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How Did Porfirio Díaz Stay in Power for 35 Years in Mexico?
By Christopher Minster,
Mexico, 1907, The journalist James Creelman interviews Porfirio Diaz. (1)
http://latinamericanhistory.about.com/od/thehistoryofmexico/p/08diazinpower.htm
Dictator Porfirio Díaz, a heroe of the battle of Puebla (2) stayed in power in Mexico
from 1876 to 1911, a total of 35 years. He served as President the entire time except for
1880-1884, when he ruled through his puppet Manuel González. After 1884, he
dispensed with the farce of ruling through someone else and re-elected himself several
times, occasionally needing his hand-picked Congress to amend the Constitution to
allow him to do so. During that time, Mexico modernized, adding plantations, industry,
mines and transportation infrastructure. Poor Mexicans suffered greatly, however, and
conditions for the most destitute were terribly cruel. The gap between rich and poor
widened greatly under Díaz, and this disparity was one of the causes of the
Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Díaz remains one of Mexico's longest-lasting
leaders, which raises the question: how did he hang onto power for so long?
He Was a Great Politician:
Díaz was able to deftly manipulate other politicians. He employed a sort of carrot-orstick strategy when dealing with state governors and local mayors, most of whom he
had appointed himself. The carrot worked for most: Díaz saw to it that regional leaders
became personally wealthy when Mexico's economy boomed. He had several capable
assistants, including José Yves Limantour, who many saw as the architect of Díaz'
economic transformation of Mexico. He played his underlings off against one another,
favoring them in turn, to keep them in line.
He Kept the Church Under Control:
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Mexico was divided during Díaz' time between those who felt that the Catholic Church
was holy and sacrosanct and those who felt it was corrupt and had been living off of the
people of Mexico for far too long. Reformers such as Benito Juárez had severely
curtailed Church privileges and nationalized Church holdings. Díaz passed laws
reforming church privileges, but only enforced them sporadically. This allowed him to
walk a fine line between conservatives and reformers, and also kept the church in line
out of fear.
He Encouraged Foreign Investment:
Foreign investment was a huge pillar of Díaz' economic successes. Díaz, himself part
Mexican Indian, ironically believed that Mexico's Indians, backward and uneducated,
could never bring the nation into the modern era, and he brought in foreigners to help.
Foreign capital financed the mines, industries and eventually the many miles of railroad
track that linked the nation together. Díaz was very generous with contracts and tax
breaks for international investors and firms. The vast majority of foreign investment
came from the United States and Great Britain, although France, Germany and Spain
were also important.
He Cracked Down on the Opposition:
Díaz did not allow any viable political opposition to ever take root. He regularly jailed
editors of publications which criticized him or his policies, to the point where no
newspaper publishers were brave enough to try. Most publishers simply produced
newspapers which praised Díaz: these were allowed to prosper. Opposition political
parties were allowed to participate in elections, but only token candidates were allowed
and the elections were all a sham. Occasionally, harsher tactics were necessary: some
opposition leaders mysteriously “disappeared,” never to be seen again.
He Controlled the Army:
Díaz, himself a general and a hero of the Battle of Puebla, always spent a great deal of
money on the army and his officials looked the other way when officers skimmed. The
end result was a motley rabble of conscripted soldiers, in rag-tag uniforms and sharplooking officers, with handsome steeds and shining brass on their uniforms. The happy
officers knew that they owed it all to Don Porfirio. The privates were miserable, but
their opinion did not count. Díaz also regularly rotated generals around the different
postings, ensuring that no one charismatic officer would build up a force loyal to him
personally.
He Protected the Rich:
Reformers such as Juárez had historically managed to do little against the entrenched
wealthy class, which consisted of descendants of conquistadors or colonial officials who
had built up enormous tracts of land which they ruled like medieval barons. These
families controlled huge ranches called haciendas, some of which consisted of
thousands of acres including entire Indian villages. The laborers on these estates were
essentially slaves. Díaz did not try to break up the haciendas, but rather allied himself
with them, allowing them to steal even more land and providing them with rural police
forces for protection.
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So, What Happened?:
Díaz was a masterful politician who deftly spread Mexico's wealth around where it
would keep these key groups happy. This worked well when the economy was
humming, but when Mexico suffered a recession in the early years of the 20th Century,
certain sectors began turning against the aging dictator. Because he kept ambitious
politicians tightly controlled, he had no clear successor, which made many of his
supporters nervous.
In 1910, Díaz erred in declaring that the upcoming election would be fair and honest.
Francisco I. Madero, son of a wealthy family, took him at his word and began a
campaign. When it became clear that Madero would win, Díaz panicked and began
clamping down. Madero was jailed for a time, and eventually fled to exile in the United
States. Even though Díaz won the “election,” Madero had showed the world that the
power of the dictator was waning. Madero declared himself the true President of
Mexico, and the Mexican Revolution was born. Before the end of 1910, regional leaders
such as Emiliano Zapata, Pancho Villa and Pascual Orozco had united behind
Madero. In Morelos, Emiliano Zapata had been fighting the powerful landowners for a
year or so already and quickly backed Madero. In the north, bandit leaders-turnedwarlords Pancho Villa and Pascual Orozco took to the field with their powerful armies.
The Mexican army had decent officers, as Díaz had paid them well, but the foot soldiers
were underpaid, sickly and poorly trained. Villa and Orozco routed the federals on
several occasions, growing ever closer to Mexico City with Madero in tow. In May of
1911, Díaz knew that he had been defeated and was allowed to go into exile. He was
forced to flee Mexico. He died in Paris in 1915, aged 85.
Mexico, Revolution heroe Pancho Villa
Notes:
(1) The Creelman Interview: In some ways, the 1907 interview became the spark that
ignited the Mexican Revolution. In March 1908, Pearson’s magazine published a
lengthy interview in English in which well-known James Creelman asked Mexican
president Porfirio Díaz some tough questions. In that interview, Díaz said many things
relevant to the vision of Mexico he was promoting, including that Mexico was now
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ready for democracy and that he would consider not running for the presidency in 1910.
These words were designed for a foreign audience, and Díaz never thought they would
be translated and published in Mexico in El Imparcial a few days later.
(2) The Battle of Puebla: On May 5, 1862, Mexican forces under General Ignacio
Zaragoza defeated a much larger and better-equipped force of invading French outside
the city of Puebla. This battle is commemorated every year by Mexicans on “Cinco de
Mayo.” One of the key players in the battle was young general Porfirio Díaz, who led a
cavalry unit. Although the Battle of Puebla only delayed the inevitable French march
into Mexico City, it did make Díaz famous and cemented his reputation as one of the
best military minds serving under Juarez.
Sources:
Herring, Hubert. A History of Latin America From the Beginnings to the Present.New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962.
McLynn, Frank. Villa and Zapata: A History of the Mexican Revolution. New York:
Carroll and Graf, 2000.
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