit.
Thoughts on Preaching
For the church, the imprecatory psalms fall into that preaching of the Law
which takes seriously God·s command to be holy.36 Just as the Law must at
some point shut up so that the Gospel can be heard in all its sweetness, here
the Gospel first must be mute so that the Law can hold court.37 Almighty
God holds human beings to a standard. When they do not measure up, they
are punished. This thunderous preaching must persist so that we do not lose
the valuable Scripture, ´It is a dreadful thing to fall into the hands of the
living Godµ (Heb 10). This heavy-handed preaching must go on so that we
are well prepared for that day which we confess in the Creed: ´From thence
He will come to judge the living and the deadµ. We say back to God what
He has first given us to say. The imprecatory psalms are the judgement of
God which He first threatened and promised to those who did not abide in
His way.
34
Sometimes the use of the imprecatory psalms may go unmentioned. JOHN WILCH,
´Islam·s Jihad and the Bible·s Holy War: Answering the Questionsµ Canadian Lutheran
23.5 (July/August 2008): 8-10.
35
Luther says that Christians employ ´curses of faithµ See his rationale in ´The Four
Psalms of Comfortµ AE 14:257f. He also says that our cursing hinges upon the office that
we possess. See AE 21:118-29.
36
´What we have here is the announcements of the judgments of God upon evildoers. We
might call it the Law in its most terrifying aspect.µ W. ARNDT, Bible Difficulties (Saint
Louis: Concordia, 1932), 56.
37
To use the words of Hosea, God must first tear us, must first strike and kill us before He
heals and binds, revives and raises us up (6:1f.).
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
The church carries on this preaching as well, for the sake of her hearers
who may have lost their way or who assumed a soft or non-judgemental
God. God speaks to the human heart, which is very hard, tolerates injustice,
loves arrogance and plots evil. This evil man against whom the church
prays, is quite close to each one of us. 38 Jesus had something to say about
the hearts of men (e.g., Mk 7). Those who refuse to deal justly, or who
simply refuse to hear Him, will be doomed. It is both instructive and
cautionary that the church extols private confession and often includes a
confession of sins in her worship. ´Ye who think of sin but lightly Nor
suppose the evil great Here may view its nature rightly, Here its guilt may
estimateµ (LSB 451:3).
In an early lecture on the Psalms, Luther also offers a remark on
preaching Psalm 109. He observes that the engine of this psalm is found in
its opening verse, where David complains about his reputation which
suffers. Luther says that ´the imprecation of the whole psalm is also
properly directed against those who disparage another·s reputation.
Therefore let him who wants to preach against disparagement take this
psalm in hand.µ39
Wrapped up with the imprecatory psalms is the question of how God
actually executes His vengeance against wickedness. We leave it to Him to
do this. We may or may not see how He carries out His curse. Dr Luther
provides an example under the Fourth Commandment in the Large
Catechism. This is the sole reference to Psalm 109 in the Lutheran
Confessions.40 Luther writes:
Again, as we know from experience, where there are fine old families who
prosper and have many children, it is certainly because some of them were
brought up well and revered their parents. On the other hand, it is written of
the wicked in Ps. 109:13, May his posterity be cut off: and may their name be
cut off in one generation. Learn well, then, how important God considers
obedience, since he so highly exalts it, so greatly delights in it, so richly
rewards it, and besides is so strict about punishing those who transgress it.
In this case Luther sees the psalm fulfilled in wicked parents and their
families.
In another case, Luther applies this same verse (13, ´May his posterity be
cut off; may their name be blotted outµ) to the Jews. He writes: ´Here
[David] returns to a consideration of many; He says their name, not his
38
REARDON, Christ in the Psalms, 114.
39
´Psalm One Hundred Nineµ (1515), AE 11:353.
40
LC 1:138 (Tappert, 384).
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
87
name, to show us that he is talking about an entire nation. All this was
fulfilled in the destruction of Jerusalem.µ41
In a third application of this verse, Luther largely widens the scope of the
fulfilment. He says: ´But everything that the wicked leave behind disappears
and vanishes from sight, as Ps. 109:13 says: His memory will be blotted out
in the second generation. We can see this very thing happening in our
everyday experience.µ42 Luther·s remarks indicate that ´the wickedµ who he
has in mind are ´the apostatesµ as opposed to ´the righteousµ.
We may be surprised to find that Psalm 109 is classified by Luther as a
´Psalm of Comfortµ.43 He could call a psalm of cursing also a psalm of
comfort because within the imprecatory psalms he found some of the most
pleasant phrasings of Gospel consolation. On v. 21, where David calls the
Lord to ´Deal with me for Your name·s sakeµ, Luther exclaims: ´It brings
satisfaction and joy to a heart before God when it can pray for itself against
the wicked in the assurance that our work and our suffering are on behalf of
the Word and work of God, not on our own behalf.µ44 This insight directs
Luther to throw the calumny back on God, so that if God forsakes David,
God is thereby forsaking His own holy name, and this cannot happen.
Therefore, in His steadfast love God will deliver David, a deliverance which
is ´sweet and pleasantµ. Revelation 18²19 incorporates similar imprecations
and consolations³the judgement against Babylon the Great and the
rejoicing of God·s servants who exult in the God who avenges them.
As with all psalms, Christ is the bridge. Only Christ can truly say of
himself, ´I have done no wrongµ (Ps. 59) and thus pray these prayers. It is
Christ who can claim, ´They put gall in my food and gave me vinegar for
my thirstµ (Ps. 69). The One who also then endures the heat of God·s wrath
called for in the imprecatory psalms is Christ Jesus. By virtue of their sin
and inclining themselves against God·s cause, all of humanity falls under
God·s righteous indignation. Yet God has executed His intolerable
judgement by putting³in our place³His own dear Son to suffering,
crucifixion, and tomb: this is the New Testament message. God·s wrath for
41
´7KH)RXU3VDOPVRI&RPIRUWµ AE 14:264. On the next verse he then says: ´I would like
to know what the Jews could say about this psalm. They have to admit that the Scriptures
are talking about them, as St. Paul says in Rom. 3:19. All the verses of this psalm force
one to the conclusion that they are describing a man, whether David or someone else,
who is suffering this among the Jews and cursing them. History supports this text, because
for the past fifteen hundred years no nation under the sun has been as cursed as the Jews.
This did not happen to the enemies of David; but it is happening to the enemies of Jesus
Christ, the Jews, just as these words desFULEHLW7KLVLVLQFRQWHVWDEOHµ$(265.
42
´7KH)RXU3VDOPVRI&RPIRUWµ AE 14:228.
43
´7KH)RXU3VDOPVRI&RPIRUWµ AE 14:257-77.
44
´The Four Psalms of Comfortµ AE 14:272.
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
sin has been appeased. Christ has borne it in His body and soul. All of us
who were God·s enemies now are His friends. If the imprecatory psalms
should trouble us by their harsh pronouncements, we should more be
troubled by the fact that God willed His own perfect and beautiful Son to
die and be condemned for foul and depraved creatures. Let us be unsettled
by the free grace of God and what it cost. For all the thoughts of the New
Testament being a softer, more enlightened canon, this wrath of God is just
as prominent a feature in the New Testament as it is in the Old. Yet we can
escape this wrath through Christ, ´who delivers us from the wrath to comeµ
(I Thess. 1:10c). The threatening psalms are the stiff and sharp utterances of
the Law which humble us for the healing Gospel of Christ, which then in no
way becomes repetitious cliché.
In some sense it may be easier to preach or pray the imprecatory psalms
correctly when one is not party to the rage expressed by the psalm writer.
The one who prays is innocent, and is not confusing his prayer with a selfish
desire to obliterate some personal enemy. Yet he prays in solidarity with
fellow saints who happen to be afflicted. His prayer is sober, sane, unblinded
by anger or grief. He has cause to deliberate on why he should pray these
psalms and who prays in concert with him (Rev. 6:9-12).
It is of great comfort to know that the Lord will come to your aid. He
will forgive all sin and has indeed done so in Christ; but in the end He also
will not brook rejection of that Gospel. The only sin that remains is unbelief.
We have a strong assurance that the Lord of heaven and earth will judge His
enemies, those who reject the blessings of the crucifixion. Psalm 58: ´Surely
there is a God who judges on earth.µ He guarantees their destruction. They
will bear the wrath themselves if they reject the One who bore it for them.
The cause of His people³His cause³will be vindicated. The church
therefore prays that the Righteous King will separate the good and the bad,
if not now then in the Last Day. Sometimes nothing will do for our
condition better than an antiseptic³perhaps an imprecatory psalm³which
stings at first yet leads to ultimate relief. Psalm 109 closes: ´For He shall
stand at the right hand of the poor, to save him from those who condemn
him.µ These words apply to David and the Christian, for together they find
themselves praying in Christ who was that poor Man condemned yet saved.
And here is yet another ´reversalµ in the scope of God·s work: though God
stood at their right hand to help them in their earthly trials, He also will call
them to His right hand, where they will rule and reign with Him in glory.
Frequency of Imprecation
Luther loved the Psalter. His life in the monastery was steeped in the
psalms. There he prayed the Psalter daily and was shaped by it. He then
lectured on it frequently and went on to publish numerous editions of the
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
89
Psalter. In the American Edition of Luther·s Works we have five volumes of
psalm lectures. In the Daily Lectionary printed in the Lutheran Worship
hymnal, some directions from Luther are quoted as follows: ´But let the
entire Psalter, divided in parts, remain in use and the entire Scriptures,
divided into lections, let this be preserved in the ears of the church.µ45 We
therefore have Luther·s encouragement to follow the whole counsel of God.
Perhaps this will only interest you if you are convinced of the value of
daily Bible reading³but it is instructive to observe how our recent Lutheran
hymnbooks encourage us to observe the whole counsel of God in our
individual meditation.46 In The Lutheran Hymnal, we were given a reading
schedule which charts the entire Psalter to be read over a period of one
month.47 That computes as each psalm read twelve times per year. In LW
the Daily Lectionary (p. 295) appointed each psalm to be read twice over a
year·s time.
There is a significant change with LSB. The whole Psalter is not
appointed for reading. Instead we are given a chart for daily psalms which
follows more the seasons of the liturgical year (p. 304). This chart is an
adaptation of the framework given thirty years ago in Lutheran Book of
Worship.48 In some cases now, a psalm is repeated one or more (or many
more) times a year while others are skipped. So if you did follow this
reading plan, you would perpetually ignore some psalms while becoming
much more familiar with others.
We can telescope in on the imprecatory psalms. In this LSB Daily
Lectionary, 53 psalms are not assigned for reading. That means, over the
course of a year, you will jettison one-third of the Psalter, though the other
two-thirds you may become quite familiar with, depending on how many
times certain psalms are repeated.
We might ask how many of those 53 psalms excised from the Daily
Lectionary are actually located in the pew edition? As it turns out, ten of
those 53 are printed³so they certainly could have been appointed for daily
reading. This is immaterial, however, since neither TLH nor LW had the
45
LW, p. 295.
46
For corporate meditation, other charts are supplied in the hymnbooks which specify
psalms for the occasional services of the church.
47
TLH, p. 166.
48
Inter-Lutheran Commission on Worship: Lutheran Church in America, The American
Lutheran Church, The Evangelical Lutheran Church of Canada, The Lutheran Church²
Missouri Synod, Lutheran Book of Worship [LBW] (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing
House, 1978), 178. A cursory look reveals that, in the appointments for Advent,
Christmas, Lent, Easter, and Pss. 145-50, LSB relies heavily on this LBW plan.
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
Psalter in its entirety, yet appointed each and every psalm to be read.
Assumed was your access to those psalms not supplied in the hymnbook.
The obvious question to ask is why those 53 psalms were not
prescribed.49 But what you might·ve guessed, peculiar to the imprecatory
psalms, is true³they are bypassed. Sixteen psalms which I might classify as
imprecatory (3, 10, 12, 35, 52, 55, 58, 59, 69, 70, 83, 94, 109, 129, 137, 50
140) are omitted from the daily rotation. Two of these imprecatory psalms
are included in the LSB Psalter (3, 70), so they certainly could have been
assigned for reading. Four other psalms, which contain only a verse or
verses of imprecation, were included in the rotation (5, 68, 139, 149).
Against Luther·s advice then, we are not observing the whole Psalter. A
pious yet unsuspecting reader of the LSB Daily Lectionary might presume
that he was covering the entire Psalter when in fact that was not the case. 51
He would, however, be repeating other psalms and thus learning them well.
Unfortunately, our Sunday school teacher who is surprised at what she
reads in the Bible will never experience the shock, revulsion, or comfort
aroused from the divine thoughts contained in the imprecatory psalms³if
they are omitted from the reading plan.
What are the devotional implications of this? None, I suppose, if you
don·t use the LSB Daily Lectionary or any lectionary at all.52 We do
49
The LBW model, on which the LSB plan is based, appears (by Pfatteicher·s words) to have
been crafted after their hymnal editors considered the practice of the Episcopal Church.
The Episcopalians had made revisions to the Psalter in their Book of Common Prayer. These
revisions followed the tenor of the liturgical seasons, moving away from a recitation of the
Psalter in its entirety. See the pertinent comments in a companion volume for the LBW:
PHILIP PFATTEICHER, Lutheran Book of Worship: Lutheran Liturgy in Its Ecumenical Context
(Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1990), 381-86.
50
The Service Book and Hymnal omits the offending verses (vv. 7-9) from their pew edition
without giving any notice to the worshipper. The Commission on the Liturgy and The
Commission on the Hymnal, Service Book and Hymnal of the Lutheran Church in America
[SBH] (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1958), 210.
51
The prefatory notes to the LSB Daily Lectionary (p. 299) make clear that the goal is not to
read through the entire Bible.
52
Many devotional readers choose to follow the Portals of Prayer, popular among Lutherans.
According to one of its editors, the Rev. Scot Kinnamon, Portals has no guiding blueprint
for psalm usage. Each contributing author is responsible for selecting the particular psalms
for his or her month·s devotionals. In light of this, it is amazing how few psalms are
missed. I examined the psalm distribution for the Portals issues in the years 2005-2008. We
can assume that 365 psalms have been chosen per year, one for each day of the year. (It
turns out that not every day has an assigned psalm.) By far, Psalm 119 is the most
frequent. Number of individual psalms not employed at least once during the year: for
2005, 17; for 2006, 20; for 2007, 21; for 2008, 19. Only three psalms did not appear once
during the entire four-year span: 83, 109, 129, all imprecatory psalms. The following
psalms appear only once during the same span: 58, 60, 74, 76, 108, 134, 141. Imprecatory
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
91
appreciate LSB for incorporating many more psalms than we have in LW.53
Snubbing the imprecatory psalms, however, does us no good, in that we
remain untroubled by these severe but salutary words from the Lord.
Sometimes it is when we are unsettled that God does His best work on us.
Because I may in my life have no enemies at present, or because I do not
care for the tone of these psalms, I may feel that such psalms have nothing
to offer. Yet I would be mistaken if I therefore disconnected them from the
Scriptural narrative. This might lead to presumptive or dangerous thoughts.
A case in point: while I was a seminary student I was renting a room from a
family that attended the United Church. A few times they would pass along
to me their church bulletins. The following paragraph was regularly
included in their congregation·s Sunday worship bulletins. Here they
describe or explain how they use the Scriptures in their worship setting: ´In
the biblical narrative, we are reading through the Bible. Repetitive verses or
words may not be read in the interest of clarity and brevity. Some sections
will not be read because they may be objectionable, boring, or too far
removed from the general theme of the Bible.µ On the basis of this statement
of faith, it would be my guess that this church does not employ, for
example, ´objectionableµ psalms in their reading. Obviously there is a
different hermeneutic at work here, a frightening one.
Which Psalter?
Just a couple remarks on the translations we employ. Growing up on the old
red (or blue or black TLH) hymnal I remember the use of psalms every
Sunday. The pastor spoke the Introit and the congregation sang the Gloria
Patri. Another excerpt was to follow with the gradual or alleluia, and then
we later sang the Offertory taken from Psalm 51, and ´Blessed is Heµ in the
Sanctus. But my most direct shaping and forming came at seminary and
then in the parish, with one or more psalms used at Morning Prayer. This
was by my count twelve straight years of following the LW hymnal and
either speaking or singing the psalms according to the NIV. This figure must
be compounded for those pastors and people who have followed the NIV
since its 1982 incorporation in Lutheran Worship. The New International
Version may be sharply criticized for various exhibitions of Reformed
theology. It may not, however, be criticized for its ease of phrasing and
psalm 137 appears only twice during that four-year span. On one of those occasions, the
offending verses are omitted from the reading. I thank Mrs Lisa Dickey and Mrs MarjaLeena Kovanen for their assistance in the counting process.
53
Out of 150 total psalms: TLH has 93; LW has 60; LSB has 107; LBW has 122.
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Lutheran Theological Review 22
pleasant readability. The memorization of various psalms is made even
easier by singing them according to their assigned tones.
I must confess, then, being jarred when making the jump to the LSB. I
found myself reading the psalms in the hymnbook in the new ESV
renderings but still saying out loud the old NIV wordings! I am so
accustomed to the NIV that the ESV comes hard. There is something
salutary to Luther·s dictum in the Small Catechism that you pick a version
to learn and stay with it.
For ESV readers, things get worse. Even within the short seven-year
lifespan of the ESV it has gone through a revision, so that what was not long
in place has already been altered. Were those changes necessary? 54
Countless Bible translations are doing us no favours in helping us to learn
one fixed form and stick with it.55 The proliferation of feminism, inclusive
language, and gender-sensitive Bible versions further discourages us to read
the psalms in a Christological way. So now instead of Blessed is the man
we may read Blessed is the one, the person, he or she, or they. Bible
versions can make a big difference.56
Conclusion
I want again to thank the programme committee for the choice of subjects
and the encouragement to pray the psalms. I noted a number of times
during my preparation for this essay that I was feeling guilty. I was feeling
guilty because I kept asking myself how this is relevant. I wasn·t really
trying to accomplish anything other than a consideration of the psalms. I
wasn·t trying to convince you of anything, just trying to listen to what these
difficult psalms had to offer.
Perhaps my reservation is my own perception that so much of what we
hear today seems very utilitarian or pragmatic in its approach, so much so
that, if we are not ´accomplishingµ anything or not ´achievingµ a tangible
goal, we are wasting our time. Yet so much study of God·s Word could
simply be considered ´tracking down leads.µ We enjoy this Scriptural trek
as we follow the current of the river. We let God·s Word carry us; we go
54
At least one of the changes was helpful. See
<http://homepage.mac.com/rmansfield/thislamp/files/20070621_2007_esv_genesis_deu
teronomy.html>.
55
Recall the switch from old to new wordings in the Small Catechism, carried out
midstream in the publishing of the LW hymnal.
56
Cf. ´The Present Impietyµin PATRICK HENRY REARDON´Christology and the Psalter:
The Church's Christian Prayer Bookµ Touchstone 7.2 (Spring 1994): 7-10.
Rinas: The Imprecatory Psalms
93
wherever it winds. There is something to be said for simply resting ourselves
in God·s Word and speaking it aloud, that it might have its way with us.
Psalm 119: ´Oh, how I love Your law!µ We love the Scripture; as we pray
it, God will accomplish what He wants, when and where He so chooses. As
we pray that Word, the bride of Christ may actually become effective in her
intercourse with Him and with others. This devotion to praying the psalms
is an expression of faith and love.
The Rev. Jody A. Rinas is Pastor of Trinity Lutheran Church, Quesnel, British
Columbia.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 94-108
$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V)LUVW6HUPRQRQWKH2IILFHRIWKH*RVSHO
Translated by John R. Stephenson
[Introduction: August Pfeiffer (1640-98) studied in Wittenberg under
$EUDKDP &DORY ‚ DQG -RKDQQ 'HXWVFKPDQQ ‚ ZKR VKDSHG
him into a fellow theologian of the Silver Age of Lutheran Orthodoxy, whose
works later found a place in the library of J. S. Bach. From 1681 (as
´DUFKGHDFRQµ WKH VHFRQG-ranking clergyman at St Thomas in Leipzig, he
taught, from 1684, as professor of Hebrew in that uQLYHUVLW\·V IDFXOW\ RI
theology. In 1689 Pfeiffer accepted the call to be superintendent of the
imperial city of Lübeck, where he served till his death. While still in Leipzig,
Pfeiffer published, in 1685, under the title Der wohlbewährte Evangelische
Augapfel, a 1408-page series of sermons on the successive articles of the
Augsburg Confession. I here offer readers of LTR an English translation of
WKH ILUVW RI 3IHLIIHU·V WZR VHUPRQV RQ $& 5 (Vom Predigtamt, De ministerio
ecclesiastico), which affords us a glimpse into the understanding of this article
E\DW\SLFDOWKHRORJLDQRI2UWKRGR[\·V6LOYHU$JH$FHOHEUDWHGRULHQWDOLVWRI
KLVWLPHWKHOHDUQHG3IHLIIHU FOHDUO\SUHDFKHG PRVWO\WRWKH´JRZQµVHFWLRQ
of a town and gown congregation, breaking frequently into Latin, sprinkling
his oration with French loan words, and quoting Greek and Hebrew with
gusto. Explanations are offered in the footnotes, and the page numbers of the
original are given in square brackets. I have made no attempt to reproduce
the Sperrdruck/wider spacing with bold printing of which Pfeiffer makes
lavish use for the purpose of emphasis. JRS]
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
95
[373] Preface
WE HAVE HITHERTO BY GOD·S GRACE considered the first four articles of our
evangelical1 confession of faith, which are contained in the following rhyme:
*RGEHVSHDNVVLQ·VSRRUHQVODYqGZLJKW
)RU+LVGHDU6RQ·VVDNHIUHHDQGULJKW 2
In this process we dealt with (1) God; (2) man afflicted with original sin
after the fall; (3) the Mediator between God and sinful man, Christ Jesus;
DQG WKH MXVWLILFDWLRQRI D VLQQHU EHIRUH *RG ZKLFK &KULVW·V PHGLDWRULDO
office brings about.
1RZZHFRQWLQXHLQ*RG·VQDPHDQGSURFHHGWRWKHILIWKDUWLFOHRQWKH
office of the Spirit or the preached Word as the means of reception through
which God causes our justification to be offered and conferred according to
WKH ZRUGV RI WKH $XJVEXUJ &RQIHVVLRQ ´7R SURFXUH VXFK IDLWK *2'
instituted the preaching office, gave Word and sacrament, through which as
through means He gives the Holy Spirit, HWFµ
[374] Text: II Cor. 5:20
6RZHDUHQRZDPEDVVDGRUVLQ&KULVW·VVWHDGIRU*RGLVH[KRUWLQJWKURXJK us. So we
QRZEHJLQ&KULVW·VVWHDG/HW\RXUVHOYHVEHUHFRQFLOHGZLWK*RG
Introduction
Here and there in Scripture the Holy Spirit ascribes to bona fide 3 preachers
and teachers, for their especial comfort, sundry glorious predicates and titles
RIKRQRXU7KH\DUHFDOOHG&KULVW·VVHUYDQWVDQGVWHZDUGVRI*RG·VP\VWHULHV
(I Cor. 4:1) *RG·V DVVLVWDQWV (I Cor 3:9);4 anointed ones of the Lord (Ps.
1
,Q 3IHLIIHU·V GD\ WKH /XWKHUDQV FRQVLGHUHG WKHPVHOYHV WKH VROH ´evangelicalµ FRQIHVVLRQ
and denied this style to the Reformed.
2
The rhyme works in German, where Knecht (= slave) matches gerecht (= righteous), but not
LQ (QJOLVK WUDQVODWLRQ KHQFH P\ OLEHUWLHV ZLWK WKH RULJLQDO ´*2WW VSULFKW GHQ DUPHQ
6QGHQNQHFKW9RQZHJHQVHLQHV6RKQVJHUHFKWµ
3
rechtschaffen.
4
Pfeiffer specifies the non-existent I Cor. 3:59, doubtless meaning I Cor 3:9, where the
/XWKHU %LEOH WUDQVODWHV 3DXO·V sunergoi, with Mitarbeiter UDWKHU WKDQ ZLWK 3IHLIIHU·V
Gehülffen.
96
Lutheran Theological Review 22
105:15); the salt of the earth and lights of the world (Mt. 5:13-14); good
soldiers of Jesus Christ (II Tim 2:3); indeed, saviours (Obad. 21);5 those who
through their word save themselves and those who hear them (I Tim. 4:16);
and so on.
And yet perhaps no title presents6 their office more completely than
when Paul calls them, as we have already mentioned, ambassadors in
&KULVW·VVWHDGDQGLQWKLVYHU\XQGHUVWDQGLQJDQJHOVWKDWLVHPLVVDULHVRIWKH
Lord Sabaoth (Mal. 2:7).
There are especially four things to notice in a bona fide legate or
ambassador: (1) his credentials and legitimation; (2) his respect and
reputation; (3) his prescribed instruction; and (4) his skill in carrying out his
task.
[375] Anyone who wants to pass himself off as an emissary must first of
all get himself legitimated and have in his hand and be able to produce letter
of credence from his principal (whether a potentate or a republic) to the one
with whom he has business to transact; otherwise folk will consider him to
be more a spy than an ambassador. Thus anyone who wants to be a bona
fide preacher must get legitimated through letters of credence, that is,
through his orderly vocation, and prove that Christ, either immediately or
mediately, has said to hLP ´$V 0\ )DWKHU KDV VHQW 0H VR , DP VHQGLQJ
\RXµ (Jn 20:21) ´:KRHYHU KHDUV \RXKHDUV 0Hµ (Mt. 10) ´)RU KRZ VKDOO
WKH\SUHDFKLIWKH\DUHQRWVHQW"µ (Rom. 10:15)´1RRQHWDNHVWKHKRQRXU
XSRQ KLPVHOI EXW LV FDOOHG E\ *RG MXVW OLNH $DURQµ (Heb. 5:4). Slovenly
WUDPSVDUHQRWERQDILGHDPEDVVDGRUVDQGLWLVVDLGRIWKHP´,GLGQRWVHQG
WKHPQRUGLGWKH\UXQ,GLGQRWVSHDNWRWKHPQRUGLGWKH\SURSKHV\µ(Jer.
23:21).
(2) If a legate can show his legitimacy through credentials from his
principal, he has such respect and reputation that his person is regarded as
sacred and inviolable (according to the law of all peoples) in keeping with
the proverb, pre,sbij ouvc v u`bri,zetw.7 And what he says has the same force
and vigour as if the principal himself had said it with his own mouth. Thus
ZKHQDSUHDFKHUKDVDSURSHUFDOOLQJKHLV´ZRUWK\ RI WZRIROGKRQRXUµ (I
Tim. 5:17)´7RXFKQRW0\DQRLQWHGDQGGR0\SURSKHWVQRKDUPµ, so runs
5
Pfeiffer specifies the non-existent v. 24.
6
praesentire.
7
According to Liddel-Scott--RQHV·V Greek-English Lexicon, the proverb, pre,sbij ouv tu,ptetai
ouvde. u`bri,zetai ´let not an ambassador be beaten or mistreatedµLVIRXQGLQWKH,OLDG
3IHLIIHU·VLPSUHFLVHUHQGHULQJSUHVXPDEO\IURPPHPRU\PDNHVWKHYHUEDFWLYHLQVtead of
passive and puts the accent on the wrong syllable. (Thanks to T. Winger and J. Grothe for
tracking this down.)
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
97
his safe conduct8 (Ps. 105:15). And what he says to people in the name of
his principal has the same force and vigour and is in effect 9 as much as if
*RG+LPVHOIKDGHVWDEOLVKHGLWLPPHGLDWHO\DQGLQSHUVRQ´<RXDUHQRWWKH
RQHVZKRVSHDNEXWLWLV\RXU)DWKHU·V6SLULWZKRVSHDNVWKURXJK\RXµ(Mt.
10:20).
(3) But a legate must also have a prescribed instruction and order from
his principal [376] concerning what he is to accomplish with others and how
far he should go. These are his limitations that he should not exceed. Thus
teachers and preachers have their instruction in Holy Scripture, to which
they must strictly10 and precisely conform in their office. Secular potentates
are indeed accustomed to subjoin to their instruction the general proviso,
´7KHUHVWZHFRPPLW WR\RXUSUXGHQFHDQGGLVFUHWLRQµ 11 Yet teachers and
preachers have no such comparable provisos (as respects their works in and
IRU WKHPVHOYHV EXW WKH\ PXVW JR VWULFWO\ DFFRUGLQJ WR ´WKH ODZ DQG
WHVWLPRQ\ RI *RGµ (Is. 8:20) ´,I DQ\RQH VSHDNV OHW KLP VSHDN DV *RG·V
ZRUGµ(I Pet. 4:11), neither adding to nor subtracting anything from it. Even
so, the manner in which they present and put things forward is left to their
&KULVWLDQSUXGHQFHDFFRUGLQJWRHDFKRQH·VJLIW
For just as (4) it is not enough for a legate to have his letter of credence,
nor for him to have his respect because he also has his right instruction, but
skill in carrying out his task also belongs to the mix³he must have good
knowledge especially in matters of state, he must also otherwise have good
qualities and, as we say, have a fine conduite about himself, for which reason
great potentates are in the habit of using for this purpose one of their faithful
counsellors or such persons whose skill is known to them. So also it is not
enough for a preacher to have his vocation, the respect and vigour of his
office, and the prescribed instruction and force, but i`kano,thj12 also belongs
WR WKH PL[ ´WKDW KH EH FRPSHWHQW WR WHDFK RWKHUVµ (II Tim. 2:2). Thus we
would have to consider in the ambassadors of Christ:
x
x
x
x
Their credentials and legitimation.
Their respect and reputation.
Their prescribed instructions.
Their skill in carrying out their task.
8
salvus conductus.
9
in effectu.
10
stricte.
11
Reliqva committimus tuae prudentiae & discretioni.
12
fitness.
98
Lutheran Theological Review 22
We shall devote a special treatment to only the first point in the
fourteenth article on the calling of preachers, 13 and for now we want to stick
with the second poinWDQGDFFRUGLQJWR3DXO·VLQVWUXFWLRQSRQGHUWKH
[377] Authority of Preachers
May it please God that we should treat the two remaining points in the
following sermon. D. D. G. S. S. A.14
Exposition
When we now want to contemplate the authority of an ambassador of
Christ, we have to look at:
I. Legati Personam, the person of the ambassador. We, says Paul, namely
I and my equals, my assistants, my fellow-servants,15 my fellow-elders in the
Lord, as also my successors,16 presbeu,omen, Legatione fungimur, are in the
TXDOLW\ RI DPEDVVDGRUV DQG OHJDWHV LQ &KULVW·V VWHDG ZKR KHQFHIRUWK GRHV
not carry out His teaching office personally and with His own mouth, but
uses us as middle-persons for this purpose. He as the Teacher of all teachers,
as the General Superintendent17 DQG,QVSHFWRU RI DOO FKXUFKHV KDV ´SODFHG
some as apostles, some as evangelists, some as shepherds and teachers, that
the saints may be fitted to the work of the office, 18 whereby the body of
&KULVW LVEXLOWXSµ (Eph. 4:10-11). And because the Church was not meant
to end with the time of the apostles, it is obvious that teachers of the Church
could not end with the apostles, but rather that the Lord of the harvest sends
workers into His harvest at all times until the Last Day (Mt. 9:38), and
13
In his sermon on AC 14, Pfeiffer teaches that God calls men into the preaching office
through the whole Church that consists of the three orders made up of clergy, political
UXOHUV DQG SHRSOH ´%XWZKDWNLQG RI PLGGOH SHUVRQV >Mittels-Personen] does God use for
this purpose, and through whom He calls and sends preachers? Answer: The whole
Church at this and that place, consisting of three distinct chief estates, to which belong not
only the clergy [die Geistlichen], but also the civil authorities [die Obrigkeit], and the people
or congregation [Gemeine@µEvangelischer Augapfel, 818.
14
A specialist in the literature of this period has suggested to me that this abbreviated
IRUPXODZKLFKRIWHQRFFXUVLQWKLVRUDVLPLODUIRUPDWWKLVMXQFWXUHRI3IHLIIHU·VVHUPRQV
likely means Deus det gratiam Spiritus Sancti. Amen³May God give the grace of the Holy
Spirit. Amen.
15
Mit-Knechte.
16
Successores.
17
General Superintendens.
18
Pfeiffer quotes this much-FRQWURYHUWHGFODXVHRI(SKIURP/XWKHU·VWUDQVODWLRQ
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
99
hence that every properly called preacher can say with Paul, presbeu,w, I am
DQDPEDVVDGRULQ&KULVW·VVWHDG
[378] But to contemplate the person somewhat more closely, the
DPEDVVDGRUVLQ&KULVW·VVWHDGVKRXOGDVLVHQWDLOHGE\3DXO
VRZQSHUVRQEH
(1) humans19 and (2) men.20
It admittedly seems as though it would catch more attention if with
respect to this office God would simply let His majesty shine or else
deputize His holy serf-spirits,21 the angels, for this purpose. And yet God has
laid this office on men22 alone, and we must marvel that Christ Himself
directs Saul or Paul (with whom He speaks in person) to Ananias, a man, 23
who would tell him what he should do (Acts 9:12). Similarly, while an angel
speaks with Cornelius the centurion in Caesarea, he directs him to Peter,
who would tell him what he should do (Acts 10:16). It strikes reason as
somewhat puzzling that God directs men 24 first and foremost to men.25
Why does He do this, you ask? It happens (as much as we can deduce a
posteriori) for four special reasons:
1. In testimonium divinae Filanqrwpi,aj,26 in witness of His special love:
God so loved the world that He gave His only-begotten Son for its best (Jn
3:16). Yet for the still loftier praise of His name it must not be angels who
propose and present this to men,27 even though they would otherwise have
gladly taken this commission upon themselves inasmuch as they desired to
ORRNLQWR*RG·VP\VWHULHV(I Pet. 1:12), but it must be men28 in order that the
dear Friend of men29 should bind us men30 still more to Himself and show
how much He loved people31 (Deut. 32:3). Oh what is man,32 after all, that
19
Menschen, nominative plural. The German Mensch corresponds to the inclusive use of
´PDQµLQ(QJOLVKWKDWKDVEHHQODUJHO\EDQLVKHGE\´LQFOXVLYHµODQJXDJH
20
Männer, nominative plural of Mann.
21
Frongeister.
22
Menschen, pl., i.e., humans.
23
einen Menschen, accusative singular.
24
Menschen, accusative plural.
25
Menschen, dative plural.
26
In witness to divine love for mankind.
27
Menschen, dative plural.
28
Menschen, nominative plural.
29
Menschen-Freund.
30
Menschen, accusative plural.
31
die Leute.
32
Mensch, nominative singular.
100
Lutheran Theological Review 22
You think of him and the son of man 33 that You esteem him so highly? (Ps.
144:3).
2. In signum divinae evnergei,aj,34 as a sign that the transcendent power
belongs to God and to no creature (II Cor. 4:7). If He had set angels over us
as teachers, we might easily have ascribed the power to the angels, even
though no cherub or seraph is competent to forgive the least sin by his own
power. But now that weak men35 do this and carry about [379] the priceless
WUHDVXUH RI WKH ZRUG DQG VDFUDPHQWV LQ HDUWKO\ YHVVHOV ZH GHWHFW *RG·V
finger on a fresh deed.
3. In Ludibrium Satanicae avlazwnei,aj,36 to insult and defy the wicked
devil. What can more vex the proud spirits than that not angels and thrones
but poor wretched sinful earthworms must turn into knights before them
and tear one soul after another out of their claws and the devil must let this
happen although he would gladly break their necks? The hellish Goliath
must see that, now here now there, a David rises up against him (I Sam.
17:49). He would like to pine away with venom and rage, only:
7KLVZRUOG·VSULQFHPD\VWLOO
Scowl fierce as he will,
He can harm us none,
+H·VMXGJHGWKHGHHGLVGRQH
One little word can fell him.
4. In subsidium humanae avsqenei,aj,37 in aid of our inborn weakness, about
which God knows best, being aware that we can endure neither the
splendour of His majesty nor the glory of the angels. How the children of
Israel creep to the cross when God allowed a glimpse of His majesty to be
YLHZHG RQ 0RXQW 6LQDL ´2K \RX >0RVHV@ VSHDN WR XVµ, WKH\ VSRNH ´ZH
shall obey, aQGOHWQRW*RGVSHDNZLWKXVOHVWZHGLHµ(Ex. 20:19).
Daniel fainted before an angel (10:9). For this reason God in fatherly
fashion stoops down to the level of our weakness and deals with us through
SHUVRQV EHIRUH ZKRP ZH GRQ·W QHHG WR VKDNH DQG WUHPEOH ZKR DUH RXU
equals, who are of our flesh and blood, with whom we can have friendly
and brotherly conversation, to whom we can boldly disclose our concerns;
who are our comrades in battle 38 and confreres; who are also subject to
33
des Menschen Kind.
34
As a sign of divine power.
35
Menschen, nominative plural.
36
In mockery of Satanic pride.
37
For relief of human weakness.
38
Commilitones.
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
101
human weaknesses; who know how to encourage poor sinners and are also
able to sympathize with us and to restore the weak in a gentle [380] spirit
(Gal. 6:1). Moreover, it serves for our greatest comfort that it has pleased
God to appoint not the lofty ones in the world but men of simple or
common condition to this work (I Cor. 1:26f.).
Moreover, God has selected men39 or male persons40 as His legates and
ambassadors and decreed that a woman shall be silent in the congregation (I
Cor. 14:35)DQGDJDLQ´,GRQRWSHUPLWDZRPDQWRWHDFKEXWVKHLVWREH
VLOHQWµ(I Tim. 2:12). Nevertheless, women should not get it into their heads
WKDWWKH\DUHQRWDVJRRGDVPHQLQ*RG·VH\HVWKis is not the meaning! A
ZRPDQKDVDVPXFKFODLPWRDQGVKDUHLQ&KULVWDQGKHDYHQDVDPDQ´LWLV
KHUH QHLWKHU PDQ QRU ZRPDQ EXW \RX DUH DOO RQH LQ &KULVW -HVXVµ (Gal.
3:28). God also wills to pour out His Spirit as much upon women as upon
men, to equip and illumine women as much as men with His gifts (Joel
2:28-29). Women as well as men have vocationem Charitatis, the calling to
love, or are authorized to teach privately their children and servants and
others who need it, just as Paul wants old women to be good teachers (Tit.
2:3). He celebrates Tryphaena, Tryphosa, and Persis, since they have
laboured in the Lord (Rom. 16:12). Only the public teaching office shall not
be conferred on them, among other reasons because the punishment
imposed on them in Gen 3:16 would not permit them to look after the office
of the Church without hindrance. Moreover, they have another prerogative
over men in that the eternal Son of God willed to be born without
involvement of man only of the seed of the woman or from a woman (Gal.
4:4).
1RPDQ·VSRZHURIPLQGRUEORRG
But the Spirit of our God
Made the Word of God be flesh
:RPDQ·VRIIVSULQJSXUHDQGIUHVK
[381] For since Christ excluded all men from helping in His bodily birth,
women, conversely, will not begrudge us men the prerogative of His not
willing to use women as mediating persons to bring about His spiritual birth
LQPHQ·V41 hearts (Gal. 4:4).
II. Personae evxousi,a,42 the authority and power of an ambassador of Jesus
Christ is not auvtokratorikh,, self-generating.43 Teachers and preachers are
39
Männer.
40
Manns-Personen.
41
der Menschen, genitive plural.
42
Authority of the person.
43
eigenthätig.
102
Lutheran Theological Review 22
QRWORUGVRIWKHSHRSOH·VFRQVFLHQFH(I Pet. 5:3). They do not have power to
teach what they want. They cannot make sacraments as the papist mass
priests44 boast of being Creatores Creatoris sui, creators of their own Creator.
Nor GR WKH\ KDYH SRZHU WR DOWHU &KULVW·V VDFUDPHQWV QRU WR SURFHHG
according to their own whim with the keys of heaven and to use them like
lords of the manor, no, they are not principals or lords of our faith (II Cor.
1), but they are servants and ambassadors, and what they do, they do u`pe.r
Cristou/ LQ &KULVW·V VWHDG :KDW WKH\ GR &KULVW GRHV di v auvtw/n, through
WKHP $FFRUGLQJO\ WKHLU DXWKRULW\ FRQVLVWV LQ *RG·V XVLQJ WKHP DV OLYLQJ
instruments and middle-persons. When they preach, absolve, baptize,
aGPLQLVWHU WKH 6XSSHU WKH\ DUH *RG·V sunergoi, or assistants (I Cor. 3:9),
who lend Him their mouth, hand, and understanding (Jer. 15:19). It is a
single avpote,lesma (a divine work), unus et indivisus actus,45 that they
DFFRPSOLVK LQ *RG·V VWHDG DQG WKDW *od accomplishes through them;
therefore their office is called an office of the Spirit (II Cor. 3:6), because He
is present in grace and works through them.
7KHLU SUHDFKLQJ LV &KULVW·V SUHDFKLQJ DV 3DXO VD\V &KULVW LV H[KRUWLQJ
through them,46 and to his 7KHVVDORQLDQV ´6LQFH \RX UHFHLYHG IURP XV
*RG·V ZRUG RI SUHDFKLQJ \RX GLG QRW UHFHLYH LW DV PDQ·V ZRUG EXW DV LW
WUXO\ LV DV *RG·V WRUG ZKLFK LV DW ZRUN LQ \RX ZKR EHOLHYHµ (I Thess.
2:13)$QG&KULVW+LPVHOIVD\V´<RXDUHQRWWKHRQHV>@ZKRVSHak, but
LWLV0\)DWKHU·V6SLULWZKRVSHDNVWKURXJK\RXµ(Mt. 10:20).
Their BDSWLVP LV &KULVW·V BDSWLVP WKURXJK ZKLFK VWLOO DW WKLV KRXU ´WKH
+RO\6SLULWLVULFKO\SRXUHGRXWµ(Tit. 3:6)DQG´&KULVW-HVXVLVSXWRQµE\
the baptized (Gal. 3:27).
Their absROXWLRQLV&KULVW·VDEVROXWLRQDVVXUHO\DVLI&KULVW-HVXVZRXOG
VWUHWFK RXW +LV KDQG IURP KHDYHQ DQG VSHDN ´%H FRPIRUWHG P\ VRQ P\
GDXJKWHU\RXUVLQVDUHIRUJLYHQµ(Mt. 9:2)+HHQWUXVWHGKHDYHQ·VNH\VWR
WKHP DQG VDLG ´:KDW \RX ZLOO ELQG RQ HDUWK VKDOO EH ERXQG LQ KHDYHQµ
(Mt. 16:18) ´:KRVH VLQV \RX UHPLW WKH\ DUH UHPLWWHG DQG ZKRVH \RX
UHWDLQWKH\DUHUHWDLQHGµ(Jn 20:23).
7KHLU FRQVHFUDWLRQ DW WKH YHQHUDEOH 6XSSHU LV &KULVW·V FRQVHFUDWLRQ $V
often as we hold the holy Supper, the symbols of bread and wine
consecrated by them are the communion of the body and blood of Christ (I
Cor. 10:16) 7KXV ZKLOH WKH\ DGPLWWHGO\ GR QRW PDNH &KULVW·V ERG\ DQG
blood, nevertheless they powerfully dedicate the symbols of bread and wine
to this end.
44
Meßpfaffen.
45
A single and undivided act.
46
Pfeiffer is alluding to his sermon text, II Cor. 5:20.
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
103
Experience has shown that Christ in such measure exhorts through them
and is active through their preaching and service. Through his preaching
Peter converted around 3000 souls (Acts 2:41). It struck their heart, which
Cicero with all his persuasiveness47 would never have accomplished. When
WKH VHOOHU RI SXUSOH JRRGV /\GLD KHDUG 3DXO·V SUHDFKLQJ ´WKH /RUGRSHQHG
KHU KHDUWµ WKURXJK VXFK SUHDFKLQJ RI WKH /RUG (Acts 16:14). When, while
still a Manichean, Augustine listened to Ambrose out of mere curiosity,
because he knew his reputation for eloquence, the preached heavenly truth
simultaneously worked in his heart so that he went into himself and finally
came to knowledge of the truth. Simon Pauli 48 relates how he knew an
Epicurean who never came to church, who wallowed in every kind of vice
and in particular slandered and persecuted preachers. Once when a stranger
was to preach in that place, he said [383] he would go and hear the new
SDUVRQMXVWIRUIXQ7KHODWWHUH[SRXQGHGWKHVWRU\RI3DXO·VFRQYHUVLRQLQ
the process expressly exhorting to repentance to the effect that those who
KDYH IDOOHQ ZLWK 3DXO VKRXOG DOVR ULVH ZLWK KLP ERDVWLQJ LQ *RG·V PHUF\
´ZKRGRHVQRWZLOOWKHGHDWKRIDVLQQHUEXWUDWKHUWKDWKHEHFRQYHUWHGDQG
OLYHµ (Ezek. 33:11) DQG ´ZKHUH VLQ KDV Eecome mighty there the grace of
*RG KDV EHFRPH \HW PRUH PLJKW\µ (Rom. 5:20). Hence Cain committed a
JUHDWHUVLQE\GRXEWLQJ*RG·VJUDFHWKDQZKHQKHVWUXFNGRZQKLVEURWKHU
7KH SUHDFKHU DOVR TXRWHGWKH ZRUGV RI $XJXVWLQH ´Mentiris Cain! Major est
DEI misericordia, qvam omnium hominum miseria. You lie, Cain (by saying
your sin is too great to be forgiven), IRU *RG·V PHUF\ LV JUHDWHU WKDQ DOO
misery and wretchedness of men, HWFµ7KURXJKWKLVSUHDFKLQJWKH6SLULWRI
God touched his heart so that after the sermon had ended he said to a
FRPUDGH´*RGEH SUDLVHGWKDW,FDPH WRFKXUFKWRGD\,ZLOOWKLQNRIWKLV
VHUPRQ VR ORQJ DV , OLYH DQG IURP QRZ RQ , VKDOO VWDUW D &KULVWLDQ OLIHµ,
ZKLFKDOVRKDSSHQHG7RWKLVH[WHQWWKHZRUGRI*RGLVLQGHHGD´SRZHURI
God WRVDYHDOOZKREHOLHYHµLW(Rom. 1:16),WLV´OLYLQJDQGSRZHUIXODQG
sharper than any two-edged sword and penetrates till it separates soul and
spirit and also marrow and bone and it is a judge of the thoughts and desires
RIWKHKHDUWµ(Heb. 4:2).
How though, you say, if my preacher, whom I am meant to consider
worthy of twofold honour, does not behave in a way that elicits respect, or is
not favourable towards me, can I even then still draw comfort from his
office? Answer: Inasmuch as he simply abides by his prescribed instructions,
SUHDFKHV*RG·VWord purely and performs the holy sacraments according to
47
Svada.
48
Either Simon Pauli the Elder (1534-91), a Melanchthon student who became
superintendent in Rostock, or his grandson, Simon Pauli the Younger (1603-80), who
emigrated to Denmark where he became a physician to the king; probably the former.
104
Lutheran Theological Review 22
&KULVW·V RUGLQDQFH KLV PDQQHU RI OLIH WDNHV QRWKLQJ IURP WKH RIILFH
(although it would be desirable that he not preach to others and himself be
rejected), [384] just as his favour or disfavour cannot prejudice the power of
the preached Word in the hearers. Someone can bring you a princely gift,
and although the bearer is not well disposed towards you, this takes nothing
from the intention of the giver or the value of the gift. A physician can
indeed prescribe a good diet for others, even though he himself does not live
DFFRUGLQJWRLW2QHFDQVKRZWKHZD\WRDQRWKHUHYHQLIKHKLPVHOIGRHVQ·W
JRRQLW%\WKHVDPHWRNHQWKHVHUYDQW·VGLVSRVLWLRQRUOLIHcan take nothing
from the power of the heavenly treasure, the divine Word, nor can his
XQEHOLHIDQQXO*RG·VIDLWKIXOQHVV(Rom. 3), since the effect of the preached
Word derives not from the worthiness of the preacher but from the divine
power; just as the fruitlessness of the seed derives not from the hand of the
farmer who scatters it, but from its inner power, etc.
Application
This, then, is gnw/sij avlhqei,aj,49 the divine truth so much as it pertains to
the authority and vigour of the preaching office. Now we want to go to
pra,xin evusebei,aj50 and our edification. My concern will be to awaken the
FKHHN\GHVSLVHUVRISUHDFKHUVDQGWKLVWLPHDURXQG,GRQ·WZDQWWRORRNDW
the Anabaptists, Schwenkfeldians, and Enthusiasts, who wanted to throw
out the preaching office and take from it all power and authority, contrary to
the clear Scripture I have quoted to this point. Nor do I want to look at the
Calvinists, who believe that the preached Word has only significative
power51 or that it shows only how we are to be saved or where we should
seek our salvation, but does nothing to effect our salvation. What else is this
WKDQ WR UHMHFW 3DXO·V VWDWHPHQW WKDW ´LW LV D VDYLQJ SRZHU RI *RGµ RU WR
maintain that it cannot effect our salvation? Nor do I want to examine the
papists, who want to deny all efficaciousness and authority to our
evangelical52 preaching office. Against them we intend to demonstrate our
credentials and calling at the 14 th article and thus legitimize our persons
[385]. Rather, I now have to do with false evangelicals53 or such persons as
are whitewashed with the evangelical name and yet hold in poor esteem the
evangelical preaching office.
49
Knowledge of truth.
50
Practice of piety. Even though a determined foe of Pietism, Pfeiffer repeats the Pietist
mantra praxis pietatis.
51
vim significativim.
52
=Lutheran.
53
Pseudo-Evangelicis.
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
105
+DQXQNLQJRIWKH$PPRQLWHVKLGHRXVO\WUHDWHG.LQJ'DYLG·VOHJDWHVRU
ambassadors (who were intended to bring him cRQGROHQFHV RQ KLV IDWKHU·V
GHDWK EXW ZKRP +DQXQ·V HYLO FRXQVHOORUV GHQRXQFHG DV VSLHV +H KDG
their beards cut off, along with half their hair and their clothes halfway up to
their loins, and sent them away in this state. Not only among the Jews, but
also among other nations this was a great injury, just as feudal law 54 later on
LPSRVHG DV PXFK SHQDOW\ IRU SOXFNLQJ RXW D PDQ·V EHDUG DV IRU SXQFKLQJ
him calida manu,55 with dry fists. And as if this were not enough, he had
their coats, that is, according to the custom of the country at that time, their
long coats, cut off to the belt, in Hebrew ~h,yteAtv. d[;, usque ad partes
aversas ipsorum, or up to their behinds. In this way (because at that time the
Jews generally wore nothing on their legs) he shamefully stripped them and
made them an object of public scorn and laughter (II Sam. 10:4). Just such
+DQXQ·V EURWKHUV DUH WR EH IRXQG DPRQJ WKRVH ZKR FDOO WKHPVHOYHV
evangelical Christians, folk who mock and despise servants of God and the
Lord, the ambassadors of Jesus Christ. How many cavaliers are there who
look down on a poor little parson! How seldom do people sit down at a
meal where preachers do not have to be the drinking song that folk gladly
sing (Ezek. 33:32)? The most popular fellow is the one who comes up with
WKHEHVWFDULFDWXUHVRISDUVRQV´&RPHµLWLVVDLG´/HWXVVWULNHWKHSDUVRQ
GHDGZLWKWKHWRQJXHDQGSD\QRDWWHQWLRQWRDQ\WKLQJKHVD\Vµ(Jer. 18:18).
Paul admonishes that we should examine everything with the diligence of
bees and keep the good, but they behave like spiders [386] and keep the evil,
on the lookout for something to slander in the sermon.
I now want to confront such people partly with the heavy burden of
preachers, partly with their special dignity. 56
Their burden is not slight. Indeed, they have severe toil. Anyone who
takes his office seriously and wants to do a good job of parakalei/n and
H[KRUWLQJ PXVW UDFN KLV EUDLQV ZLWK FRQVWDQW VWXG\ ´:KHUH WKHUH LV PXFK
wisdom, there is much vexation, and whoever must teach much must suffer
PXFKµ (Eccl. 1:8) ´7KURXJK PXFK SUHDFKLQJ KH PXVW ZHDU RXW WKH ERG\µ
(12:12). People say that we shake sermons out of our sleeve, except that
54
in jure feudali.
55
With hot hand.
56
Burden (Bürde) and dignity (Würde) rhyme in German, giving Pfeiffer the opportunity for
pulpit emphasis.
106
Lutheran Theological Review 22
such sleeve sermons are right pitiful sermons 57 that usually boil down to
pitiful tautologi,aj,58 a mere logodia,rroian,59 and unfounded chatter.
+HKDVWKHELJ ZRUU\RIQRW RQO\FDULQJIRUKLVRZQVRXODQG´ZRUNLQJ
RXWKLVRZQVDOYDWLRQZLWKIHDUDQGWUHPEOLQJµ(Phil. 2:20), but he must also
carry concern day and night for so many souls who are bound to his own
soul (II Cor. 11:28). Indeed, he shall give account for them on the Last Day
(Heb. 13:17). These factors beget such concerns as these: Have I paid heed
to parakalei/n?60 Have I spoken with due earnestness to secure sinners?
Have I comforted depressed and sick persons according to my best ability?
Have I also applied all possible diligence 61 in my office? Have I not perhaps
neglected this or that soul, so that God will condemn them for their
godlessness while demanding their blood from my hands (Ezek. 33:8)?
There is great danger that in time of persecution we preachers shall be
targeted beyond others as heretics in chief and deceivers of the people and
accorded the worst treatment. And as hunger, war, and pestilence break in
upon the land, we must stand our ground and let things happen as God will.
*UHDW LV WKH LQJUDWLWXGH DQG KDWUHG RI SHRSOH HVSHFLDOO\ LI ZH GRQ·W
preach to them anything good according to their own ideas (I Kgs 22:8)
>@´<RXSURSKHWµLWVD\V´JRDZD\DQGIOHHWRDQRWKHUFRXQWU\DQGHDW
yoXU EUHDG WKHUH IRU WKLV LV WKH NLQJ·V IRXQGDWLRQ ZKHUH VXFK SXQJHQW
SUHDFKHUVDUHQRWQHHGHGµ(Amos 7:12)$V&KULVWSURSKHVLHG´<RXZLOOEH
KDWHGE\HYHU\ERG\IRU0\QDPH·VVDNHµ
Bearing all this in mind, people should rather have sympathy with
preachers as in truth wretched persons than want to inflict more injury and
agony upon them. Yet in this context I also want to confront such slanderers
with the dignity of preachers, which God has granted and given them.
´7KHUHIRUH OHW HYHU\RQH UHJDUG XV DV &KULVW·V VHUYDQWV DQG VWHZDUGV RYHU
*RG·V P\VWHU\µ (I Cor. 4:1). What potentate likes to let his servants, his
legates, be badmouthed? David regarded the affront to his legates as done to
himself. Likewise God will revenge the badmouthing inflicted on His
preachers in the setting and for the sake of their office as an injury to
+LPVHOI ´:KRHYHU GHVSLVHV \RX GHVSLVHV 0H EXW ZKRHYHU GHVSLVHV 0H
GHVSLVHV WKH 2QH ZKR VHQW 0Hµ LQ VXFK D ZD\ WKDW WKH EDGPRXWKLQJ
57
The German word play cannot easily be rendered in English: sleeve (Ärmel) sermons,
pitiful (erbärmlich) sermons.
58
Saying the same thing over and over again.
59
Flow of words.
60
Exhorting.
61
omnem diligentiam.
6WHSKHQVRQ$XJXVW3IHLIIHU·V6HUPRQ
107
redounds upon God Himself, says Christ in Luke 10:1´:KRHYHUWRXFKHV
\RXWRXFKHVWKHDSSOHRI0\H\Hµ(Zech. 2:8).
,I DQ\RQH PLJKW WKLQN ´$UH \RX FOHUJ\PHQ 62 just concerned with your
RZQKRQRXU"µ,UHSO\:LWKUHVSHFWWRRXUSHUVRQDQGH[WHUQDOTXDOLWLHVZH
VD\´1RWXQWRXV/RUGQRWXQWRXVEXWWR<RXUQDPHJLYHWKHJORU\µ(Ps.
115:1). We are absolutely not concerned with external caresses, much less
do we seek in the manner of the Pharisees everywhere to sit in the highest
places, or to flourish our persons as top dogs. In particular 63 we are well
aware what respect we owe to the authorities and patrons placed over us by
God, to those who stand and watch over us in our capacity as cives et membra
Reip.64 and also as beneficiarii65 and clients. We are gladly and willingly
subject to the authorities that have power over us (Rom. 13:1). And for our
own persons we would gladly yield to everyone according to the example of
WKHKXPEOH-HVXV´WKHVHFXODUNLQJV>@UXOHDQGWKHSRZHUIXODUHFDOOHG
gracious lords, but not so with you, but the greatest shall be as the least
DPRQJ\RXDQGWKHIRUHPRVWDVDVHUYDQWµ(Mt. 22:25-26). In this context we
are pressing only for respect to our office and for people to regard it as only
D SOHDVDQW WKLQJ $Q\RQH ZKR GRHV WKLV FRQVLGHUV WKH SUHDFKHU·V RIILFH DV
worthy of reverence, and when he sees his pastor 66 in the pulpit, in the
FRQIHVVLRQDO DW WKH IRQW RU EHIRUH WKH DOWDU KH WKLQNV ´7KLV LV WKH PDQ
whom Jesus Himself has sent to me so that He can bring me into heaven,
WKXV,ZLOOQRZDFFHSWKLVZRUGDQGZRUNDV*RG·V Word and work, HWFµ,I
the heart is full of such respect for the office, everything will soon fall into
place and a reasonable Christian will immediately be able to strike a happy
PHGLXP VR WKDW KH QHLWKHU GHLILHV WKH SUHDFKHU·V SHUVRQIRU WKH VDNH RI WKe
RIILFHQRUGLPLQLVKHVKLVSUHDFKHU·VRIILFHIRUWKHVDNHRIWKHSHUVRQ+HZLOO
also display fitting honour to the person and consider it the dearer and the
more worthy on account of the work, and he will also avoid slandering the
office by despising the person.
I will close with this alone since I know that there will be no one in this
Christian congregation who does not agree with me. On the contrary, as one
of the least ambassadors of Jesus Christ I revel in all the undeserved love
and honour that I have hitherto enjoyed. I can say with good conscience of
\RXWLOOQRZZKDW3DXOVD\VRIKLV*DODWLDQV´<RXUHFHLYHGPHDVDQDQJHO
of God, yes, if it were possible, you would have ripped out your eyes and
62
Geistlichen.
63
In specie.
64
Citizens and members of the commonwealth, republica.
65
Receivers of good.
66
Seelsorger.
108
Lutheran Theological Review 22
JLYHQWKHPWRPHµ(Gal. 4:14). I have exercised my office till now with joy
without sighing. And in the process I wish that I might apply myself to my
legation and embassy among you in such a way that I might one day be able
WRVWHS ZLWK \RX EHIRUH WKH IDFH RI &KULVW DQG VD\ ´/RUG E\ WKH SRZHU RI
Your Spirit I have been a fortunate emissary in this place, I bring a good
report, here am I, and here are my people, whom You have entrusted to me,
let them all with me see Your glory! When I issue this wish and petition,
[389] although not in these precise words, yet in the same understanding
(which happens daily), then You will hear me in Your holy heaven, and
when You hear me You will be gracious and seal my heartfelt petition with
<RXUSRZHUIXO<HDDQG$PHQµ
John R. Stephenson is Professor of Historical Theology at Concordia
Lutheran Theological Seminary, St. Catharines, Ontario.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 109-31
Mission and Confession:
Mission Impossible or Unbeatable Twins?*
Armin Wenz
Introduction:
The Augsburg Confession as a Mission Document
FOR MANY DECADES LUTHERANS HAVE BEEN TOLD that the Lutheran church and her
theology is great in doctrine but bad in practice. Ever since the rise of
missiology as a theological discipline one has heard the complaint that,
especially in comparison with most major Christian church families, the
Lutheran church acted passively both in mission theory and mission
practice. Recent research has shown, however, that Lutheran theology has
been mission-minded from the beginning. This research also has made it
clear that the question should not only be whether someone is missionminded, but also, what kind of mission someone has in mind. Nevertheless,
while it seems that these insights are more and more acknowledged by many
Luther scholars and church historians, they have not yet reached the
ecclesial grassroots, including many of those who have responsibilities in
churches and parishes, the church-leaders, the pastors, and also the missionminded laymen. When it comes to questions concerning Christian outreach,
evangelization, the growth of the Church or even foreign missions, no
denomination seems to be more distrusting and suspicious over against her
own theological foundations and ecclesial practices than the Lutheran
church. Most of the recipes, methodologies, sometimes even expensive
measures for evangelization and mission eagerly welcomed and uncritically
used by many Lutherans in our day can be traced back to trend-setters from
churches and movements that share beliefs which Luther and his friends
considered to be ´HQWKXVLDVWLFµ schwärmerisch) aberrations from the true
biblical faith. Many, of course, consider this an overdue progress in a time
of ecumenical tolerance and global challenges, such as aggressive atheism,
dull materialism, the growth of Islamic populations in the Western world,
and so on. I wonder, however, whether the imitation and propagation of
Western pop and entertainment culture, including the principles of
*
Presentation on occasion of the ´:RUNVKRS/XWKHUDQ0LVVLRQµRQ6HSWHPEHULQ
Bleckmar, Germany (Mission of Lutheran Churches).
110
Lutheran Theological Review 22
economic growth, by many missiological trend-setters of our time will really
help the church to meet these challenges in the long run.
This year (2008) the Lutheran church celebrates the 200th birthday of
Louis Harms and Wilhelm Loehe. These great fathers of the church were
faithful adherents of the Lutheran Confessions, and they were missionminded, both in theory and in practice. Werner Elert, one of the early
VFKRODUVZKRUHIXWHG*XVWDY:DUQHFN·VWKHRU\RID´PLVVLRQOHVVµ/XWKHUDQ
church, FODLPV WKDW ´LW LV QR DFFLGHQW WKDW SURWDJRQLVWV OLNH 5XGHOEDFK
Scheibel, Loehe, L. A. Petri, Louis Harms, and Graul were at the same time
restorers of the confessional consciousness of the church.µ1 The question
then remains whether this combination of being mission-minded and able to
motivate and ignite broad mission movements, on the one hand, and of
being confessional, on the other hand, is merely accidental or whether this
combination grows out of an inner necessity. My thesis, on which I would
like to expound in this presentation, is that mission and confession, both of
the Lutheran kind, are two inseparable twins. The first time I became more
thoroughly aware of this, might have been accidental humanly speaking, but
WKHRORJLFDOO\VSHDNLQJ,FRQVLGHULWWREH*RG·VJXLGDQFH2Q25 June 2000 I
was invited to preach on occasion of a mission festival at a parish of our
church. The parish pastor left it up to me to decide what to preach about.
Since it was the 470th anniversary of the public declaration of the Augsburg
Confession I decided to make the experiment of reading and preaching the
Augsburg Confession as a mission report or a mission document.
Is there any plausibility for such an endeavour? Well, mission reports in
our church usually include information about the specific geographical
context the missionary works in and about the activities and efforts he is
engaged in for the sake of bringing the Gospel to the people in order that
some may believe and be saved where and when the Spirit wants. Now,
how did Chancellor Brück introduce his report? He explicitly states that he
LV JRLQJ WR JLYH D ´Confession of our preachers and of ourselves, showing
what manner of doctrine from the Holy Scriptures and the pure Word of
God has been up to this time set forth in our lands, dukedoms, dominions,
1
WERNER ELERT, The Structure of Lutheranism (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House,
1962), 402. Cf. JOHANNES AAGAARD, Mission²Konfession²Kirche. Die Problematik ihrer
Integration im 19. Jahrhundert in Deutschland, 2 vol. (Lund: Gleerups, 1967). For Loehe see
CHRISTIAN WEBER, Missionstheologie bei Wilhelm Löhe: Aufbruch zur Kirche der Zukunft, Die
Lutherische Kirche²Geschichte und Gestalten, Band 17, (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus,
1996); DAVID C. RATKE, Confession and Mission, Word and Sacrament: The Ecclesial Theology
of Wilhelm Löhe (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 2001). For Louis Harms see
JOBST RELLER, Heidepastor Ludwig Harms²Begründer der Hermannsburger Mission (Stuttgart:
Hänssler Verlag, 2008).
Wenz: Mission and Confession
111
DQGFLWLHVDQGWDXJKW LQ RXUFKXUFKHVµ 2 This statement refers to a specific
geographical context where the Gospel is preached. And it names activities
that are fundamental for the mission of the church. The German original is
even more specific than the English translation, when it speaks about
preaching, teaching, observing, and catechizing.3
But is there any biblical motivation for the confession that makes it an
H[SUHVVLRQRIWKHIXOILOPHQWRI&KULVW·VFRPPDQGWRSUHDFKKLVGospel to the
ZRUOG" :DVQ·W WKH PRWLYDWLRQ IRU WKH $XJVEXUJ &RQIHVVLRQ D FRPPDQGRI
WKH HPSHURU" $QG ZDVQ·W KH OLNH HYHU\ERG\ LQ KLV FRXrt a Christian? The
UHSURDFK DJDLQVW WKH DOOHJHGO\ ´PLVVLRQOHVVµ /XWKHUDQLVP KDV RIWHQ EHHQ
justified by a lack of the use of Matthew 28:18-20, the so-called Great
Commission. To be sure this passage is used in the Lutheran Confessions,
for example, as words of institution for the sacrament of Baptism in the
Catechism. It is also quoted as a proof text for infant Baptism in the
Apology.4 This at least proves that basic mission activities included in the
´*UHDW &RmPLVVLRQµ DFFRUGLQJ WR 0atthew 28 were fundamental for the
life of the Lutheran churches of that day.
And even if the Great Commission is not used explicitly as spiritual
motivation for the Confession at large, there might be other biblical texts
that imply mission activity that are used as spiritual motivation. Albrecht
Peters, in his unsurpassed essay on the spiritual intention and theological
structure of the Augsburg Confession, refers to a letter Luther wrote to
Konrad Cordatus on 6 July, just a few days after the public proclamation of
the Confession at the diet of Augsburg.5 Luther rejoices in the fact that the
confession could be proclaimed before all the dukes and powers of the
Empire. He rejoices in the privilege of having experienced this hour, in
which Christ through his confessors was proclaimed in such a big assembly
with such a wonderful confession. He then quotes two words from
Scripture: Psalm 119:46 and Matthew 10:32-33. Psalm VD\V ´, ZLOO
2
AC, Preface, 8.
3
´unserer Pfarrner, Prediger und ihrer Lehren, auch unseres Glaubens Bekenntnus, was
und welchergestalt sie, aus Grund göttlicher heiliger Schrift, in unseren Landen,
Furstentumben, Herrschaften, Städten und Gebieten predigen, lehren, halten und
Unterricht tunµBSLK, 45f.).
4
´Igitur necesse est baptizare parvulos, ut applicetur eis promissio salutis, iuxta mandatum
Christi: Baptizate omnes gentes. Ubis sicut offertur omnibus salus, ita offertur omnibus
baptismus, viris, mulieribus, pueris, infantibusµ (BSLK, 247.18-24, Ap 19:3). In FC 8 and
in the Catalogue of Testimonies it is used as proof text for the doctrine of the universal
UHLJQDQGXELTXLW\RI&KULVW·VKXPDQQDWXUHZKLFKLVDOVRPRVWUHOHYDQWIRUPLVVLRQ
5
ALBRECHT PETERS, ´Zur Aktualität der geistlichen Intention und theologischen Struktur
der Confessio AugustanaµLQZur bleibenden Aktualität des Augsburgischen Bekenntnisses, FuH
25 (Hamburg: Lutherisches Verlagshaus, 1981), 157-59.
112
Lutheran Theological Review 22
speak of your testimonies also before kings, aQGZLOOQRWEHDVKDPHGµ6RRQ
thereafter this word was added to the title of the Augsburg Confession as its
motto.6 It is printed in our editions of the Book of Concord up to this date.
Psalm 119:46 is taken up by St Paul in his programmatic mission statement
in Romans 1:16-ZKHUHKHVD\V´)RU I am not ashamed of the gospel of
Christ, for it is the power of God to salvation for everyone who believes, for
WKH -HZ ILUVW DQG DOVR IRU WKH *UHHNµ 7KLV SDVVDJH LV IXQGDPHQWDO IRU
/XWKHU·VGRFWULQHRIMXVWLILFDWLRQDVZHOODVIRUWKHSHUFHSWLRQRIWKH efficacy
of the Gospel or the ministry of the Word in the Confessions.7 The Psalm
text about ´JLYLQJWHVWLPRQ\µEHIRUHNLQJVFDQHYHQEHUHDGDVFRPPHQWDU\
for the apostolic mission as it is reported in Acts, where the whole book
moves toward the climax oI6W3DXO·VWHVWLPRQ\LQ5RPHEHIRUH&DHVDU, to
whom he has appealed as Roman citizen³a situation that was quite similar
to that of the confessors of Augsburg. It would be surprising if all these
biblical relations were not in the mind of at least some that took part in
those events surrounding the Augsburg Confession. Matthew 10:32-33, the
RWKHUSDVVDJHTXRWHGLQ/XWKHU·VOHWWHUVD\V´7KHUHIRUHZKRHYHUFRQIHVVHV
me before men, him I will also confess before my Father who is in heaven.
But whoever denies me before men, him I will also deny before my Father
ZKRLVLQKHDYHQµ7KHFRQWH[WRIWKLVSDVVDJHLQWKHGospel of Matthew is
not only a command of mission or public proclamation given by Christ to
his disciples. It refers to a very specific mission situation, namely, a mission
that is endangered by physical persecution. So, although it is true that the
Confessions do not quote the Great Commission of Matthew 28 as
motivation for mission work, they were in the eyes of the reformer Martin
Luther certainly motivated by a mission text that asks for a faithful
testimony in a situation where proclamation imminently means danger of
persecution for the confessors. To be sure, the confessors did not know
whether the emperor and his court would turn out to be enemies or friends
of their confession. Yet the confessors were aware that together with their
confession their very life was at stake. Albrecht Peters reminds us in his
essay that the dukes and city counsellors subscribing to the Augsburg
Confession acted most courageously during the diet of Augsburg. This, by
the way, points us to another analogy between confession and mission. In
both cases we are dealing with joint endeavours of the ordained ministry
and the priesthood of believers. Complaints that all of this is not yet
mission-minded enough have to realize what this focus on the situation of
confession implies. It takes into account not only the possibility, but also the
imminent threat of persecution according to Matthew 10. It implies that at
6
BSLK, 31: ´Et loquebar de testimoniis tuis in conspectu regum et non confundebar.µ
7
Cf. AC 28:10; Ap 4:67; 13:11; FC Ep 7:4; FC SD 5:22; 11:29.
Wenz: Mission and Confession
113
least in the Lutheran Confessions we meet the mission of the church
militant and not of triumphant crusaders who are about to take over the
whole world.
Moreover, the universal perspective is another aspect the confession
shares with mission activity. Luther wrote in KLV ´*UHDW &RQIHVVLRQµ RI
1528 that with this work he wanted to confess his faith article by article
before God and the whole world.8 7KLVPRWLILVWDNHQXSLQ0HODQFKWKRQ·V
preface to the Apology, where he writes: ´, KDYH FRPSULVHG WKH FKLHI
arguments, that there might be among all nations a testimony concerning us
that we hold the Gospel of Christ correctly and in a pious way.µ9 The
universal context includes future generations who through the confession
should be able to get in touch with the true Gospel discovered by the
confessors. This is also emphasized by Luther in the preface of the Smalcald
Articles10 as well as by his students in the Formula of Concord.11
All these texts about the universal validity of their confession also refer to
&KULVW·VVHFRQGcoming for the last judgement as the most urgent motivation
for being sincere, faithful, and uncompromisingly unashamed in
expounding their proclamation of the Gospel. Albrecht Peters writes:
In the necessary polemical expression of the true testimony for Christ the
whole existence of the believer is focused and finds protection³not only
against temptations from the outside, but also against those temptations that
rise from the depths of our own hearts³in the saving action of the triune
God which is praised in our Creed. Insofar the confession holds and bears
the confessor and not vice versa.12
Thus the confessors see their confession as part of the Trinitarian work of
salvation. The mission narrative has its starting point in the sending of
Christ from the Father, continues with the universal sending of the Spirit,
and includes, as fruit of the Spirit, the confession of those who have become
aware of their divine call to proclaim the Gospel purely. This awareness
includes both the responsibility of the church at large (that is, the royal
8
PETERS, 159.
9
Ap, Preface, 15-16.
10
BSLK, 409.19-´apud omnes nationes!µ
11
BSLK, 745.6-11; 748.24-26; 750.12-19 (this passage also refers to what is actually preached
in the churches and taught in the schools); 759.13; 1099f.
12
PETERS ´Im notwendigen Streitwort rechten Christuszeugnisses konzentriert sich
die gesamte Existenz des Glaubenden und birgt sich nicht nur gegen von außen
andringende Anfeindungen, sondern auch gegen die im eigenen Herzen aufbrechenden
Anfechtungen hinein in das Heilswirken dHVGUHLHLQLJHQ*RWWHVZHOFKHVMDXQVHU¶&UHGR·
preist. Insofern hält und trägt das Bekenntnis den Bekenner und nicht der Bekenner sein
Bekenntnis.µ
114
Lutheran Theological Review 22
priesthood) and the responsibility of the called and ordained servants of the
word. Interestingly enough, their divine calling or vocation is the theme of
the article at the very centre of the Augsburg Confession, Article 14. And
their responsibility is the topic of its last big article, the one on the authority
of the bishops or pastors (AC 28). Thus, there is a line of continuity from
article 1 to article 28 of the Augsburg Confession: the Trinitarian mission of
the Son and of the Spirit is continued through the mission of the church at
large that speaks in this confession and of the ministers of the Wword whose
Gospel proclamation is displayed in that very confession.
This serious responsibility includes the call to conversion in AC 28 over
against those who fall short of their very mission calling. Luther quite
VLPLODUO\ODPHQWVDWWKHEHJLQQLQJRIKLVSUHIDFHRIWKH6PDOO&DWHFKLVP´O
ye bishops! [to whom this charge has been committed by God,] what will ye
ever answer to Christ for having so shamefully neglected the people and
QHYHU IRU D PRPHQW GLVFKDUJHG \RXU RIILFH"µ 13 And he concludes this
preface with words that reveal both that he was mission-minded and what
kind of mission he had in mind, when he writes:
Our office is now become a different thing from what it was under the Pope;
it is now become serious and salutary. Accordingly, it now involves much
more trouble and labour, danger and trials, and, in addition thereto, little
reward and gratitude in the world. But Christ Himself will be our reward if
we labor faithfully. To this end may the Father of all grace help us, to whom
be praise and thanks forever through Christ, our Lord! Amen.14
Before we turn to the material contents of the Augsburg Confession as
mission report, let me summarize the analogies between confession and
mission we have discovered up to now:
1. The Confession discusses activities that are fundamental for Christian
mission: preaching, teaching, catechizing.
2. A geographical context: the Gospel displayed in the Confession is
preached in a specific place on this earth as it was before in other places.
3. A universal horizon: the Confession is an invitation to all people of all
times to join in the praise of the true, triune God.15
4. An eschatological peUVSHFWLYH &KULVW·V VHFRQG FRPLQJ PDNHV WKH
FKXUFK·VVWDWHPHQWXUJHQWERWK her mission and her confession.
13
BSLK, 502.9-13.
14
BSLK, 507.21-21.
15
PETERS ´so transzendiert ein jedes rechte Bekenntnis die Glaubensgemeinschaft
oder gar den einzelnen Zeugen und ruft alle Christen, ja alle Menschen herzu zum
gemeinsamen Gotteslob und zur gegenseitigen Fürbitte.µ
Wenz: Mission and Confession
115
5. A consciousness of being part of and being a continuation of the
Trinitarian chain of mission in the history RI *RG·V ZRUOG DQG *RG·V
church.
6. A consciousness and responsibility of being called, sent, and asked to
give account before the world by Christ Himself; this responsibility is
taken on by both the church at large and those ordained into the ministry
of the Word.
Thus we have reason enough to expound the different material aspects of
the Augsburg Confession as part of a mission report. What I am going to do
is to develop a lively skeleton of mission thinking in the Augsburg
Confession. To this skeleton I want to add living flesh from Luther·VEURDG
missionary thinking. In doing so, I will broadly refer to the huge study on
Luther and world mission by the late Swedish scholar Ingemar Öberg which
has just recently been published in an English translation.16
When we read the Augsburg Confession, according to its motto from
Psalm 119:46, as a mission report, at least four major facets become visible
which are relevant for a mission-minded Lutheran church of all ages.
1. The non-Christian, heathen religions are perceived in the light
of the triune God.
It has often been emphasized that one major characteristic of mission work
LV ZKDW ZH FDOO LQ *HUPDQ ´Grenzüberschreitungµ that is, the crossing of
boundaries.17 Of course, one first thinks of geographical boundaries, then of
trans-national, cross-cultural boundaries. But when we discuss Christian
mission work it is obvious that all of these boundary-crossings take place for
the sake of enabling the hearers of the message to make a deeper, a spiritual
boundary-crossing. So first the representatives of the church cross into a
different culture in order to help those on the other side to cross into the
church. Maybe this can be highlighted with the help of the wonderful prison
story from Acts 16. The apostles Paul and Silas enter the prison of
heathenism in order to take the heathen along with them through the open
16
INGEMAR ÖBERG, Luther and World Mission: A Historical and Systematic Study, trans. Dean
Apel (St Louis &RQFRUGLD 3XEOLVKLQJ +RXVH 6RPH RI gEHUJ·V UHVXOWV ZHUH
highlighted already before by scholars like HERMANN DÖRRIES ´/XWKHU XQG GLH
+HLGHQSUHGLJWµ LQ Wort und Stunde, Dritter Band, Beiträge zum Verständnis Luthers
(Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970), 327-46 and WILHELM MAURER,
´5HIRUPDWLRQXQG0LVVLRQµLQLuther und das evangelische Bekenntnis, Kirche und Geschichte,
vol. 1 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970), 159-76.
17
+LQULFK%UDQGWLQKLVSUHVHQWDWLRQ´Was ist Mission?µDWWKHJeneral convention of SELK
in May 1973 in Radevormwald, p. 8.
116
Lutheran Theological Review 22
doors into Christian freedom. It is, by the way, most exciting to perceive
how much mission work the apostle Paul was able to accomplish while
sitting in prison! In a similar way, mission-minded Christians must know
the prisons of those not yet saved. In order to be able to cross the boundary
it is necessary to perceive clearly where the boundary runs.
Therefore one of the first things the confessors of Augsburg do is to draw
the line between the saving Christian faith and representative heathen
beliefs. The confession of the triune God makes the difference between
Christians and other believers. This is made explicit when AC 1 first
confesses the Trinity in accordance with the fathers and then rejects those
who deny the Trinitarian creed, both in history and present day. It is not the
confessors who draw this demarcation line. It is the very contents of their
creed that establishes and marks the boundary that exists objectively
between the living God and the dead idols. Whoever does not confess the
divinity of Christ and the divinity of the Spirit lives outside of salvation,
outside of &KULVW·V Fhurch. Accordingly, Luther writes in the Large
Catechism:
These articles of the Creed, therefore, divide and separate us Christians from
all other people upon earth. For all outside of Christianity, whether heathen,
Turks, Jews, or false Christians and hypocrites, although they believe in, and
worship, only one true God, yet know not what His mind towards them is,
and cannot expect any love or blessing from Him; therefore they abide in
eternal wrath and damnation. For they have not the Lord Christ, and,
besides, are not illumined and favoured by any gifts of the Holy Ghost. (LC
2:66)
Here we realize that it is the very integration of the church into the
Trinitarian mission that manifests the boundary between Christianity and
heathenism. God himself draws the line in the midst of this world where he
HVWDEOLVKHVKLVFKXUFK7KH7ULQLWDULDQFUHHGLVDERXW*RG·V saving work in
Christ alone which he bestows on us through the Holy Spirit. Heathenism,
KRZHYHU LV PDQLIHVW ZKHUHYHU &KULVW·V DQG WKH 6SLULW·V GLYLQLW\ DUH GHQLHG
and salvation is thus turned into a variety of works-righteousness. This is the
case, when the divine is perceived as remaining only transcendent so that
the incarnation or immanence of God is denied, as we find it in Islam. This
is also the case when the divine is perceived as fully immanent and
creaturely phenomena are thus identified with the divine, as happens in the
manifestations of Gnosticism. The struggles of the early church that led to
the ancient creeds confessed in the Book of Concord show that these
aberrations represent a persistent temptation for the church and Christians.
So the line is not only drawn over against pre-Christian religions but also
over against post-&KULVWLDQ UHODSVHV LQWR KHDWKHQLVP :KHUHYHU *RG·V
gracious condescendence in Christ and through the Spirit is denied, the
communion with God and salvation is lost. The demarcation line, drawn in
AC 1, therefore makes clear right from the beginning that the greatest
Wenz: Mission and Confession
117
danger for the Christian mission is the contamination of the Trinitarian
Creed.18 Wherever the doctrinal content of the message entrusted by God is
spoiled, the church is in danger of falling away from the mission chain
LQLWLDWHGE\WKH)DWKHU·VVHQGLQJRI&KULVWDQGRIWKH6SLULW
To cross boundaries cannot mean to adapt the Christian message to the
criteria of pagan religiosity. But it means that one of the major
presuppositions for mission work is a thorough comparison of the different
religious faiths with the Christian creed in all its facets. This is one reason
why Luther supported the publication of a German translation of the
Quran.19 Only if both sides of the line are perceived honestly is a theological
evaluation of the religions and a comparison with the biblical faith
possible.20 This is relevant for mission in two directions. The differences
between both faiths and the specific Gospel character of the Christian
message can be made manifest, for example, by comparing how Christ acts
when he is confronted with sinners and how Mohammad acts in a similar
situation. On the other hand, the discovery of the works-righteousness and
philosophy of self-assertion in Islam can lead Christians to the self-critical
reflection on where they might have fallen to these temptations. Johannes
Wirsching, who expounded this kind of theological comparison of the
Christian faith and Islam in a praiseworthy way, makes the point that the
Christian mission will only be faithful if the Christians themselves
continuously repent from their sinful self-assertions and turn to Christ.
This suggestion of Wirsching must also be applied to the Gnostic
temptation which from time to time seems to plague mission-minded
Christianity when tendencies grow that confuse the human spirit or the
consciousness of the believer with the Holy Spirit, as it was already the case
among the enthusiasts Luther was fighting.21 The mission task of the church
is most certainly harmed when Christians knowingly or unconsciously take
over and fall into such Gnostic temptations. To be ready for the mission of
the triune God therefore demands not only thorough theological apologetics
and knowledge about the different religions but also a thorough and ongoing self-critical dogmatic reflection on the actual practice and
18
+LQULFK %UDQGW ZULWHV ´Es gibt sowohl für die Kirche als auch für die Mission als dem
Weg von Kirche zu Kirche nur eine tödliche Gefahr: die Verfälschung der Botschaftµ
19
ÖBERG, 443-47.
20
-RKDQQHV:LUVFKLQJZULWHVFRQFHUQLQJ,VODP´Aufgrund des vollen biblischen Zeugnisses
DEHU N|QQWH HV ]X HLQHU HFKWHQ ¶5HOLJLRQVPHVVXQJ· NRPPHQ GLH theologisch, nicht nur
religionsgeschichtlich durchschlüge.µJOHANNES WIRSCHING, Allah allein ist Gott: Über die
Herausforderung der christlichen Welt durch den Islam (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2002),
120.
21
6HHWKHFRQGHPQDWLRQRIWKHXQGHUVWDQGLQJRIWKH´6SLULWµDVVLJQLI\LQJD´PRWLRQFUHDWHG
LQWKLQJVµ$&
118
Lutheran Theological Review 22
proclamation of the church. This self-criticism on the basis of Scripture and
confession does include the mission activities of the church. Öberg writes:
When Luther so broadly explains the doctrine about Christ, justification, the
Word and the Sacraments, etc., the reader ought to remember that the
reformer wants to ensure that the apostolic Gospel is proclaimed and nothing
else. He often is extremely critical of the workers who have gone out and
proclaimed a false doctrine. It is not important simply to go out, one must
proclaim a true Gospel; otherwise, one does not do mission or
evangelization, regardless of the zeal with which one does it.22
If we therefore in our time want to remain faithful to the demarcation line
drawn in the Augsburg Confession, we should not lightly ignore those
voices that rightfully warn modern Christianity to beware of Gnostic
tendencies that cannot be overlooked by learned observers. I want to name
here but two systematic theologians, one from the Reformed camp, the
American Michael Horton, and one from the Lutheran camp, the German
Reinhard Slenczka. Both persistently issue the warning that if the mission of
the church aims at human self-realization connected with a prosperity
religion instead of persistent repentance and a life under the cross of Christ,
the danger of falling into the Gnostic trap is not just pending, but real.23
The Trinitarian dogma confessed in Augsburg therefore is most relevant
IRUWKHWKHRU\DQGSUDFWLFHRIWKHFKXUFK·VPLVVLRQVLQFHLWPDNHVVXUHWKDWLW
is not enough to be just mission-minded, but that it is necessary to reflect
upon the question whether it is really the mission of the triune God we have
in mind. The specific Christian understanding of mission as Trinitarian
excludes both depravations: a crusade in the name of a distant God
demanding total submission as well as the Gnostic way of adapting a
UHGXFHG IRUP RI WKH ´GRVSHOµ WR PDWFK WKH UHDO Dnd the artificial needs of
God-seeking natural man and to help him in this way on his path to human
self-perfection. All articles of the Augsburg Confession that follow serve this
one purpose: to ensure that it is the mission of the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Spirit in its unaltered biblical fullness from which we live and in which
we are engaged.
22
ÖBERG, 319.
23
MICHAEL HORTON, In the Face of God (Dallas: Word Publishing, 1996). REINHARD
SLENCZKA, Kirchliche Entscheidung in theologischer Verantwortung. Grundlagen²Kriterien²
Grenzen (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991).
Wenz: Mission and Confession
119
2. A specific solidarity with heathenism is declared by confessing
the universality of original sin.
The realistic assessment of heathenism³which by definition is nonChristian³is not simply a matter of Christian pride and prejudice. Quite the
opposite is true. When analysing the principles and beliefs of the heathen,
Christianity meets the very temptations it has to deal with. And most of all
in doing so, Christians perceive where they themselves have come from, or
better, from what they have been freed and escaped.
This is reflected when the Augsburg Confession discusses original sin in
article 2. The missiological relevance of this article of faith is quite obvious.
In confessing original sin the reformers make clear that the difference
between Christians and non-Christians is nothing natural, but is the result of
*RG·VLQLWLDWLYHWKURXJKBaptism and the Holy Spirit. What is natural is the
unity of mankind livLQJXQGHUWKHFXUVHRIVLQ6LQFH$GDP·VIDOOWKHUHLVQR
true fear of God, no true faith or trust in God. St Paul writes: ´%XW WKH
natural man does not receive the things of the Spirit of God, for they are
foolishness to him; nor can he know WKHPµ (I Cor. 2:14). The free will of
man, without the help of the Holy Spirit, only pertains to earthly things, not
to spiritual things (AC 18). Man, by his own powers, is not capable of
turning to a God who is giving Himself. Blinded by Satan (AC 19) man has
turned away from God. But due to his innate longing for the divine, his
heart has turned into what Luther calls a factory of images of God. Öberg
ZULWHVFRQFHUQLQJ/XWKHU·VXQGHUVWDQGLQJ´7KLVLVWKHURRWRILGRODWU\IDOVH
faith coupled with the pursuit of good IRUWXQHµ24 All this is not a description
of exotic pagan tribes, but the state of all mankind. All live under divine
wrath, all are lost unless God takes the initiative to save them.
So there is a legitimate and even necessary solidarity of Christian
confessors with pagans, not in the sense that they are told, ´Never mind,
WKLV LV WKH IDWH RI DOO \RX ZRQ·W EH EODPHGµ But in the sense that the
Christian never forgets the unfortunate past that lies behind him and that
remains a constant threat even for him, the desperate situation of man
longing for the divine and not being able to reach it. It is interesting to see
how often St Paul emphasizes what great a sinner he was before Christ took
the initiative. Not a sentiment of superiority drives his mission, but a deep
terror concerning the desperate, utter sinfulness from which Christ has saved
him and in which many of his Jewish brothers and the Gentiles still live.
The Christian faith, therefore, is nothing natural, nothing European,
German, nothing that organically has grown out of our abilities or out of
our needs. If we subtract the faith from our very existence nothing but
24
ÖBERG, 53.
120
Lutheran Theological Review 22
heathenism and unbelief remain; nothing but sin and condemnation. This is
our natural heritage and constant source of temptation. The confession of
original sin, therefore, destroys human self-consciousness and any sentiment
of superiority as basis for mission work.
This, by the way, is one reason why, as Ingemar Öberg repeatedly
HPSKDVL]HV LQ /XWKHU·s mission thinking there is an essential unity of
domestic and foreign preaching of the Gospel. Öberg writes:
)RU D ORQJ WLPH ZH KDYH WDONHG DERXW :HVWHUQ &KULVWHQGRP·V HVWDEOLVKHG
churches and Christianity as something completely different from foreign
missions. Luther certainly saw the important and the unique in foreign
PLVVLRQ «. $W WKH VDPH WLPH KH KROGV WRJHWKHU RU LQWHJUDWHV WKH FKXUFK·V
expansion of the Gospel in the West and on the front lines with nonChristians. The reformer starts from the basic premise that Jews and Gentiles
are the audience for the Gospel and develops a mission universalism in
ZKLFKWKH5HIRUPDWLRQ·VKRPHIURQWDQGWKHIRUHLJQIURQWDUHKHOGWRJHWKHU
Mission happens on both fronts based on the same commission and sending
of Christ. According to Luther, we have in principle one battle with two
battle lines.25
/XWKHU·V ZLGH XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI LGRODWU\ DV a universal tendency of the
human heart as expounded in the Large Catechism extends not only to
pagan deities but also to materialistic love for money and to many religious
practices that have crept into the church of his day, including the belief in
RQH·V RZQ JRRG OLIH DQG ZRUNV.26 ´+HDWKHQLVPµ, for Luther, ´H[LVWHG QRW
RQO\ LQ IDUDZD\ ODQGVµ 7KHUHIRUH, ´/XWKHU FRXOG QHYHU GUDZ D GHILQLWLYH
25
ÖBERG, 9. See also pages 53, 61, 140-41, 150-51. Öberg shows that Luther never gave up
the conviction that the Gospel should be preached to Jews and pagans alike. A hundred
SDJHVRIKLV ZRUN DUHGHGLFDWHGWR/XWKHU·VFKDQJLQJ DWWLWXGHVRYHUDJDLQVWWKH-HZVDQG
mission among the Jews (326-428). Öberg argues that some of the very problematical
SROHPLFVRI/XWKHULQKLVODWHU\HDUVZHUHGXHWRWKHIDFWWKDWLQKLV´DQWL--HZLVKµZULWLQJV
he did not really apply his own missiological principles.
26
´7KDWQRZ,VD\XSRQZKLFK\RXVHW\RXUKHDUWDQGSXW\RXUtrust is properly your god.
«0DQ\DRQHWKLQNVWKDWKHKDV*RGDQGHYHU\WKLQJLQDEXQGDQFHZKHQKHKDVPRQH\
and possessions; he trusts in them and boasts of them with such firmness and assurance as
to care for no one. Lo, such a man also has a god, Mammon by name, i.e., money and
possessions, on which he sets all his heart, and which is also the most common idol on
earth « [Y]ou can easily see and judge how the world practises only false worship and
idolatry. For no people has ever been so reprobate as not to institute and observe some
divine worship; every one has set up as his special god whatever he looked to for blessings,
help, and comfort. Thus, for example, the heathen who put their trust in power and
GRPLQLRQ HOHYDWHG -XSLWHU DV WKH VXSUHPH JRG « Besides, there is also a false worship
and extreme idolatry, which we have hitherto practised, and is still prevalent in the world
«ZKLFKFRQFHUQVWKHFRQVFLHQFHDORQHWKDWVHHNVLQLWVRZQZRUNVKHOSFRQVRODWLRQDQG
salvation, presumes to wrest heaven IURP*RG«µ/&:1-23).
Wenz: Mission and Confession
121
border between the reformation of the church/inner mission and the
exterior mission among non-&KULVWLDQSHRSOHVµ27
These observations should make us more hesitant or should even make
XV DYRLG VSHDNLQJ RI ´&KULVWLDQ QDWLRQVµ RU D &KULVWLDQ :HVWHUQ
hemisphere. The very confession of original sin which results in universal
idolatry reminds us that the frontline between Christianity and heathenism
runs right through any nation, any time and place on this earth, even right
through any human heart. If those who are engaged in mission forget that
the confession of original sin also pertains to them, their mission activity is
in danger of becoming more and more spoiled by sentiments of superiority
that will most certainly backfire and harm the results of their activity. Only a
church in which the knees are regularly bent for the sake of confession of
sins original and actual will be able to invite more sinners to join in this
FRQIHVVLRQDQGUHFHLYHVDOYDWLRQWKURXJK&KULVW·VDEVROXWLRQ7KXV ZHWXUQ
to the third facet in the Confession that is relevant for the mission of the
church.
3. *RG·VVDYLQJDFWLRQLQ&KULVWLVWROGDQGSURFODLPHGDVD
narrative by those who have already been saved. This
narrative is effective and includes the faithful administration
of divine institutions the Spirit uses to create faith and build
the church.
A church that confesses original sin with all mankind and that believes that
even the best good works of the believers are spoiled with sinful thoughts,
will put the focus in mission proclamation not on pointing to the good
works or good motifs or even the burning of the heart as proof and
legitimization for the truth of the message, as it is characteristic for
Gnosticism.28 The focus will be on the proclamation and narrative of the
story that has but one plot: how the triune God brought it about and still
brings it about to save human beings from their dreadful situation as sinners
living and being responsible before God.
And since the mission our Confession is a part of is essentially
Trinitarian, the very focus of the Confession and of the mission of the
church, after having clarified the divinity of Christ and of the Spirit, is
nothing but the saving work of these two messengers whom the Father sent
27
ÖBERG, 53.
28
+RUWRQJLYHVWKHH[DPSOHRI0RUPRQVZKRLQWKHLUPLVVLRQZRUN´DVNSRWHQWLDOFRQYHUWV
WR DFFHSW WKHLU WHDFKLQJV RQ WKH EDVLV RI WKH PLVVLRQDU\·V ¶WHVWLPRQ\· ZKLFK WKH\ FDOO ¶D
EXUQLQJRIWKHERVRP·µ
122
Lutheran Theological Review 22
for the sake of His lost creation. Thus, having discussed original sin, the
confessors turn to the Saviour in the Third AUWLFOH DQGVXPPDUL]H &KULVW·V
work of salvation by joining in the Creed of the fathers. The reception of the
Creeds of the early church reminds us that for the Lutheran Reformation
not only the sending of the Spirit at Pentecost is fundamental for the
XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI PLVVLRQ EXW DOVR &KULVW·V DVFHQVLRQ His ubiquity
according to both natures, and His universal reign.29 AC 3 puts it as follows:
´+HDVFHQGHGLQWRKHDYHQWKDW+HPLJKWVLWRQWKHULJKW hand of the Father,
and forever reign and have dominion over all creatures, and sanctify them
that believe in Him, by sending the Holy Ghost into their hearts, to rule,
comfort, and quicken them, and to defend them against the devil and the
power of sin.µ
AC 3 binds together the saving work of Christ and the sending of the
Spirit through whom Christ Himself works for the sake of the believers.
$UWLFOH WKHQ VSHDNV DERXW WKH MXVWLILFDWLRQ RI WKH VLQQHU IRU &KULVW·V VDNH
through faith that receives that forJLYHQHVVRIVLQVDVIUXLWRI&KULVW·VDWRQLQJ
death. This article is a summary of Romans 3 and 4, and is thus based on
one of the fundamental mission texts in the New Testament. The same
message that Paul proclaimed in the capital of the Roman Empire is now
summarized by the confessors before the representatives of another Roman
Empire.
AC 4 thus, at least very briefly, clarifies the central and most important
contents of the mission message according to St Paul. In article 5 the
confessors turn to the divine institutions designed by the triune God for the
sake of creating the justifying faith that St Paul and AC 4 talk about, and
that has its contents in AC 1 and AC 3. AC 5 binds together the divine
institution of the office of the ministry with the sending of the Spirit. This
follows the historical order reported in the New Testament, where Christ
first calls His apostles and assigns to them the ministry of proclaiming His
Gospel and administering His sacraments, and then equips them with the
Holy Spirit. The activities commanded to the apostles by Christ around the
time of His passion and His resurrection, such as Baptism, absolution, and
Holy Communion are expounded in articles 7 through 13. Article 14 finally
makes clear that these divinely instituted actions, on which the church and
her mission are built, shall be publicly administered in the Church only by
WKRVHZKRKDYHEHHQ´ULJKWO\FDOOHGµrite vocatus).
29
See ÖBERG, 157: ´/XWKHU HQHUJHWLFDOO\ DQFKRUV ZRUOG PLVVLRQ LQ &KULVW·V GHDWK DQG
UHVXUUHFWLRQ DQG XQGHUVWDQGV &KULVW·V HQWKURQHPHQW DW WKH ULJKW KDQG RI WKH )DWKHU DQG
WKHVHQGLQJRIWKH6SLULWDVGHFLVLYHSUHVXSSRVLWLRQVIRUFHQWULIXJDOXQLYHUVDOPLVVLRQµ
Wenz: Mission and Confession
123
,I$XJXVW.LPPHLVULJKWZKHQKHFDOOV$&´WKHPLVVLRQ-article of the
Lutheran Reformationµ,30 then we can, we even must read articles 6
WKURXJKDV*RG·VPLVVLRQ programme for the Church that lives under the
conditions of this world and awaits the second coming of Christ for the day
of the last judgement. If we combine these observations with what we find
HOVHZKHUH LQ WKH /XWKHUDQ &RQIHVVLRQV HVSHFLDOO\ LQ /XWKHU·V FDWHFKLVPV
(which can also be regarded a church-EXLOGLQJ ´SURJUDPmeµ), we discover
that the New Testament mission commands (including the Great
Commission) are frequently applied when the Confessions discuss the
necessity that these institutions actually take place and shape the life and
growth of the church. This includes the right and duty of the church at large
to ordain ministers31 who by virtue of their divine call share in the mission
of the apostles and bear the responsibility to continue their ministry as
messengers. Their task is to proclaim the same Gospel and administer the
same sacraments that Christ himself entrusted to His apostles. AC 28 very
clearly summarizes this with the following words:
But this is their (that is, our) opinion, that the power of the Keys, or the
power of the bishops, according to the Gospel, is a power or commandment
of God, to preach the Gospel, to remit and retain sins, and to administer
Sacraments. For with this commandment Christ sends forth His Apostles,
John 20, 21 sqq.: As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you. Receive ye
the Holy Ghost. Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them;
and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained. Mark 16, 15: Go preach
the Gospel to every creature. This power is exercised only by teaching or
preaching the Gospel and administering the Sacraments, according to their
calling either to many or to individuals. For thereby are granted, not bodily,
but eternal things, as eternal righteousness, the Holy Ghost, eternal life.
These things cannot come but by the ministry of the Word and the
Sacraments, as Paul says, Rom. 1:16: The Gospel is the power of God unto
salvation to every one that believeth. (AC 28:5-10)
In our introduction we have already seen that this very awareness of being
called and sent into that serious and salutary office to proclaim the Gospel
purely before the nations is the central motif that proves that the confessions
are considered as part of the divine mission initiated by Christ Himself.
And since the confessors with good reasons are convinced that the
Gospel message they confess is salutary for the growth and well-being of the
30
AUGUST KIMME, ´'LH .LUFKH XQG LKUH 6HQGXQJµ LQ JOACHIM HEUBACH, ed.
´/XWKHULVFKH %HLWUlJH ]XU 0LVVLR 'HLµ 9HU|IIHQWOLFKXQJHQ GHU /XWKHU-Akademie
Ratzburg 3 (Erlangen: Martin-Luther-Verlag, 1982), 100.
31
See the Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the PopeDQG6PDOFDOG$UWLFOHV´2I
2UGLQDWLRQDQGWKH&DOOµBSLK, 457f.).
124
Lutheran Theological Review 22
church of all ages until the coming of Christ, their mission programme is
still relevant and valid for our time.
Again I want to add some remarks of Ingemar Öberg who, having
himself been active in the mission of the church, makes excellent
REVHUYDWLRQV ZKLOH FRQIURQWLQJ /XWKHU·s rich mission thoughts with
aberrations that have become prevalent in our day.
When Luther identifies the divine institutions as marks of the church
(notae ecclesiae) and as decisive mission activities at the same time, a specific
ecclesiology results that does not draw lines around the church which are
invented by humans. Öberg names many practical consequences of
Lutheran ecclesiology. He writes, for example:
In the congregationalism of the Anabaptists, the voluntary decision, the
degree of faith, and the holiness of the individual members becomes too
central. Luther does not speak about how one associates with sanctified faith
fellowships, but how one is won by the Gospel, is given faith, and is, thereby,
incorporated into the church «. /XWKHU·V HFFOHVLRORJ\ LV H[SDQVLYH³
incorporating and not exclusive, demarcating and sectarian. The church³
built by the Father, Son, and Spirit through the Gospel, by unconditional
grace and justification through faith alone³does not know any hopeless
cases. In this context Luther calls the church a hospital.32
The exclusion of a substantially hierarchical ecclesiology, on the other
hand, ensures that even though the public proclamation of the Gospel is
entrusted to the ministry, the whole church is responsible for the
continuation of the divine mission. ´%RWKWKHSULHVWKRRGRIDOOEHOLHYHUVDQG
WKH FKXUFK·V RUGDLQHG PLQLVWU\ FRQVWLWXWH WKH VXSHUVWUXFWXUH RI /XWKHU·V
HFFOHVLRORJ\ DQG PLVVLRORJ\µ 33 The objectivity of the marks of the church
DQGWKHQHFHVVLW\RIRUGLQDWLRQLVQRKLQGUDQFHIRUWKHFKXUFK·VPission, but
gives certainty that she is really part of the Trinitarian mission and not a
human invention based on subjective emotions or arbitrariness of selfproclaimed messengers. Öberg ZULWHV ´:KLOH HYDQJHOLFDO PLVVLRQ
movements of the last two centuries have primarily emphasized the personal
LQQHUFDOOWRVHUYLFHLQ*RG·VUHLJQ/XWKHUDVFULEHVPRUHLPSRUWDQFHWRWKH
outer call of the congregation to the ministry of Word and sDFUDPHQWVµ34
The Swedish scholar is convinced that the strong position of the divine
PLQLVWU\ H[SRXQGHG LQ $& DQG KDV LWV RULJLQ LQ /XWKHU·V RZQ
WKHRORJ\ ´7KHUH LV QR GRXEW WKDW /XWKHU LQ D FRPSOHWHO\ GLIIHUHQW PDQQHU
32
ÖBERG, 85-86.
33
ÖBERG, 95.
34
ÖBERG, 95.
Wenz: Mission and Confession
125
WKDQ WRGD\·V UHYLYDO-oriented Lutheranism and evangelical Christianity
guards the place of the ordered, FKXUFKO\RIILFHLQWKHOLIHRIWKHFKXUFKµ 35
Another example of refreshing insights that are at hand if one takes
serious not only the fact that Christ wants mission but also the way He
wants HLVPLVVLRQWREHLV/XWKHU·VDSSOLFDWLRQRI-RKQWKHLQVWitution of
the office of the keys in the Gospel of John connected with the sending of
the Spirit to His apostles. Luther observes that the starting point of mission
here is the SaviouU·V SHDFH DIWHU His victory on the cross. This peace gives
birth to a faith and joy that is able to ease all anxiety in His disciples
throughout the ages. The peace they experienced they are supposed to pass
on in their mission activity by forgiving sins. Öberg comments:
Contemporary Lutheran mission has often failed to see that John 20:23
includes private confession and absolution. It is extraordinarily important
that world mission should follow Luther by integrating the general sending
and the Word and sacraments with a well thought out, evangelical use of the
power of the keys in pastoral care and church discipline. It is especially
sorrowful that private confession has such a weak place on the mission field
«. A sign of the church ought also to be a sign of mission, according to
/XWKHU·VLQWHJUDWLRQRIFKXUFKDQGPLVVLRQ.36
One could also point to Matthew 16 here, where Christ Himself ties the
building of HLVFKXUFKWR3HWHU·VChristological confession and to the office
of the keys.
Summarizing these observations, ZH FRXOG DGG WR /XWKHU·s paradoxical
dictum that the poor Holy Spirit knows nothing but Christ, as a second
paradox that the poor Holy Spirit in His mission to mankind knows nothing
but Word and sacraments as real means of grace. The Reformers obviously
were not puzzled by these findings. Their problem, yes, their very mission
was not to help the Spirit and add more means of the church to those
instituted in the Scriptures; but their problem and mission was to regain
these means and to free them from all human additives invented by the
medieval church in order to make the Christian message more easily
accessible and compatible with human needs. In the first part of the
Confessions the reformers were engaged in regaining the true contents of the
Christian message and the genuine tools and methods of the Holy Spirit.
The second part then can be read as a battle against the human additives
which, quite contrary to the good intentions of their inventors, turned out to
EH QRW VXSSRUWLYH IRU WKH FKXUFK·V PLVVLRQ DW DOO EXW YHU\ KDUPIXO LQGHHG
So we turn to the fourth aspect of the Augsburg Confession as mission
document.
35
ÖBERG, 303.
36
ÖBERG, 165.
126
Lutheran Theological Review 22
4. The mission of the church at large is not the execution of
human laws or programmes, but an expression of Christian
freedom.
In Apology 7 Melanchthon names another missiological consequence of
binding the church to the means of grace for the universal freedom, spread,
growth of the church, when he writes about the Church catholic,
that we may not understand the Church to be an outward government of
certain nations, but rather men scattered throughout the whole world, who
agree concerning the Gospel, and have the same Christ, the same Holy
Ghost, and the same Sacraments, whether they have the same or different
human traditions.37
Anyone who might be afraid of boredom, considering the few means of
grace through which the Spirit works, will here discover that under the
FRQGLWLRQ RI IDLWKIXOQHVV WR &KULVW·V LQVWLWXWLRQV IRU WKH VDNH RI His worldwide mission there is no community of persons except the church which is
so flexible and able to live under all nations, with different customs and
local traditions, with different languages, and mentalities. To be sure, the
Gospel has the power to shape and reform all these mentalities, traditions,
customs, and even languages. But what is preached and spread out in the
mission of the church is never cultural imperialism of any kind but the reign
of Christ. The spiritual character of this reign makes earthly
contextualization of a Christian life possible, and at the same time sets the
limits for this contextualization.38 The awareness of belonging to His
kingdom thus enables Christian missionaries and even laymen to live under
all kinds of earthly reigns without necessarily being forced to disobey these
DXWKRULWLHV gEHUJ JLYHV PDQ\ H[DPSOHV IURP /XWKHU·V ZRUNV ZKHUH WKH
reformer points to the ability of believers to cross cultural and geographic
boundaries, which is due to the fact that they believe in an eternal home.
Abraham in Canaan, Joseph in Egypt, Daniel in Babylon, Jonah in
Nineveh, are early role models for Christian missionaries explicitly named
by Luther.39
One main aspect of this specific Christian freedom certainly is the radical
distinction between the power of the Word and the power of the sword. By
criticizing the Roman system, the reformers free the mission of the church
37
Ap 7:10-11.
38
ÖBERG, 114; cf. p. 187.
39
ÖBERG, 103- KHUH S ´7KH SDWULDUFKDO ecclesia peregrinans is ultimately a preaching
DQG PLVVLRQDU\ FKXUFK « >7@KH KLVWRU\ RI WKH SDWULDUFKV LV DOVR D FKDSWHU LQ PLVVLRQ
KLVWRU\µ
Wenz: Mission and Confession
127
from methods that are necessary in the state or in businesses, but if applied
to the church would spoil everything. AC 28, after pointing to the institution
of the office of the keys as fundamental for churchly authority, solemnly
states: ´7KHUefore the power of the Church and the civil power must not be
confounded.µ 7KH ELVKRSV, to whom the means of grace and mission are
entrusted, are to focus on their specific ecclesial calling. And in doing so
WKH\ PXVW DFW ´sine vi, sed verboµ without human force, simply by the
Word.40 This methodological reductionism certainly robs the church of
privileges, money, and power. But at the same time it sets free spiritual
activity, divine riches, and power. Faith is a miracle of the Spirit that cannot
and must not be forced by means and techniques taken from the realms of
politics or economy, as was the case, for example, in the missiology of
indulgences, which were supposed to help the church grow in heaven as on
earth by having people pay for the wellness of their souls.
At the same time, the anti-hierarchical aspect of Lutheran ecclesiology
and missiology results in a rediscovery of the three estates, politia, oeconomia,
and ecclesia, in which the Christian as fruit of his saving faith has the task to
act in love by serving his neighbour in the very vocation he lives in. No one
who has come to faith in Christ, and is preserved therein through Word and
sacraments, needs to bring forth additional marks of holiness by leaving
behind his natural life. Quite to the contrary, the Lutheran Confessions
teach that Christians live their faithful lives together with and next to nonChristians in the orders of creation instituted by God for all mankind.41
Thus every Christian serving faithfully where God has called him already
contributes to the mission of the church, since he shows that the Saviour
who died for him and the Spirit who brought him to saving faith have their
origin in the one loving God who is the Creator and Preserver of mankind.
The Lutheran Reformation therefore teaches that Christians as part of the
priesthood of believers should first of all focus on being Christian witnesses
LQWKHLUHYHU\GD\OLYHV/XWKHUYHU\RIWHQDVFULEHV´DPLVVLRQL]LQJHIIHFWµQRW
RQO\ WR WKH ZRUGV RI &KULVW EXW DOVR WR D ´VDQFWLILHG OLIHVW\OHµ.42 Being a
faithful mother or father, or a teacher, and regarding children as a gift from
God to whom the GRVSHO VKDOO EH SURFODLPHG LV SDUW RI *RG·V XQLYHUVDO
mission. Being a ruler and preserving peace, freedom, and justice for all
citizens is also part RI*RG·VXQLYHUVDOPLVVLRQI Tim. 2:1-7).
40
AC 28:21. See ÖBERG´/XWKHUVWDQGVDJDLQVWDOOIRUPVRIKRO\ZDUDQGDOOIRUPVRI
PLVVLRQE\WKHVZRUGµDQG´FUXVDGHDJDinst the Turks is a blasphemy against Christ
ZKRZDQWHGKLVIDLWKIXOWRZDJHDVSLULWXDOZDUZLWKVSLULWXDOZHDSRQVµ
41
ÖBERG, 25-32.
42
ÖBERG 6HH DOVR ´D PLVVLRQ RI OLIHVW\OHµ DQG ´2QO\ WKH *RVSHO FDQ JLYH
faith, but a mild and honest life DPRQJ&KULVWLDQVFDQRSHQWKHZD\IRUWKH*RVSHOµ
128
Lutheran Theological Review 22
The notion of the priesthood of believers for Luther is especially
LPSRUWDQWLQDVLWXDWLRQRISHUVHFXWLRQZKHQDIRUHLJQSRZHURFFXSLHVRQH·V
homeland and public Christian worship is not allowed. This happened to
the south-eastern part of Europe, and was considered a serious threat also
IRU *HUPDQ\ GXULQJ PDQ\ \HDUV RI /XWKHU·V OLIH, when Turkish troops had
come as far as Vienna. Under an explicitly pagan rule it is up to the
Christians to give a faithful witness in word and deed. Since the church is
not bound to any local ideology or mentality or political or economic rule, it
can survive under any historical circumstances. However, it always has to
WDNHLQWRDFFRXQWWKDWDV/XWKHUFDQVD\´WKHFURss and persecution always
follow the expansion of the Gospel.µ43 Luther especially meditates on this
when discussing mission work among Muslims. He knows that in former
Christian regions that have fallen to the Ottoman Empire many Christians
have turned into Muslims. 7KHUHIRUH ´/XWKHU FULWLFL]HV WKRVH ZKR GR QRW
WKLQN WKDW LW ZRXOG EH GLVDVWURXV WR IDOO LQWR WKH KDQGV RI WKH 7XUNVµ 44
Nevertheless, those Christians taken captive by the Turks can give a
Christian testimony in a situation where public worship is not possible.
Luther exhorts these captives to be patient and faithful as the Jews in
Babylon were. And he encourages his fellow Germans to pray and meditate
on the Catechism in order to be prepared before they are captured so that
they might be spiritually equipped.45 To convert someone from the Turkish
IDLWKWR&KULVW/XWKHUFRQVLGHUV´to be the highest and most costly work.µ46
But not only among the Muslims can it what Luther learns in the book of
Acts be observedWKDW´WKHGospel will always be opposed and received by
RQO\DIHZµ47 No force must be applied by the church, but the church might
EHIRUFHGWRDFNQRZOHGJHWKDW´WKHODPSVWDQGKDVEHHQUHPRYHGµ 48 from a
VSHFLILFSODFHE\WKH/RUGRIWKHPLVVLRQ1HYHUWKHOHVVHYHQ/XWKHU·VZRUGV
of the Gospel as a wandering torrential rain moving from one land to
another do not imply for him that mission work should not be done in lands
that had received the Gospel already earlier in history. Öberg makes the
important remark: ´7KLV LV ZRUWK QRWLQJ EHFDXVH WKH IRUemost archLutherans have sometimes been cold to mission/evangelization in post-
43
ÖBERG, 116.
44
ÖBERG, 479.
45
ÖBERG, 480-85.
46
ÖBERG 6HH DOVR ´/XWKHU GRHV QRW DW DOO FRQVLGHU WKH FRQYHUVLRQ RI WKH 7XUNV
LPSRVVLEOH7KH\DUHQRWSUHGHVWLQHGWRIDOVHEHOLHIDQGKDUGQHVVµ
47
ÖBERG, 183.
48
ÖBERG, 137.
Wenz: Mission and Confession
129
&KULVWLDQ DQG VHFXODUL]HG ODQGVµ 49 Where doors are completely closed,
according to Luther, the preachers should leave, since sometimes God can
hinder mission work, thereby telling the missionaries that He is the one who
PDLQWDLQV ´FRQWURO RYHU WKH PLVVLRQ ZRUN.µ50 )URP 3DXO·V OHWWHUV /XWKHU
learns that in such situations, and generally in mission work, the
proclamation of the Gospel must be accompanied by continuous prayer.
Mission work takes place on the battlefield between God and Satan, so it is
never without the old evil foe who tries to destroy the seed while it is sown.
Therefore, as Öberg ZULWHV ´3DXO RQ WKH PLVVLRQ IURQWOLQHV DQG /XWKHU RQ
the Reformation frontlines bend their knees and pray to the Father that
*RG·V :RUG DQG JUDFH PLJKW JR GHHSO\ LQWR WKH KHDUWV RI SHRSOH VR WKH
IDLWKOLIHDQGORYHRI&KULVWLDQVPLJKWEHLPSURYHGµ 51
Luther never spoke, for example, of a planned and programmed church
growth ´to evangelize the world in this generation.µ Church/mission stood
LQWKHIURQWOLQHVDJDLQVW6DWDQ·VUHLJQ2QWKDWIURQWOLQHRQO\*RG·VSRZHU
could decide the future of the church. It was God who led the growth of his
own reign, and this reign would never be accepted by all people.52
5. Conclusion and impulses for our present situation
Truly, the Lutheran Confessions can and should be read as mission
GRFXPHQW&RPELQHGZLWK/XWKHU·VPLVVLRQWKLQNLQJWKH\RIIHUDPXOWLWXGH
of missiological insights that are still relevant for us today. I would like to
finish my presentation by taking up some of these insights and turning them
into three challenges both for the home front and for the foreign front. For
Luther and the Confessions both fronts are one for theological reasons. In a
globalized world we have even more reasons for not separating them
anymore.
Challenges on the home front
Every reflection on mission work and every mission activity should be
accompanied by what Christian Möller calls the conversion of the
49
ÖBERG, 321.
50
ÖBERG, 190.
51
ÖBERG, 274-75.
52
ÖBERG, 132-33.
130
Lutheran Theological Review 22
converts,53 that is, a self-critical examination of the motifs, methods, and
means we apply in our mission thinking and mission activity. This
examination should take place according to the theological principles
displayed in the Lutheran Confessions, since they are a true expression and
part of the Trinitarian mission of the Church catholic. The Confessions help
us especially to become aware of the Gnostic temptations which easily turn
WKH&KULVWLDQIDLWKLQWRDYDULDQWRIQDWXUDOPDQ·VUHOLJLRVLW\, when it is used
as means for self-perfection or self-assertion. Then the condemnation of
religious natural man through the Law and the justification of the sinner
through the Gospel easily are replaced by the notion of grace that perfects
nature by satisfying its needs and desires. This would turn the Christian faith
into a works-righteous and basically pagan system in which God is made
LQWR DQ LGRO DFFRUGLQJ WR PDQ·V QHHGV *QRVWLF WKHRORJ\ DOZD\V KDV D
tendency to get rid of the Old Testament, with its anti-pagan, antipolytheistic power. The conversion of the converts, therefore, includes both,
the rediscovery of the Old Testament as a missiological source and the
obligation to pray and work for the conversion of Israel to Christ. To refrain
from mission among Jews³be it due to anti-Semitic sentiments or be it due
to post-modern inclusiveness³ZRXOG PHDQ WR IDOO VKRUW RI &KULVW·V
command.
One major challenge on the home front is Islam. Since Luther had
already taken into account a Muslim majority or reign in Germany, his
reflections on mission among Muslims could be most helpful in our
situation. Any Christian activity to get deeper knowledge of Islam must be
supported.54 The church needs gifted members who learn the specific
languages of Muslim people. Muslims who have been baptized could serve
as lay missionaries both in Germany and in their homelands.
Another challenge still is post-Christian atheism, the silent, mainly
practical version, and the aggressive polemical version that is on the rise
DJDLQ 7KH FKXUFK·V WDVN Kere is to clarify and refute the atheistic
misconception of the Christian faith, which is very often confused with
general religiousness by atheists.55 In testifying to atheists it is important to
realize that the Christian message does not necessarily satisfy and answer
the burning needs and questions of natural man. Not only the atheist but
53
0|OOHULQKLVSUHVHQWDWLRQ´6LHKHLFKVHQGHHXFKZLH6FKDIHPLWWHQXQWHUGLH:|OIHµ0W
10,16). Missionarische Kirche ja ² aber wie?µ at the district convention Hessen-Sued of
6(/.RQ$SULOLQ2EHUXUVHO´'LH%HNHKUXQJGHU%HNHKUWHQµ
54
A great example is the work of ELRIM, a Finish mission society working in Istanbul and
Mannheim.
55
A fine and promising example of how this could be done is the essay by MICHAEL ROTH,
´Welches Gespräch kann der Glaubende dem Atheisten anbietenµLutherische Beiträge 13
(2008): 225-40.
Wenz: Mission and Confession
131
any addressee of the Gospel will rebel against this message, since it turns
natural religious thinking upside down.
Challenges abroad
Educated and ordained missionaries should be sent and taken care of by the
church at large where the doors are open and the missionaries are welcome.
The theological education of local pastors and the thorough
catechization of laymen are of overwhelming importance. This is a mission
field where churches with a rich and orthodox theological heritage have a
deep responsibility. Öberg in his book reminds us that from 1520-60, 5000
foreign students from all over Europe studied at Wittenberg, many of them
from countries which had hardly any higher education.
The last challenge on the foreign front I want to mention is persecution
which takes place in many Muslim or Communist countries. Luther in his
ZRUN´2Q&RXQFLOVDQG&KXUFKHVµFRXQWVSUD\HUDQGWKHFURVVDPRQJWKH
marks of the church. The churches in the free world must learn to
acknowledge persecution of brothers and sisters in the world as integral part
of their own mission. More urgent prayer and help for persecuted Christians
might not only make the free churches more mission-minded. It might even
be helpful as preparation for persecution which cannot be excluded in future
Europe, either.
If these challenges drive us into prayer³asking for the salvation of both
Jews and heathen people³, and humility concerning our own power, we
will be prepared to join joyfully in the mission of the triune God with whom
alone all things are possible. Öberg writes in his excellent book, ´0LVVLRQ
seen from a human perspective is an impossible undertaking. But through
His Word, God makes the impossible possibOHµ56
Rev. Armin Wenz, Dr.Theol.LV SDVWRURI6W -RKQ·V/XWKHUDQ&KXUFK (SELK),
Oberursel, Germany, and a regular guest instructor at Lutherische
Theologische Hochschule.
56
ÖBERG, 498.
LTR 22 (Academic Year 2009-10): 132-34
Sermon
They Come Cringing (Psalm 66:1-7)*
Kurt A. Lantz
DEAR CHILDREN OF ADAM,
Grace and peace to you from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.
7KHSVDOPGLUHFWVXVWR´Say to God, ¶How awesome are your deeds! So great
is Your power that Your enemies come cringing to you.µ7KDWVRXQGVLPSUHVVLYH
We would like to see that. Watch the enemies of God come crawling on
their bellies, faces in the dust, begging for mercy. But when does that
happen? We don·t see it.
We don·t see those who kill our brothers and sisters in Christ end up on
their hands and knees. We don·t see the leader of North Korea or the
government of China, or militant Muslims and Hindus who have attacked
God·s people bow their heads in shame and plead for forgiveness. We don·t
see those who made fun of us at school for believing that God created the
world experience the humiliation they made us feel. We don·t get to watch
those who ridiculed us for spending a beautiful Sunday morning in church
get blasted by lightning while playing golf.
If we don·t see it, when does it happen? How does it happen? Is it even
true that God·s power is so great His enemies come cringing to Him? Do we
have to wait until the final Last Day before we get to see anything like that?
Do we have to take action ourselves in order to get things rolling? Should
we start another round of Christian Crusades, invading Muslim countries,
throwing eggs at the houses of our Muslim neighbours, ridiculing our
classmates and co-workers of different faiths³perhaps beating them up in
the schoolyard or parking lot³so that they learn to cringe before God?
No, most definitely not. Jesus gave quite different instructions to the
seventy-two He sent out ahead of Him (Luke 10). He warned them that they
ZHUHJRLQJWRHQFRXQWHUHQHPLHV´Behold, I am sending you out as lambs in the
midst of wolvesµ Y 7KH\ ZHUH WR WDNe no moneybag, no knapsack, no
sandals. Their only provision was the Word of God. That was all they took
*
Preached on the Sixth Sunday after Pentecost, 4 July 2010, at Resurrection Lutheran
Church, St. Catharines, Ontario. The Gospel of the day was Luke 10:1-20.
Lantz: They Come Cringing (Ps. 66)
133
as they went out into enemy territory. Was it enough? Were they wellequipped? Did it work?
They preached the wRUG´The kingdom of God has come near to youµvv. 9,
´They returned with joy, saying, ¶Lord, even the demons are subject to us in
Your name!· And He said to them, ¶I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven.
Behold, I have given you authority to tread on serpents and scorpions, and over all the
power of the enemy, and nothing shall hurt you·µvv. 17-19).
In the preaching of the Word of God, in the announcement that the
kingdom of God has come near, the demons crawled. Satan fell to the dust.
In the Word of the Lord there is power that causes His enemies to come
cringing.
7KH\FDQQRWVWDQGWKDWSUHDFKLQJRIWKH:RUG´The kingdom of God has
come near to you.µ 7KH\ GRQ·t want the kingdom of God anywhere near
them. They don·t want the King Jesus to be near them. They hate Him.
They are jealous of Him. They tried to destroy Him and could not. That
infuriates them. And since they cannot defeat Him, but rather are defeated
by Him, they go after His people. They go after us, attacking us with doubts
and misinformation and persecution as they whisper in our ears lies and
half-truths that would convince us we don·t want the kingdom of God near
us either.
We don·t want the kingdom of God taking control over our beautiful
Sunday mornings. We don·t want the King telling us what we should and
should not do. We don·t want the Lord to control our lives, making us feel
guilty about our sins, telling us that there is only death and hell for us if we
do not repent.
%XWLQWKDWZRUG´The kingdom of God has come near to you.µ:HKHDUWKH
gracious love of God in sending the King to a people like us. We hear a
PHVVDJHRIZRQGHUDQGKRSHDQGXQEHOLHYDEOHPHUF\´The kingdom of God
has come near to you.µ7KHNLQJGRPRI*RGKDVFRPHWRVRPHRQHOLNH\RX$
sinner who deserves death and hell has been given the kingdom of God.
The King, Christ Jesus, has come to you, becoming flesh and blood to
die for your sins. He came to bring you into the kingdom, to make you an
heir with Him of a priceless inheritance that does not spoil or fade. The
King has come to adopt you into the royal family, to save you from what
you deserve and to give you what you could never achieve on your own.
´The kingdom of God has come near to youµ, and that good news makes
Satan cringe. It makes the demons crawl. It works. It is God·s power and
you are the proof that it works.
As a sinner you are God·s enemy, and it is only by the power of His
Word that you come cringing to Him. You come to Him cringing because
of your sins. You know what you·ve done. You know that He knows what
you·ve done. You know what you deserve because you heard it in His
powerful Word. You know that you have nowhere else to go than to come
cringing to Him. And so you do because by the power of His Word you
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know that He is gracious and merciful and forgiving to those who come to
Him.
God·s Holy Law makes you cringe, and His Holy Gospel makes you
come to Him. It is that powerful. We confess in the explanation to the
&UHHG ´, EHOLHYH WKDW , FDQQRW E\ P\ RZQ UHDVRQ RU VWUHQJWK EHOLHYH LQ
Jesus Christ my Lord or come to Him, but the Holy Spirit has called me by
WKH*RVSHOµ6& 2, 3rd Article). That·s the power that His Word has. It calls
you into faith. It converts you from sinner to saint. It takes away the guilt of
your sin. It causes you to praise God, not to rebel against Him.
All of this power is what Jesus gave to those He sent out ahead of Him.
It is the same power that He still gives to those whom He sends. His
SURPLVHWRWKHPVWLOOVWDQGV´The one who hears you hears Meµ/XNH
That is good because we know that our words can do nothing. It is His
Word that is powerful. It is His Word that makes His enemies come
cringing. It is His Word that brings about repentance and bestows
forgiveness. When we hear the voice of those whom He has sent, we hear
Him.
When we come cringing to Him with our sins, He lifts us up with His
holy absolution. When we hear those whom He has sent say that we are
forgiven, we hear Him. What He does for us children of Adam is awesome.
He removes every trace of our guilt and shame and makes us His children,
holy and pure. He saves us from death and hell, so that we pass into our
promised inheritance in heaven on dry ground, following the footsteps of
our King Jesus who died and rose again for us.
In God·s superabundant mercy He gives us men who carry with them
His powerful Word, and He sends them out to places where the enemy
holds His people captive. Places far away and places very near, right here
even. Because there are wolves here, too, and without the preaching of
God·s powerful Word to announce that the kingdom of God has come near
to us, we would never know, would soon forget, and would certainly perish.
But as it is, under His gracious care, with His eyes upon the nations, His
men proclaim His Word even to us and the enemies of God come cringing.
The peace of God which passes all understanding keep your hearts and
minds in Christ Jesus.
Rev. Kurt A. Lantz is pastor of Resurrection Lutheran Church, St. Catharines,
Ontario.