Download The crown, the Philippics and ten other orations of Demosthenes

822
101
7928
3 1822 01101
^ji--"-- r ii
—ni>i
7928
*^iA4hu*
j>>ii
unmuin
w mwmtmm w
fWtWi g
i
/?
//
EVERYMAN'S LIBRARY
EDITED BY ERNEST RHYS
ORATORY
THE CROWN AND OTHER
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
TRANSLATED, WITH INTRODUCTION
BY
CHARLES RANN-KENNEDY
THE PUBLISHERS OF €F£'J{rr!M^^QS
LlB (B^A <Rjf WILL BE PLEASED TO SEND
FREELY TO ALL APPLICANTS A LIST
OF THE PUBLISHED AND PROJECTED
VOLUMES TO BE COMPRISED UNDER
THE FOLLOWING THIRTEEN HEADINGS:
TRAVEL ^
SCIENCE
^
FICTION
THEOLOGY & PHILOSOPHY
CLASSICAL
^
YOUNG PEOPLE
ESSAYS ^ ORATORY
POETRY & DRAMA
BIOGRAPHY
HISTORY
FOR
REFERENCE
ROMANCE
CLOTH,
IN FOUR STYLES OF BINDING
FLAT BACK, COLOURED TOP; LEATHER,
:
ROUND CORNERS, GILT TOP; LIBRARY
BINDING IN CLOTH, & QUARTER PIGSKIN
London
:
J.
New York:
DENT & SONS, Ltd.
E. P. DUTTON & CO.
M.
HENJ^E)
Ml
RTAR
NT ©R
MJ)
5
THE CROWN
THE PHILIPP
I
OS a/icffen oFMr
•
DEMOSTHENES
CRANN KENNEDY
LONDON-PUBLISHED
byJ-MDENT &SONS-EP
AND
IN
BY EP-
NEW YORK
DUTTONKO
INTRODUCTION
My
principal aim in undertaking this work is to produce
a readable version of Demosthenes, adhering to the original
as closely as is consistent with the primary object. Brevity
and simplicity of style, together with the choice of apt. and
forcible words, are the most essential elements of a good
translation.
It is sometimes asked, and there seem to be various
opinions on the question, whether a translation should be
literal ?
It depends, I say, upon the object which you propose to accomplish. If you are composing a translation
to be used in the Hamiltonian method of teaching, or as
a mere help to the idle student against his day of examinaAnd to perform such a task
tion, then you must be literal.
But if you seek to accomplish a higher
is not very difficult.
purpose, it is not to be done in this way: a work of another
order becomes necessary
The primary object of a good translation is, that it may
be read with pleasure, or at least without difficulty, by your
countrymen; and secondary to this is the assisting of the
student in his perusal of the original. It is true that for
both these purposes a certain degree of closeness is necessary: but the first of these cannot be attained by a literal
version, on account of the varying idioms of languages;
whereas the second may be accomplished by a good readable
version.
Nor does the matter rest here. I say that the classical
student will derive much greater benefit from a readable
I speak of the real
version than he could from a literal.
and self-improving student, not the cramming idler, nor
yet the mere school-boy. Let us only see what his wants
are.
Such a person, in studying a Greek author, is not to look
to a translation for a perfect analysis of the construction
This he should find out independently, from
of sentences.
vii
viii
The
Orations of Demosthenes
those principles of grammar wherewith his mind has been
long storing itself, from glossaries, notes, and commentaries.
A translation which undertook to solve all the student's
grammatical difficulties would be nothing more than a
long note; having indeed its use, but not performing the
service of a good translation.
The student, looking elsewhere for a thorough explanation of the syntax, may fairly consult the translator as an
exponent of the true meaning of ever}'- sentence. And this
is one piece of service which the translator renders him.
But he has a right to look for much more than this; viz.,
good English, choice words, and all the other elements of
good writing; in short, the full sense of the original expressed in such a way as an Englishman would have
expressed it himself, allowing for unavoidable discrepancies.
No man will deny the importance of these things. One
of the objects of studying foreign languages is, to obtain
a more perfect mastery over your own. And a translation,
either in prose or verse, may in this respect be made a
useful medium of instruction, testing the powers and
capabilities of your own tongue in comparison with those
Lord Brougham very truly observes:
of another.
" Even to scholars the experiment is not without interest
of trying how far the two languages can be used, so as to
render in the one the thoughts couched originally in the
other; and even to scholars the comparative trial of the
structures of the two, their resemblances, their differences,
and
is very interesting."
attain the advantage here proposed, it is manifest
that the version must be thoroughly English; or there
can be no comparison at all. But I must turn now to a
another view of the question.
While it is the translator's duty to produce (if possible)
such a work as, placed side by side with the original, shall
be in point of style and composition not unworthy of it,
he must be sure to preserve all needful accuracy in regard
The term itself implies that he
to the sense and meaning.
must do this. A translation is different from an imitation.
He must adhere to the original. He must be accurate.
But, how closely must he adhere ? what degree of accuracy
must he observe ? are questions that naturally occur, and
their contrasts,
To
Introduction
Jx
cannot well be answered except practically, by examples.
I will give just now some examples to illustrate my views;
but will first endeavour, as far as I am able, to express my
opinion in general words.
It is the business of the translator to express the full
to add nothing, omit
sense briefly, simply, forcibly;
nothing; never to amplify or exaggerate. He should not
servilely imitate constructions, or follow the order of words,
yet not depart even from them unnecessarily. The production of good English he will regard as essential; to this
everything must give way but the sense of the author.
Within the limits of these two conditions, faithful interpretation and good writing, he may turn and twist his sentences
with a considerable degree of latitude and freedom. But
these limits will always preserve him from unreasonable
While he does not affect to teach grammatical
vagaries.
rules, they must be the guide to his own version, or he
cannot translate faithfully, so that he will always afford
a clue to the construction, and will never mislead.
To accomplish all this, not only must you be thoroughly
familiar with the language which you translate, but you
should have deeply studied your own, and even know
several besides.
an essential condition of producing a good translayou should be able to produce a literal one. Only
this is far from being all.
There are hundreds of good
scholars who are able to do this, but who are not competent
And, on the other hand, clever men and
to write well.
practised writers have failed in translation because they
never took due pains to study the original language. Hence
we have had so many bad translations from opposite causes.
The literal translators necessarily fail, for want of a suffiIt
is
tion, that
ciently high aim, a proper conception of their duty.
The
readable have been men who neglected or despised the
niceties of scholastic learning.
There are others also, from
whose acquirements more might have been expected, who,
carried away by the fervour of their imagination, or not
liking the trouble of attending to words, have considered it
sufficient to give the general meaning of an author, clothing
it often in language which is purely their own.
I now come to another question, which is of some import-
—
The
x
Orations of Demosthenes
ance in translating Demosthenes, viz., how the translator
is to deal with all the public and political nomenclature of
the Athenians, the civil and military titles, names of offices
and institutions, terms of law and jurisprudence. On this
subject I am not disposed in the least to depart from the
principle which I adopted many years ago, when I made
my first essay on Demosthenes, and which I stated thus:
"As a general rule, I think it better to translate into
English than to Anglicise the Greek. Thus I say jury,
parish, indictment, in preference to dicast, deme, graphe.
It
true that in each of these cases the word but imperfectly
describes the thing intended
for instance, the proceedings
upon our indictment are very different from those of the
Athenian prosecution so described. But, on the other
hand, the vernacular term conveys the idea more pleasingly
to the common reader and, be it remembered, a translation
is more for the use of the unlearned than of the learned.
I strive therefore to be as little as possible un-English
and
while I always seek for the word which corresponds most
nearly with the original, I am satisfied if it corresponds
in some essential points."
In short, in the translation of many common words we are
compelled by the difference of times and circumstances to
be guilty of some inaccuracy. For example, 7rAeu' is
rendered to sail, in many cases where not sails but only oars
impelled the ship; and it is commonly preferred to the
word navigate, as being of more ordinary use. 'I^^eis is
is
;
;
;
rendered knights, though our word conveys a somewhat
Charta and papyrus are called paper, though
different idea.
the material was different from ours. The meals, the
articles of dress of the Greeks and Romans, do not correspond with ours but we make the best of it and translate
them. If I call the Roman lectus, a couch, I do not present
an idea of its form, or of the mode in which Roman guests
were placed at table. You must go to the dictionary of
antiquities, or to some commentary, for an explanation of
So, if I translate XeirovpyLa, a public office, service,
that.
or duty, I do not exhibit the peculiar nature of the service;
yet I give a positive translation of the word, which is good
;
as far as
But
I
it
goes.
grant there
is
some
discretion to be observed.
We
—
—
Introduction
xi
must look also to the other side of the question. There are
some terms entirely untranslatable. Archon cannot be
converted into English any more than consul. I do not
reduce the Attic money to English, which would cause
confusion and for the same reason I do not imitate Leland
in adopting the names of the Roman months.
Further,
I would eschew all fanciful similarities, all undignified
expressions.
I would not call any ancient vehicle a hackney-coach or a cabriolet, nor any ancient functionary a
Lord Mayor. Nor do I approve of Francis converting
Taj^LapyoL and $v\apyoi into colonels and aids-de-camp.
There is some truth in what Olivet says of the use of such
terms, that to put them in the mouth of Demosthenes is like
;
painting Alexander or Caesar in a peruke or an embroidered
coat.
I
agree also with what Pope says with respect to a trans-
lation of Homer:
" The use of modern terms of
war and government, such
as platoon, campaign, junto, or the like, into which some
translators have fallen, cannot be allowable; those only
excepted, without which it is impossible to treat the sub-
any living language."
have observed a similar rule in the translation of Virgil.
But I must remark that prose and poetry stand on a somewhat different footing. Archaisms are often allowable and
good in poetry, to give it (as Pope says) a venerable cast;
and, on the other hand, many modern words are fit for
prose, which would not be suitable for poetry
as
jects in
I
—
campaign.
In all these things taste and judgment are required. You
must take care that your translations are as apposite as
possible and when you resort to words which can give but
an imperfect idea of the original, select only such as are
dignified, simple, significant, having rather a general and
permanent, than a local or ephemeral character. I see, for
example, no objection to words such as the following:
;
commissioner, deputy, pretreasurer, paymaster, colboard, rate, property-tax, register, audit, tribe, townassembly, chairman, bill, decree, motion, resolution,
Prince, general, captain,
sident,
lector,
ship,
statute,
clerk,
secretary,
advocate,
jury,
officer,
assessor,
summons,
action,
indictment, plea,
xii
verdict,
The
damages,
Orations of Demosthenes
fine,
information, arbitrator, award, mort-
gage, trespass.
But I will detain the reader no longer. I wish I were as
sure that I had carried out my principles well, as I am that
the principles themselves are sound.
C.
R.-K.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Works
(Greek text): Editio princeps Aldus Venice, 1504, chief
Bekker, 1823, 1824 (Oratores Attici), 1854-5; Baiter
etc.; Vomel, 1843, 1845; Dindorf, 9 vols., 1846-51;
3rd edition, 3 vols., 1859-61; edited by Blasz, 3 vols., 1885-9; two
later editions:
and Sauppe, 1838,
or more works by Westermann, 1851, 1856, and later editions; Vomel,
Critical Text of Speeches, i.-xvii., xviii.-xx., 1856-7, 1862, 1868;
Facsimile of Codex B, H. Omont, 1892-3.
Greek Text with English notes and commentaries: Select Private
Orations (Dindorf Text), C. T. Penrose, 1843; Olynthiac Orations
(chiefly Dindorf Text), D. B. Hickie, 1844; R. Whiston (Bibl. Classica),
Philippics, T. K. Arnold, 1851;
Philippics,
1851, etc., 1859-68;
Olynthiacs, The Embassy, G. H. Heslop (Catena Classicorum), 1868-72,
1880; Select Private Orations, F. A. Paley and J. E. Sandys, 1874-5,
2nd edition, 1886, 3rd edition, 1896-8, 4th edition, 1910; On the
Crown, and Philippics, T. H. L. Leary, 1879; Against Androtion and
Timocrates, W. Wayte, 1882, 2nd edition, 1893; Philippics, E. Abbott
and P. E. Matheson, 1887, etc., 4th edition, 1897, etc. Against Canon
and Callicles, F. D. Swift, 1895; Olynthiacs and first Philippic, 1897;
and second and third Philippic, on The Peace, The Chersonesus,
J. E. Sandys (Macmillan's Classical Series), 1900, S. H. Butcher
(Script. Class. Bibl. Oxon.), 1903; First and Second Olynthiac, P. E.
—
;
Whelan, 1904.
English Translations: Olynthiacs and Philippics (with Life),
Th. Wylson, 1570; Orations, by several hands, under the direction of
Lord Somers, 1702, 1744; Orations of Demothenes and Aeschines,
P. Francis, 1757-8; Philippics, T. Leland, 1756; Philippics (Orations of
Demosthenes on occasions of public deliberation, of Dinarchus against
Demosthenes, of Aeschines and Demosthenes on the Crown), 1763-70,
and several later editions; Select Speeches, C. R. Kennedy, 1841.
Works: C. R. Kennedy (Bohn's Classical Library); Philippics and
Olynthiac Orations (Stock's text), R. Morgan, 1856; Orations on the
Crown, C. R. Kennedy (Bohn's Shilling Series), 1888; Olynthiacs and
Philippics translated upon a new principle, O. Holland, 1901.
Separate Works:
Adversus Septmem : Revised Greek text, with notes, J. E. Sandys,
—
1890; English Translation, by a graduate of Cambridge, 1879, 1885.
De Corona: Greek text with notes, B. Drake, 1851, i860, 1866,
6th edition (T. Gwatkiu), 1880; T. K. Arnold, 1851; G. A. and W. H.
Simcox (with Aeschines against Ctesiphon), 1866; A. Holmes (Catena
Classicorum), 1871, 1881; M. L. d'Ooge, 1875; E. Abbott, and P. E.
Matheson, 1899; W. W. Goodwin, 1901; Greek text with English
translation: Henry, Lord Brougham, 1840; revised edition (Lubbock's
Hundred Best Books), 1893. English translations: H. Owgan, 1852;
Bibliography
xiii
W. Brandt, 1870; R. Collier, 1875; J. Biddle, 1881; C. R. Kennedy,
with biographical introduction (Bonn's Shilling Series), 1888.
Midias : Greek text and notes, C. A. M. Fennell, 1S83; English
translation, C. A. M. Fennell, 1882.
Olynthiacs : Greek text with notes, T. K. Arnold, 1849; H. M.
Wilkins, i860; Oxford Pocket Classics, 1870; T. R. Glover (Pitt Press
Series), 1897; i. to iii., H. Sharpley (Blackwood's Classical Texts), 1900.
Philippics : Greek text with notes, J. A. Davies (Pitt Press Series),
1907; English translation, literal (Oxford translation of Classics), 1885.
Life: Demosthenes: An Account of His Life and Works, S. H. Butcher
(Classical Writers), 1881.
See also (Greek and English) Fragments of
Orations in Accusation and Defence of Demosthenes Respecting the
Money of Harpalus, arranged and translated by S. Sharpe (with
facsimile of original), 1849.
CONTENTS
page
Introduction
.
Chronological Abstract
vii
PART
Orations
—
I
&
;
CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS
DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES
B.C.
385 Demosthenes is born.
This was just nineteen years after the termination of the Peloponnesian war.
Greece was reposing under the peace of Antalcidas,
and the power of Sparta had reached its height.
383 Philip of Macedon is born.
His father, Amyntas II., has disputes with the Olynthians concerning their encroachment on his territories, and applies to
Sparta for aid.
Apollonia and Acanthus, two of the Chalcidian cities,
bassy to Sparta for the same purpose.
Sparta declares war against Olynthus, and sends a
Eudamidas which takes possession of Potidaea.
382 Phcebidas, sent from Sparta to reinforce Eudamidas,
road at Thebes, and seizes the Cadmea, in which
send an emforce under
stops on his
he places a
An
oligarchical government is established at Thebes, at the head of which are Archias and Leontiades, devoted to Sparta.
multitude of Theban exiles fly to
Athens; among them Pelopidas.
Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus, is sent with a larger force against
Lacedaemonian garrison.
A
Olynthus; is joined by a Theban contingent, by Amyntas, and
Derdas prince of Elymia.
The Spartans require Athens to dismiss the Theban exiles.
Athens refuses.
Teleutias defeats the Olynthians in a battle near the city, and
shuts them in their walls.
381 Teleutias is defeated by the Olynthians, and slain.
Agesipolis,
one of the kings, is sent with reinforcements from
380
Sparta; takes Torone, and dies of a fever.
Polybiades succeeds
to the command, and besieges Olynthus.
379 The Olynthians sue for peace, and submit to join the Peloponnesian
confederacy.
Pelopidas and his associates return to Thebes, where, having slain
Archias and Leontiades, they are joined by their countrymen,
and attack the Spartan garrison. A body of Athenian volunteers
come to their assistance, and the garrison capitulates.
378 Demosthenes loses his father, and is placed under the care of three
guardians.
The Spartans send their king Cleombrotus into Boeotia.
Chabrias, with an Athenian force, occupies the pass at Eleutherse
Cleombrotus enters by another road, and having dispersed a
Theban force at Platssa, takes possession of Thespiae, where he
leaves Sphodrias, with a part of his army, and then returns to
Peloponnesus.
The Athenians, alarmed at the Spartan invasion, condemn their
generals who had aided in the recovery of the Cadmea.
A
The
2
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C
378 Sphodrias marches against Athens, to surprise the Piraeus; advances as far as the Thriasian plain, and retreats, after plundering the country.
The Athenians prepare
for
war with Sparta;
strengthen
the
Pirams; increase their fleet, and make alliance with Thebes.
Chios, Byzantium, Rhodes, and Mitylene revolt from Sparta, and
renew
their confederacy with Athens.
is recalled, and Agesilaus sent with a large Peloponnesian army into Bceotia.
He ravages the Theban territory, but
having encountered an Athenian and Theban force, commanded
Sphodrias
by Chabrias and Gorgidas,
Phcebidas in
is
repulsed, and returns home, leaving
command
at Thespias.
Phoebidas, after gaining partial success against Gorgidas,
is
de-
feated and slain.
377 Agesilaus again invades Bceotia; is joined by a force of Olynthian
cavalry, gains some advantage over the Thebans, and, after
strengthening the oligarchical party at Thespias, crosses over to
Megara, where he
The Sacred Band,
falls
ill.
consisting of three hundred men,
is
established
at Thebes.
Acoris, king of Egypt, at
war with Persia, engages the services of
Chabrias, who, on complaint made by Artaxerxes, is recalled by
the Athenians, and Iphicrates sent to assist the satrap Pharnabazus.
376 Cleombrotus is sent into Bceotia, where he is repulsed by the
Athenians and Thebans, and returns home.
A Peloponnesian fleet is sent out under the command of Pollis, to
Chabrias totally deintercept the corn-ships bound for Athens.
feats the fleet at Naxos.
Athens regains her ascendancy in the /Egean sea, and many of the
islands return under her protection.
Timotheus sails with a fleet to Corcyra, which renews her alliance
with Athens.
Jason of Pheras establishes his power or influence over most of the
towns of Thessaly.
375 Timotheus is successful against the Peloponnesians in the Ionian
sea.
fails in an attempt to surprise Orchomenos, is attacked
on his retreat by a superior force of Spartans at Tegyra. The
Spartans are put to the rout, and their generals slain.
374 The Thebans send an army into Phocis, which is in alliance with
Cleombrotus crosses the Gulf of Corinth, to the assistSparta.
ance of the Phocians, and forces the Thebans to retreat.
The Athenians attempt to make peace with Sparta, but this is
interrupted by a dispute concerning some Zacynthian exiles
A Peloponnesian fleet under Mnasippus
restored to Timotheus.
The Athenians determine to relieve
is sent to recover Corcyra.
with a fleet from Athens, who is
Timotheus
despatch
and
it,
forced for want of supplies to cruise about the ^Egean isles and
the coast of Macedonia and Thrace.
Pharnabazus and Iphicrates invade Egypt, which after partial sucIphicrates quarrels with
cess, they are compelled to evacuate.
Pharnabazus, and returns to Athens.
373 Mnasippus lands in Corcyra, and blockades the. city, but is routed
His fleet retires to Leucas.
in a sally, and slain.
Pelopidas
Chronological Abstract of Events
3
B.C.
373 Tiraotheus
quitted.
recalled to Athens, and brought to trial, but acIphicrates, Callistratus, and Chabrias, succeed to the
is
command.
The Athenians
sail to Corcyra, and capture a Syracusan fleet sent
Cephallenia is brought over to the
to the aid of Mnasippus.
Athenian
alliance.
surprise Platasa, and raze the city to the ground. The
inhabitants, allowed to depart, take refuge in Athens, and are
admitted to the privileges of citizens.
Thespias is taken, and shares the same fate.
372 Iphicrates crosses to Acarnania, and carries on the war against the
Peloponnesians with various success; is preparing to invade
Laconia.
371 The Athenians send ambassadors to Sparta, to conclude peace.
The Thebans, invited to join in the embassy, send Epaminondas.
Peace is made between the Peloponnesians and the Athenian conEpaminondas refuses to concur in the treaty on
federacy.
behalf of Thebes, because she was required to acknowledge the
The Thebans
independence of the Boeotian towns.
Cleombrotus is ordered to march from Phocis into Bceotia; encounters the Thebans under Epaminondas at Leuctra, is totally
defeated and slain.
Jason of Pheraa arrives at Leuctra after the battle. By his mediation an armistice is effected, and the Lacedaemonian army
retreats into Peloponnesus.
congress is held at Athens, and attended by most of the Peloponnesian states, who resolve to maintain the independence
declared by the peace of Antalcidas.
The Mantineans rebuild their city, which had been dismantled by
A
A
the Lacedaemonians.
democratical movement takes place in Peloponnesus.
The Arcadians, encouraged by Epaminondas, resolve to build a
new city, to become the seat of a federal government, to be called
Megalopolis.
Pammenes is sent with a small Theban force into
Arcadia.
371 Tegea and Orchomenos, under the influence of Sparta and aristocratical institutions, oppose the Arcadian union.
The Tegeans
are defeated and their city taken.
Sparta declares war.
Amyntas II. dies, leaving three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and
Alexander ascends the throne.
Philip.
Jason of Pheras announces his intention of marching to Delphi
and presiding over the Pythian games. He collects a large
army, and excites alarm; but is murdered a short time before
His brothers Polydorus and Polyphron succeed
the festival.
him.
Agesilaus marches to Mantinea, ravages the country, and returns
to Sparta.
The Thebans prepare to invade Peloponnesus; collect troops from
Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, and various states of northern Greece.
Iphicrates is sent with an Athenian squadron to Macedonia, where
he was encouraged by Amyntas to try for the recovery of Amphipolis, but returns without success.
369 Pelopidas and Epaminondas lead the Theban army to Mantinea;
are joined by the Arcadians, Eleans, and Argives, and invade
Laconia. The Spartans are unable to oppose them in the field,
4
The
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
but, reinforced by a small body of Peloponnesian auxiliaries,
prepare to defend the capital. The Thebans, after ravaging the
country, approach Sparta, are repulsed in a skirmish, and retire.
The Theban army enters Messenia, to accomplish the project of
Epaminondas for the building of a new city, and the separation
of that province from Laconia.
The building is rapidly carried
on under Theban protection. The city is called Messene, and
peopled by the Messenian insurgents, with a multitude of exiles
and revolted Helots. Epaminondas, leaving a garrison there,
prepares for his return to Thebes.
The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Athens, to implore her
assistance, which is granted, and Iphicrates is sent with an army
to Peloponnesus.
Polyphron of Pheraj, having survived Polydorus, is murdered by
his nephew Alexander, who assumes the office of Tagus, and
oppresses the Thessalian towns. The Aleuada? of Larissa invoke the aid of Alexander, king of Macedon, who marches to
their relief, and puts a garrison in Larissa and Cranon: but he
is hastily recalled to Macedonia, in consequence of intrigues
against him by his mother Eurydice and her paramour Ptolemy.
Iphicrates stations himself at the Isthmus of Corinth, to oppose
Epaminondas, who passes by a different road, repulsing the
Athenian cavalry.
368 The Thessalians apply to Thebes for aid against Alexander ot
Pelopidas is sent into Thessaly, while Epaminondas
Pheras.
marches for the second time to invade Peloponnesus.
Dionysius of Syracuse sends a body of Celts and Iberians to the
aid of Sparta.
The Spartans send an army to the Isthmus, and are joined by the
Corinthians and Athenians under Chabrias. Epaminondas forces
their lines, and effects a junction with his allies; after a short
and unimportant campaign he makes an attempt on Corinth, is
repulsed by Chabrias, and returns home.
Alexander of Macedon is murdered, and Ptolemy assumes the
regency.
The Arcadians carry on the war with success in the absence of
369
Epaminondas.
Pelopidas, having marched to Larissa, and restored tranquillity,
is invited into Macedonia, to compose the disputes in the royal
family.
He forces Ptolemy to give security for preserving the
kingdom to the heirs of Amyntas; takes hostages from him, and
Philip is taken to
receives the young Philip into his charge.
Thebes, where he resides for several years.
The satrap Ariobarzanes makes an ineffectual attempt for the
pacification of Greece.
Alexander of Pherae raises new disturbances. Pelopidas, sent on
an embassy to Thessaly, is seized by him and thrown into prison.
Alexander obtains the assistance of Athens, and defeats a body
of Thebans who are sent against him, among whom Epaminondas, in temporary disgrace for the ill-success of his last
campaign, was serving as a private soldier.
The Thebans destroy Orchomenos in Boeotia.
367 Iphicrates sails with an armament to the coast of Macedonia, for
the purpose of recovering Amphipolis is invited by Ptolemy and
Eurydice to assist them against Pausanias, who aspired to the
;
Chronological Abstract of Events
5
B.C.
He
expels Pausanias, but is unable to reduce Amphisupported by the Olynthians.
Epaminondas marches again into Thessaly, and effects the release
of Pelopidas.
Archidamus, commanding the troops of Lacedaemon, Athens, and
Corinth, with Syracusan auxiliaries, gains a great victory over
the Arcadians and Argives on the borders of Laconia.
Pelopidas is sent on an embassy to Susa, and obtains the Persian
On his return a
king's sanction for the projects of the Thebans.
congress is held at Thebes, and attended by the king's deputy,
but the Greek states refuse to accept the dictation of Persia.
366 Demosthenes comes of age, and brings an action against his
guardians for mal-administration of his estate, in which he obtains a verdict.
Iphicrates, with Charidemus of Oreus, sails to attack Amphipolis,
but is opposed by Ptolemy and the Olynthians.
Epaminondas marches into Achaia, but without much success. Of
the Achaean states Sicyon only is secured to the Theban alliance.
Themison of Eretria surprises Oropus. The Athenians send
Chares to recover it, but the city is put in possession of the
367
throne.
polis,
which
is
Thebans.
Athens makes a separate peace with the Arcadians.
365 Corinth and the Achaeans make peace with Thebes.
Elis and Arcadia go to war, contending for the Triphylian towns.
Ptolemy is slain by Perdiccas III. who ascends the throne
of
Mace don.
The Amphipolitans negotiate with Iphicrates for the surrender
their town, and give him hostages; but he, being recalled
of
to
Athens, delivers the hostages to Charidemus, who goes off into
the service of Cotys, king of Thrace, and sends back the hostages
to Amphipolis.
364 Sparta assists Elis against the Arcadians, who defeat Archidamus.
The Arcadians invade Elis, and attempt to exclude the Eleans from
the presidency of the Olympic games.
The battle of Olympia is
fought, in which the Arcadians and Argives are defeated by the
troops of Elis and Achaia.
Callisthenes commands the Athenian fleet on the Macedonian
coast, and makes war against Perdiccas, but agrees to an armistice.
He is superseded by Timotheus, who takes Torone and
Potidaea.
The Thebans
are again invited into Thessaly, to give assistance
against Alexander of Pherae.
Pelopidas goes with a small troop
to Pharsalus, where he collects an army of Thessalians.
Alexander is defeated in the battle of Cynoscephala>, but Pelopidas is
slain.
Peace is made between Thebes and Alexander.
It
363 Dissensions arise between Mantinea and the other Arcadians.
is proposed to make peace with Elis and Sparta.
The Thebans
prepare for another invasion of Peloponnesus. The Mantineans
ally themselves to Sparta.
Timotheus takes Pydna and Methone.
The Thebans send a fleet to Byzantium, to detach it from the
Athenian alliance. Laches is sent to oppose it, but without
effect.
Alexander of Pherae sends out a squadron to infest and plunder
the small ^Egean islands, and lays siege to Peparethus. The
The
6
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
Athenians having sent Leosthenes against hiin he sails to Attica,
takes several Athenian ships, and plunders the Piraeus.
362 Epaminondas leads his army into Peloponnesus, and, joined by his
Arcadian allies, assaults Sparta, but is repulsed.
The Athenians send a force of six thousand men to the assistance
of the Spartans.
They march to Mantinea.
Epaminondas, retreating from Laconia, marches to attack Mantinea.
His cavalry are defeated by the Athenians, who sally
from the town.
Agesilaus marches with his army to join the Athenians and Mantineans.
Epaminondas advances to attack them, and the battle
of Mantinea is fought, one of the most celebrated in Grecian
history.
On the one side are Boeotians, Thessalians, Eubceans,
Locrians and other northern allies, together with troops of
Sicyon, Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, to the number of thirtythree thousand.
On the other, Lacedaemonians, Athenians,
Mantineans, and troops of Elis and Achaia; considerably less
After an obstinate resistance, Epaminondas breaks
in number.
the centre of the enemy, but is slain in the moment of
363
,
victory.
A
general peace follows, but the Spartans alone refuse to acknowledge the independence of Messenia.
Timotheus, assisted by the satrap Ariobarzanes, takes Sestus, Crithote, and Elaeus, in the Thracian Chersonese; and afterwards
lays siege to Samos.
The satraps revolt from the king of Persia. They are promised
assistance by Tachos, king of Egypt, Mausolus, king of Caria,
and most of the maritime parts of the empire.
Miltocythes rebels against Cotys, king of Thrace, and engages the
Athenians to assist him, by promising to cede to them the Chersonese.
Cotys amuses the Athenians by negotiation, and over-
comes Miltocythes.
361
Samos
capitulates after a siege of eleven months.
Orontes betrays the conspirators to Artaxerxes. Datames, satrap
of Cappadocia, is murdered.
Tachos, preparing to make war
against Persia, engages Agesilaus to command his army, and
Chabrias for his admiral.
Agesilaus is sent with a thousand Spartans to Egypt, but quarrels
with Tachos, and transfers his services to Nectanabis, to whom
the Egyptian army revolts. Tachos flies to Persia, and Agesilaus
establishes Nectanabis in the dominion of Egypt.
Artaxerxes Mnemon dies, and his son, Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends
the throne of Persia.
360 Timotheus and Charidemus attack Amphipolis, which receives
succour from Macedonia and Olynthus, and the Athenians are
defeated.
Cotys marches into the Chersonese, and gets possession of Sestus.
Agesilaus dies on his return from Egypt.
Pammenes is sent with Theban troops to quell disturbances in
Arcadia; establishes the preponderance of Megalopolis.
Artaxerxes makes an attempt to reconquer Egypt, which fails.
Perdiccas
is slain in a battle with the Illyrians, leaving an infant
359
Philip ascends the throne of Macedon.
son, Amyntas.
At this time the Illyrians are preparing for a new invasion, the
Pasonians make an irruption from the north, and there are two
Chronological Abstract of Events
B.C.
359
7
—
pretenders to the crown
Pausanias, assisted by Cotys, and
Argseus, supported by the Athenians.
Philip accommodates matters with Cotys, and marches against
Argaeus, whom he defeats.
He returns the Athenian prisoners
without ransom, and makes peace with Athens. He then reduces the Paeonians to submission, and invades Ulyria. Bardylis,
the Illyrian prince,
dominions
is
defeated in a great battle, and a portion of
ceded to Macedonia.
358 Cotys, assisted by Charidemus, lays siege to Crithote and Elaeus,
but soon after is murdered, leaving three sons, Amadocus, Berisades, and Cersobleptes, among whom the dominions of Cotys
his
is
are divided.
Charidemus takes Cersobleptes under
the Athenian force.
his protection,
and defeats
Miltocythes, again raising disturbances, is taken prisoner by
Charidemus, who sends him to Cardia, where he is put to
death.
Philip lays siege to Amphipolis.
The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens, to negotiate an alliance
which is prevented by the intrigues of Philip. He conciliates
the Olynthians by the cession of Anthemus, and soon afterwards
obtains possession of Amphipolis.
He then marches to Pydna,
which is surrendered to him.
Alexander of Pheras is murdered. Tisiphonus and his brother
Lycophron get the command.
357 Berisades and Amadocus combine against Cersobleptes, and are
assisted by Athenodorus, the Athenian general.
Cersobleptes is
forced to enter into a convention, by which the kingdom is
equally divided, and the Chersonese ceded to Athens, with the
exception of Cardia.
The Athenians quarrel with Philip about Amphipolis. He makes
an alliance with the Olynthians.
The Thebans send an army into Eubcea, from which, after much
fighting, they are expelled by the Athenians.
Chares is sent to take possession of the Chersonese, which, after
some opposition from Charidemus, he effects.
The Social War breaks out, in which Byzantium, Chios, Cos, and
Rhodes revolt from the Athenian league. The Athenians attack
Chios, and are defeated; Chabrias is slain.
The Phocians send succour to some of the Boeotian towns, attempting to revolt from Thebes.
The Thebans procure an Amphictyonic decree against the Phocians for having cultivated a portion of the consecrated plain near Delphi.
This was the origin
of the Sacred War.
356 Philip takes Potidasa, with the assistance of the Olynthians, and
gives it up to them.
Alexander is born.
Parmenio, Philip's general, gains a victory over the Illyrians.
Philip takes the mine district of the Pangaeus from the Thasians,
and establishes a new colony at Crenides, which he names
Philippi.
The Athenians
besiege Byzantium, but the siege is raised by the
Chares, Timotheus, and Iphicrates command
the Athenian forces, but the two latter are recalled on the complaint of Chares.
fleet of
the
allies.
The
8
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
356 The
allies
ravage Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samos, and levy contribu-
tions in the JEgean.
Chares, for want of supplies, lends assistance to Artabazus against
the Persian satraps.
Philomclus, the Phocian general, takes possession of Delphi, and
defeats the Locrians of Amphissa.
He negotiates an alliance
with Athens and Lacedaemon, while the Locrians obtain promises of assistance from Thebes and Thessaly.
Corcyra revolts from Athens.
king of Persia threatens Athens with war on account of the
The
355
aid furnished by Chares to Artabazus.
The Athenians terminate the Social War by acknowledging the
independence of the revolted states.
Timotheus and Iphicrates are brought to trial for misconduct
Timotheus is found guilty, and goes into exile.
in the war.
Shortly after, he dies at Chalcis.
The Athenians send an expedition against Olynthus, without
success.
Chares takes Sestus.
Philomelus again defeats the Locrians, and being threatened with
a general war, seizes the treasures of Delphi and collects a
body of mercenaries. The Thessalians and Boeotians, having
marched into Locris, are defeated by Philomelus, who is strongly
reinforced from Peloponnesus.
Demosthenes makes the speeches against Leptines and Androtion.
354 The Thebans, largely reinforced, give battle to Philomelus in the
He is defeated and slain. Onomarchus
defiles of Parnassus.
succeeds to the command, and the Thebans retire.
Philip sends Macedonian troops to assist Callias of Chalcis against
Plutarch of Eretria. The latter applies to Athens for assistance,
and is opposed by Demosthenes, who makes his first public
speech on this occasion. The Athenians determine to assist
He
Plutarch, and Phocion is sent with an army to Eubcea.
defeats Callias and the Macedonians at Tamynae, and establishes
popular government at Eretria.
The Athenians debate about making war with Persia. Demosthenes dissuades them in his speech de Symtnoriis.
353 Onomarchus takes Thronium, and invades Boeotia. Here he takes
Orchomenus, but is defeated by the Thebans at Chseronea.
Lycophron, now sovereign of Pheras, enters into alliance with
Onomarchus, and endeavours to oppress the independent Thessalians.
The Spartans
declare
ance to Athens.
war against Megalopolis, and apply for assistDemosthenes makes his speech pro Mcgalo-
politanis, in which he urges the Athenians to espouse the other
They remain neutral.
side.
Demosthenes delivers the oration against Timocrates.
Philip takes Methone after a long siege, in which he lost an eye.
The Macedonian party prevail at Eretria, and dissolve the con-
nexion with Athens.
Mausolus, king of Caria,
dies,
and
is
succeeded by his widow
Artemisia.
The Phoenicians revolt from Artaxerxes, and enter into alliance
with Nectanabis. Cyprus soon after revolts.
352 Philip, invited by the Thessalians, marches against Lycophron
Chronological Abstract of Events
9
B.C.
352
Onomarchus, and takes Pagasae.
Onomarchus marches with a large army into Thessaly, and
defeats Philip in two battles, who retreats to Macedonia.
Onomarchus then invades Bceotia, defeats the Thebans, and
takes Coronea; but is recalled to Thessaly by intelligence that
The decisive
Philip had returned with large reinforcements.
battle of Pagasae is fought, in which Onomarchus is defeated and
Philip expels Lycophron from Pherae, and takes the city
slain.
He then prepares to invade Phocis, and marches
of Magnesia.
to Thermopylae, but finds the pass guarded by an Athenian
force, and retreats.
Phayllus, joined by a large force of auxiliaries from Sparta,
Achaia, and Athens, invades Bceotia, but is defeated by the
defeats Phayllus, brother of
Thebans.
Philip sends out a fleet, plundering the Athenian coast, and ravages
Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyros. He himself marches into Thrace,
where, after long being occupied in the interior extending his
power over the different tribes, he turns towards the coast of the
Propontis and attacks Heraeum.
Demosthenes speaks the first Philippic.
The
oration against Aristocrates
is
delivered.
Thebes, Argos, Sicyon, and Messene send assistance to Megalopolis.
The Spartans, assisted by mercenaries from Phocis, after various
indecisive battles, are compelled to make peace.
Artaxerxes makes great preparations to recover Phoenicia and
Cyprus.
351 Phayllus overruns the country of the Epicnemidian Locrians, is
defeated by the Boeotians at Abae, afterwards defeats them at
Aryca, and dies; is succeeded by his nephew Phalaecus.
The democratical party at Rhodes solicit the aid of Athens,
and are supported by Demosthenes in his speech de Libertate
Rhodiorum.
Artemisia, queen of Criia, dies, and is succeeded by Idrieus, who,
at the command of Artaxerxes, collects a large armament for the
Phocion the Athenian is joined with
reduction of Cyprus.
Evagoras
in the
command of this expedition.
Philip for retaining Pagasae and
Magnesia.
350 Phalaecus invades Bceotia, and takes Chceronea, from which he is
again driven by the Thebans, who invade and ravage Phocis.
Philip takes Apollonia, and threatens the Chalcidian towns. The
Olynthians send to Athens to negotiate alliance.
Pitholaus, brother of Lycophron, recovers Pherae, and Philip is
On his return from Thessaly he marches
invited to expel him.
into the Chalcidian peninsula, and lays siege to Stagira.
Cyprus submits to Artaxerxes. Temnes, king of Sidon, assisted by
Mentor at the head of Greek mercenaries, defeats the Persian
The Thessalians remonstrate with
satraps.
Demosthenes brings an action against Midias, which is afterwards
compromised.
349 The Thebans receive a large subsidy from Persia, to enable them to
carry on the war against Phocis.
The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens to implore assistance.
A warm debate takes place, in which Demosthenes speaks the
The Athenians vote alliance, and despatch
first Olynthiac.
The
io
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
The second and third Olynthiacs are
force.
delivered at short intervals after this.
Meanwhile Stagira capitulates; Torone is taken, and most of the
Chalcidian towns hasten to make terms with Philip. The Olynthians send another embassy, pressing for more effectual assistA larger armament is sent from Athens, and put under
ance.
the command of Charidemus.
The Olynthians, dissatisfied with Charidemus, send a third embassy,
and entreat the aid of a native Athenian force. This is sent;
but arrives too late.
Artaxerxes marches in person against the Phoenicians. Temnes
betrays Sidon, and the Phoenicians submit. Mentor is taken
into the service of Persia.
Philip
takes Mecyberna, the port of Olynthus, and lays siege to the
348
After various ineffectual sallies, Olynthus is betrayed to
city.
Philip, who razes it to the ground.
Phalaecus is deposed from his command by the Phocians. The
Sacred War languishes.
Artaxerxes sends to the Greek states to collect mercenaries for the
Athens and Sparta refuse assistance. The
invasion of Egypt.
Thebans send Lacrates with a thousand men; the Argives
thousand. The Asiatic Greeks furnish a
with
three
Nicostratus
contingent, and the king marches in person into Egypt. The
conquest of Egypt is ultimately effected, but the exact date is
uncertain.
347 Philip celebrates his triumph over Olynthus by a festival at Dium
349
Chares with a small
in Pieria.
An
assembly is held at Athens, to consider the expediency of
/Eschines is sent for that
rousing the Greeks against Philip.
purpose to Arcadia. The negotiations of Athens are unsuccessful.
Philip causes it to be intimated at Athens that he is desirous of
decree passes at Athens to send ambassadors to treat
peace.
A
with him.
suffering by the depredations committed on their
from the hostile garrisons in Bceotia, invite Philip to
terminate the Sacred War. The Phocians pray for aid of the
Athenians, and offer to put them in possession of Nicaea, Thronium, and Alponus. Meanwhile Phalajcus regains his power in
Phocia, and refuses to admit the Athenian troops.
Parmenio besieges Halus in Thessaly.
Demosthenes, .Eschines, and eight other ambassadors, are sent to
The Thebans,
territories
They return in the beginning of the
Pella to treat for peace.
following year.
346 Parmenio and Antipater are sent to Athens to negotiate the peace.
A congress of the allies is held, and peace is concluded, on the
terms of each party keeping his own possessions; but the
Phocians and Cersobleptes are not named in the treaty.
The ten Athenian ambassadors are sent to Macedonia to receive
On arriving at Pella, they find that
Philip's oath of ratification.
There he had seized upon the
Philip has marched into Thrace.
Sacred Mount, and stripped Cersobleptes of a considerable part
On his return to Pella he takes the ambassaof his dominions.
He then
dors with him to Pheras, and there ratifies the peace.
dismisses them, hastens to Thermopylae, takes Nicaea, Thronium,
Chronological Abstract of Events
i
i
B.C.
346
and Alponus, and being joined by the Boeotians, marches into
Phocis.
Archidamus with the Spartan troops, and Phalaecus
with his mercenaries, retire to Peloponnesus, while the Phocian
towns are either taken by storm or capitulate.
The Athenians, alarmed at this intelligence, begin to prepare for
their own defence, but are reassured by a letter of Philip.
A council of Amphictyons is held at Delphi, and sentence passed
on the Phocians for their sacrilege. Philip becomes a member
of the council, and is chosen to preside at the Pythian games.
The lost Boeotian towns are restored to Thebes by Philip, and
Nicaea given to the Thessalians.
The Amphictyonic Council send an embassy to Athens, to notify
their election of Philip, and demand her recognition of it.
Demosthenes delivers his Oration on the Peace, in which he dissuades the Athenians from opposing the Amphictyonic league.
345 Philip promises to assist the Messenians and Arcadians against
hostilities threatened by Lacedaemon.
The Athenians send Demosthenes at the head of an embassy to
Messene and Argos, to counteract the influence of Philip.
Diopithes is sent with a body of Athenian settlers to the Thracian
Chersonese, who become involved in disputes with the Cardians.
Philip ravages Illyria, and takes many of the towns in that district
after which he marches into Thessaly, where the regnant
family had again made head, and expels them, leaving strong
garrisons in Pherse and Magnesia.
Soon afterwards he causes
the whole country to be divided into tetrarchies, and governed
;
by
34.4
his
own
Philip sends
bassy to
Philippic.
partisans.
to Athens, to
Python
Peloponnesus.
complain of the Athenian emDemosthenes speaks the second
Sostratus the pirate, having seized the island Halonnesus,
is expelled by Philip.
The Athenians demand its return.
Philip sends Python again to Athens, to adjust his disputes.
The
Athenians send Hegesippus and other envoys to make proposals
for the amendment of the treaty.
The Cardians resist the attempt of Diopithes to take a portion of
their territories, and apply to Philip for assistance.
343 Philip sends a letter to the Athenians, stating the terms which he
is willing to consent to.
Demosthenes and Hegesippus oppose
them as unreasonable. The extant speech de Halonneso is supposed to be that of Hegesippus.
Phocion is sent to protect Megara against a conspiracy to betray
it into the hands of the Macedonians.
He secures it by fortifying Nicaea, and completing the long walls.
Philip invades Cassopia in Epirus, and annexes it to the dominions
of his brother-in-law Alexander.
Demosthenes, Hegesippus, and Lycurgus are sent into Achaia and
Acarnania, to form a league against Philip, to oppose his designs
upon Ambracia and the western parts of Greece. They are successful, and an Athenian force is sent into Ambracia
Philip
retreats from Epirus.
Aristodemus with an Athenian force makes an unsuccessful
attempt upon Magnesia.
is brought to trial by Demosthenes
embassy, and acquitted.
^Eschines
for
misconduct
in the
The
12
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
343 Philip sends assistance to the Cardians, and marches into the
interior of Thrace to attack Teres.
Diopithes, having collected
a large body of mercenaries, endeavours to interrupt the conquests of Philip.
342 A Macedonian force is sent to Oreus in Euboea, and establishes
Philistides as governor.
Clitarchus, a partisan of Philip, is
secured in the government of Eretria.
Philip sends a letter to Athens, complaining of the proceedings of
Diopithes as an infraction of the peace. Demosthenes makes the
speech de Chersoneso.
Philip completes the conquest of Thrace, and drives Cersobleptes
from his kingdom. He then marches toward the Propontine
coast.
Early in the year Philip
341 Demosthenes speaks the third Philippic.
besieges Selymbria.
Twenty Athenian corn-ships, intended for the relief of Selymbria,
are captured by Philip.
The Athenians complain, and the ships
are restored.
Phocion is sent with troops to Eubcea, and expels Clitarchus and
Philistides.
Demosthenes is crowned by the people for having
advised this expedition.
Selymbria is taken, and Philip proceeds to besiege Perinthus.
The Athenians, under the advice of Demosthenes, apply for assistance to Persia.
340 Philip sends his letter to the Athenians (which is still extant), in
which, after reproaching them for their conduct, he virtually
declares war.
He
army into the Cersonese.
Persians relieve Perinthus, and Philip, leaving troops to
blockade it, lays siege to Byzantium.
Demosthenes goes to Byzantium, to offer Athenian succour, which
is accepted, and Chares is sent with a fleet; but the Byzantines
refuse to receive him, and Phocion is sent in his stead.
At the
same time assistance is sent from Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and
also from other parts of Greece.
Philip is compelled to raise the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium,
and his troops are driven out of the Chersonese. He breaks up
his camp, and marches into Scythia.
Artaxerxes is poisoned by the satrap Bagoas, and his son Arses
succeeds him.
339 jEschines goes as one of the Athenian deputies to the Amphictyonic Council. He accuses the Locrians of Amphissa, for having
cultivated the sacred plain. The Delphians having attacked
Cirrha are put to flight, and a resolution is passed to convoke
sends an
The
an extraordinary meeting at Thermopylae. At this meeting,
unattended by Athens or Thebes, war is declared against the
Locrians, and Cottyphus appointed to command an Amphictyonic army.
He invades Locris, but without effect.
Philip, on his return from Scythia, is attacked by the Triballi, and
is wounded in a hard-fought battle.
Phocion carries on successful operations against Philip in the
north, but is severely wounded in an incursion into Macedonia.
Another Amphictyonic assembly is convened, at which Philip is
elected general
Locrians.
to
carry into effect the decree against the
Chronological Abstract of Events
i
3
B.C.
338 Philip marches through Thessaly, and takes possession of Elatea,
which he begins to fortify.
The Athenians in alarm hold an assembly of the people, at which
Demosthenes proposes to send an embassy to Thebes. This
is resolved upon, and Demosthenes himself heads the embassy.
Meanwhile the Athenians muster all their troops, and collect a
of ten thousand mercenaries.
assembly is convoked at Thebes, and attended by Python on
Philip's behalf; but Demosthenes prevails on the Thebans to
become allies of Athens.
Philip marches against Amphissa, and defeats Chares, who had
been sent to succour the Locrians. After two indecisive battles,
Philip is at the head of
the hostile armies meet at Claronea.
thirty-two thousand men, chiefly Macedonians and Thessalians.
On the other side are the forces of Athens and Thebes, with a few
auxiliaries from Peloponnesus, somewhat inferior in number.
Philip gains a decisive victory.
The Athenians take energetic measures for the defence of their
city.
Demosthenes pronounces the funeral orations in honour
Lysicles the general is condemned to death.
of the slain.
Ctesiphon proposes a decree, that Demosthenes be crowned at the
Dionysian festival for his services in repairing the fortifications,
and his general merits as a citizen. For this a prosecution is
instituted against him by ^Eschines.
Philip grants peace to the Athenians, and puts a Macedonian
The Boeotian towns are emancipated,
garrison into Thebes.
and Oropus given to Athens.
Philip holds a congress of the Greeks at Corinth, and declares war
He makes a triumphant march through Peloagainst Persia.
body
An
ponnesus, and obtains universal submission.
337 Attalus and Parmenio are sent with a force into Asia Minor to
liberate the Greek cities.
Philip is engaged in a war with the Illyrians, after which he celebrates his marriage with Cleopatra, and is involved in domestic
broils.
Arses
is
murdered, and Darius Codomanus raised to the throne of
Persia.
336
A
great festival is held at /Egae in Macedonia, to solemnise the
marriage of Philip's daughter with the king of Epirus; and
attended from all parts of Greece. During the solemnity, Philip
is murdered by Pausanias, one of his guards.
Demosthenes receives speedy information of Philip's death, and
takes instant measures to free the Greeks from Macedonia.
Ambassadors are sent to the Greek states, and a correspondence
commenced with Attalus in Asia, and also with the Persian
A general rising is meditated in Greece, and also among
Court.
the northern tribes.
Alexander hastens to Thermopylae, joined by the Thessalians, and
holds an Amphictyonic council, at which he is elected general of
the Greeks. Thence he marches into Bceotia, and procures the
submission of Thebes. The Athenians send ambassadors to
conciliate him, and among them Demosthenes, who, after going
as far as Cithaeron, returns. Alexander then proceeds to Corinth,
where at a general congress he is chosen to conduct the war
against Persia.
14
The
Orations of Demosthenes
B.C.
335 Alexander marches into Thrace, defeats the Triballi, crosses the
Danube, and, after receiving the submission of some barbarous
tribes, returns through Paeonia to attack the Illyrian prince
While he is yet in Illyria, he hears of the revolt of
Cleitus.
Thebes.
The Thebans, having blockaded the Macedonian garrison in the
Cadmea, send to divers Greek states for assistance. Demosthenes persuades the Athenians to vote alliance, and himself
Elis and other
furnishes the Thebans with a supply of arms.
cities of Peloponnesus send troops to the aid of Thebes, but they
march no further than the Isthmus, hearing of the advance of
Alexander.
Alexander besieges Thebes, which after a desperate resistance is
taken by storm, and razed to the ground.
The Athenians send a deputation to appease Alexander, who requires them to deliver up the principal leaders of the war-party,
among them, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Lycurgus. But he
is persuaded by Demades to waive this demand.
334 Alexander crosses the Hellespont into Asia Minor.
Battle of Granicus.
Memnon intrigues with the Greek states, especially Lacedaemon, to
His death, which happens
excite a rising against Macedonia.
soon after, is fatal to the Persian cause.
333 Battle of Issus.
332 Siege of Tyre.
The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Darius.
Agis, king of Sparta, sails to Crete, and reduces the island under
the Persian dominion.
331 Alexandria in Egypt is founded.
Battle in Arbela.
Alexander enters the Persian capital.
Agis forms a confederacy in Peloponnesus.
330 Antipater marches to suppress an insurrection in Thrace. The
Lacedaemonians, commanded by Agis, rise in arms, and, joined
by the Eleans and Achaians, besiege Megalopolis. Antipater
hastens to its relief, and an obstinate battle is fought, in which
Agis is defeated and slain.
/Eschines brings on the trial of Ctesiphon, and the two Orations
Ctesiphon is acquitted, and
for the Crown are delivered.
/Eschines retires in exile to Rhodes, where he opened a school of
328
327
326
325
324
rhetoric, and died many years after.
Darius is murdered.
Alexander sets out on his march for India.
Porus is overcome
The army embarks on the Indus.
Alexander returns to Persia.
An order sent by Alexander is read at the Olympic games, commanding the reception of exiles by the Greek states. Demosthenes goes to Olympia to remonstrate with the Macedonian
envoy. The Athenians send an embassy to Alexander, to complain of this measure.
Messages are sent to the Greek cities, requiring them to pay
divine honours to Alexander.
Harpalus, flying from Babylon with a large treasure, arrives in
Athens. Antipater demands that he shall be given up by the
5
Chronological Abstract of Events
1
B.C.
324
who throw him into prison, and pass a decree, on the
of Demosthenes, to lodge his treasure in the Acropolis.
large portion of it is missing, and, on inquiry being instituted by the Areopagus, Demosthenes (among others) is charged
Athenians,
motion
A
He is found
with having received a bribe from Harpalus.
guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of fifty talents.
Unable to pay this, he flies to Megara, and remains in exile.
323 Alexander dies at Babylon.
The Athenians resolve on war, and send ambassadors to stir up
A general rising takes place, and Leosthenes the
the Greeks.
Athenian is chosen commander. Sparta remains neutral, and
the Boeotians adhere to Macedonia.
Leosthenes defeats the Boeotians at Plataea, and marches to meet
Antipater in Thessaly. Antipater is totally defeated, and takes
refuge in Lamia, where he is blockaded.
Macedonian envoys are sent to Peloponnesus, to counteract the
Demosthenes opposes them successefforts of the Athenians.
fully in Argos, Corinth, and Arcadia.
Demosthenes is recalled from exile by the Athenians, and a ship
sent to bring him home.
Leosthenes is killed in a sally from Lamia. Antiphilus succeeds
him as general.
The siege of Lamia
is raised by the advance of Leonatus, who is
himself defeated and slain but Antipater effects a junction with
his army, and receives large reinforcements from Macedonia.
322 The Athenian fleet is defeated by the Macedonian.
A Macedonian force lands at Marathon and ravages Attica, but it
is defeated by Phocion.
Antipater attacks the Greeks with a greatly superior army at
Crannon in Thessaly, and gains a doubtful victory, which becomes decisive by the general desertion of the allies.
Antipater advances against Athens, which submits, and receives a
;
Macedonian garrison.
are compelled to remodel their constitution, and
adopt a property qualification, which disfranchises a large num-
The Athenians
ber of citizens.
Demosthenes and Hyperides, with other orators of the war party,
Demosthenes flies first to ^Egina,
are demanded by Antipater.
and afterwards to Calaurea, where he takes refuge in the temple
Pursued by Archias, the Macedonian emissary, he
of Neptune.
puts an end to his life by poison.
PART
I
THE
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES
PART
I
THE ORATION ON THE CROWN
ARGUMENT
This has justly been considered the greatest speech of the greatest
orator in the world.
It derives an additional interest from the circumstance that it was the last great speech delivered in Athens. The
subject matter of it is virtually a justification of the whole public policy
and life of Demosthenes; while in point of form it is a defence of
Ctesiphon for a decree which he proposed in favour of Demosthenes,
not long after the battle of Chaeronea.
the news of that disastrous battle reached Athens, the people
were in the utmost consternation. Nothing less was expected than
an immediate invasion of Attica by the conqueror and strong measures
were taken, under the advice of Hyperides, to put the city in a posture
of defence.
One of the most important was the repair of the walls
and ramparts. Demosthenes at this time held the office of conservator
of walls, having been appointed by his own tribe at the end of the year
The reparation, which had been commenced before, but
B.C. 339.
suspended during the late compaign, was now vigorously prosecuted.
He himself superintended the work, and expended on it three talents
of his own money, beyond what was allowed out of the public treasury.
The fears of the people were not realised. Philip, while he chastised
the Thebans, treated the Athenians with moderation and clemency;
restoring their prisoners without ransom, burying their dead upon the
field, and sending their bones to Athens.
He deprived them indeed
of most of their foreign possessions, but even enlarged their domestic
territory by the addition of Oropus.
It seemed that the whole foundation upon which the credit and influence of Demosthenes had rested was overthrown.
The hopes which
he had held out of successful resistance to Philip, of re-establishing
Athenian ascendancy, or maintaining the independence of Greece, were
now proved to be fallacious. The alliance of Thebes, his last great
measure for the protection of Athens, appeared to have been the
immediate cause of her defeat and disgrace. The very moderation
with which Philip had used his victory looked like a reproach to the
orator, who had so often denounced his cruelties before the Athenian
B.C. 338,
When
;
assembly, and warned them of his deadly hostility to Athens.
The Macedonian party considered that the time was come for the
19
—
20
The
Orations of Demosthenes
humiliation of their adversary. They assailed him with prosecutions.
The peace which Athens concluded with Macedonia was the signal for
war against Demosthenes. But his enemies were mistaken in their
reckoning, when they supposed that the people would feel resentment
against him as the author of their misfortunes.
The Athenians took
a juster and nobler view of the matter; they judged not of his counsels
by the result, but by their own intrinsic merit. Demosthenes came
clear and triumphant out of every prosecution; and while Lysicles the
general was condemned to capital punishment for his misconduct of
the war, Demosthenes received from his countrymen a signal proof of
their esteem and confidence, being appointed to pronounce the funeral
oration in honour of the citizens who had fallen at Chaeronea.
About the same time, and not many months after the battle, Ctesiphon introduced a bill to the Council of Five Hundred, proposing to
reward Demosthenes for his gifts of money to the public, and for his
general integrity and good conduct as a statesman.
It is not unlikely
that the very object of this measure was to stop the attacks upon
Demosthenes, and to give him the opportunity, in case it should be
opposed, of justifying the whole course of his political life. With that
view was inserted the clause eulogising his general character as a statesman. The Macedonian party naturally regarded this clause as a
reflection upon themselves, and a virtual condemnation of the policy
which they had for so many years espoused. They felt themselves
therefore compelled to make a stand against it; and they resolved
upon a course, which was open to them according to the Athenian
laws, of indicting Ctesiphon as the author of an illegal measure.
His
bill, having been approved by the council, and then brought before
the popular assembly, was passed in the shape of a decree, by which
it was declared to be the will of the council and people of Athens,
" that Demosthenes should be presented with a golden crown, and
that a proclamation should be made in the theatre, at the great Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new tragedies, announcing that
Demosthenes was rewarded by the people with a golden crown for his
integrity, for the goodwill which he had invariably displayed towards
all the Greeks and towards the people of Athens, and also for his
magnanimity, and because he had ever both by word and deed promoted the interests of the people, and been zealous to do all the good
This decree, as the opposite party conceived, was open
in his power."
to three objections, two of which were chiefly of a legal nature; the
other, while it equally assumed a legal form, called in question the
real merits of Ctesiphon's motion.
An indictment, embodying all the
objections, was preferred before the archon, the chief magistrate of
Athens, to whose cognisance a criminal proceeding of this kind appertained.
The prosecutor was ^Eschines, the second of Athenian orators,
the deadly enemy of Demosthenes, who would not only be considered
by his party as the fittest person to conduct the cause, but was stimulated to it by every motive of rivalry and revenge.
The indictment,
after reciting the decree, alleged that it violated the Athenian law in
three points, as follows:
First, because it was unlawful to make false allegations in any of the
state documents:
it was unlawful to confer a crown upon any person
to render of his official conduct
and Demosthenes
was both a conservator of walls and a treasurer of the theoric fund:
because
it
was
unlawful
proclaim
the
honour
of a crown in
Thirdly,
to
the theatre at the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new
Secondly, because
who had an account
;
On
the
Crown
2
1
the law being, that if the council gave a crown, it should
be published in the council-hall; if the people, in the pnyx at the
popular assembly.
The first of these points raised the substantial question at issue viz.
whether the decree of Ctesiphon had stated a falsehood, when it
assigned the virtue and patriotism of Demosthenes as reasons for conferring public honour upon him.
The other two, while they were
mainly of a technical character, were strongly relied on by /Eschines
as affording him the means of securing a verdict.
Notice of intention to indict had probably been given at the time
when the decree was passed. The bill was actually preferred on the
sixth of Elaphebolion, b.c. 33S, eight months after the battle of
Chasronea, and a few days before the Dionysian festival, at which the
honour conferred upon Demosthenes was to have been proclaimed. It
had this immediate consequence, that the decree of Ctesiphon could
not be carried into effect till after the trial; and thus one end, at least,
was gained by /Eschines and his party, the satisfaction of having
suspended their adversary's triumph. But whether they were deterred
by the failure of other prosecutions against Demosthenes, or whether
they judged from the temper of the people that they had but little
chance of success, the indictment of Ctesiphon was suffered to lie
tragedies;
—
—
dormant
for
more than seven
years,
and was not brought to
trial till
It may seem strange that the law of Athens should
the year b.c. 330.
have allowed a criminal prosecution to hang over a man for so long a
period; but it must be borne in mind that the proceeding against
Ctesiphon not only involved a charge personally affecting him, but
had the further, and ostensibly the more important, object of maintaining the purity of the law itself, and preventing an unconstitutional decree from being recorded in the public archives.
It is probable, however, that the case would never have been revived, but for
the occurrence of political events which seemed to afford a favourable
opportunity.
Within two years after his victory at Chasronea, Philip had perished
by the hand of an assassin. The hopes that were excited in Greece by
the news of his death were quickly dispelled by the vigorous measures
of his successor.
Notwithstanding the efforts of Demosthenes, it was
found impossible to concert any feasible plan for a union of the
Greek states against Macedonia. The rash revolt of the Thebans was
punished by the extirpation of their city, which struck terror into the
very heart of Greece. Athens, suspected of aiding the insurgents,
hastened to appease the conqueror by humble submission; and when
he insisted on the delivery up of their principal orators, including
Demosthenes, it was with difficulty that he was prevailed upon to
accept a less severe measure of satisfaction. The debate which took
place in the Athenian assembly upon this demand of Alexander, shews
that Demosthenes must still have been in high esteem at Athens.
The feelings of the people, notwithstanding their fears, were against
the delivery of the orators; and Phocion's counsel, urging them to
surrender themselves for the public good, was not well received.
Alexander in the year following (b.c. 334) passed over into Asia, and
commenced his career of conquest. Meanwhile Greece had a breathing
time.
The states that sighed for freedom looked with anxious expectation for every intelligence from the scene of war, as if all their
hopes depended on the fate of one man. The further he penetrated
into Asia, the better chance there seemed to be of his being overwhelmed by the force of the Persian empire. While he was yet in
22
The
Orations of Demosthenes
the defiles of Cilicia, it was confidently asserted by Demosthenes at
Athens that his army would be trampled under foot by the cavalry
The battle of Issus belied this prophecy; yet it was still
believed that the Persian monarchy had resources in itself sufficient
to prevail in the war: and the length of time that Alexander was
occupied in Phoenicia and Egypt, whilst Darius was collecting the
strength of his empire in the east, seemed to favour these sanguine
views.
About the time that Alexander was marching to fight his last and
decisive battle against the Persian king in Mesopotamia, Agis, king
of Sparta, put himself at the head of a confederacy, which comprised
the greater part of the Peloponnesian states, and prepared to throw
Taking his opportunity, whilst Antipater
off the Macedonian yoke.
was engaged in suppressing a Thracian insurrection, he raised his
standard in Laconia, and declared war; but, after gaining some successes and laying siege to Megalopolis, which refused to join the league,
he was defeated in a hard-fought battle by Antipater, and died fighting
with the valour of an ancient Spartan. This was in the beginning of
the year b.c. 330. The confederacy was dissolved, and the voice of
freedom was again changed to that of submission.
Athens had taken no part in the last movement. The cause of her
neutrality is not quite clear, though it is probably to be attributed to
a want of proper concert and preparation. Had the Athenians set
their forces to assist Agis in Peloponnesus, they would have been exposed to the first attack of the enemy, and the dread of this may have
restrained them from rising.
A Macedonian garrison was maintained
in the Cadmea, which would gain speedy intelligence of any movement on the part of the Athenians, and the people of the Boeotian
towns were friendly to Macedonia. It is not quite clear either what
part Demosthenes took upon this occasion,
.lEschines represents him
as boasting that he had kindled the flames of war in Peloponnesus;
and both Plutarch and Dinarchus intimate that he exerted himself for
that purpose yet ^Eschines accuses him also of neglecting so good an
opportunity for engaging Athens in the contest. Demosthenes may
in prudence have abstained from plunging the Athenians into a war,
for which he saw they were ill prepared, and at the same time
he may have encouraged the Peloponnesians to make an effort of
which, in the event of success, his own country would equally have
reaped the benefit. So timid a policy he would not certainly have
adopted eight years before but under existing circumstances it could
hardly be a reproach to him, especially when he observed the timid
and temporising spirit which was gradually gaining ground among his
countrymen. Presents of Persian spoil had been sent to Athens, to
decorate the Acropolis.
Phocion corresponded with Alexander as a
friend; and it was generally represented by all who belonged to his
party, that resistance to him was hopeless.
If such feelings prevailed to a great extent before the defeat of Agis,
they must have been greatly strengthened after that event. Macedonian arms were everywhere triumphant. Alexander had seated
himself on the throne of Darius; Antipater, his viceroy, was irresistible
in Greece: Macedonian ascendency, which Demosthenes had exerted
himself all his life to oppose, seemed now to be completely secure.
Athens was not what she was even at the time of Chaeronea. For
sixteen years before that disastrous battle, the voice of Demosthenes
had been continually resounding in the assembly, instructing, animating, improving, elevating the minds and hearts of his hearers;
of Darius.
:
;
On
the
Crown
23
exerting such an influence over them, that he may be said to have
raised up, by the force of his own eloquence, a new generation of
But in the eight years that followed it was very different:
patriots.
his voice in the cause of freedom and glory had been little heard;
and besides that the people were cowed by the events which had
occurred, a lethargy had fallen on their spirit, for want of some one
to rouse them.
This was the time chosen by Elschines for bringing to an issue the
long-suspended cause. The aspect of affairs both at home and abroad
seemed favourable to the undertaking; and he summoned up all his
It was to be not only a trial of
force and resolution for the contest.
the favourers of
strength between the contending parties at Athens,
Macedonian power, and those that regretted the loss of independence,
but a final and decisive struggle between two rival statesmen,
exasperated against each other by a long series of hostilities. It was
manifest that Ctesiphon was but the nominal defendant; the real
object of attack was Demosthenes, his whole policy and administration.
The interest excited was intense, not only at Athens, but throughout
and an immense concourse of foreigners flocked from all
all Greece;
jury
parts to hear the two most celebrated orators in the world.
(of not less than five hundred) was impanelled by the archon; and
before a dense and breathless audience the pleadings began.
As the speeches of both the orators are preserved to us, we have the
means of comparing one with the other, and forming our opinion of
The world in general have decided as the
their respective merits.
people of Athens did, not only upon the oratorical merits of the two
The
questions at issue between them.
principal
upon
the
rivals, but
accuser, who thought to brand his opponent with eternal infamy, has
Independently of the
only added to the lustre of his rival's renown.
internal evidence furnished by this and other orations of Demosthenes,
which have carried to the hearts of most readers a conviction of his
patriotism, we cannot fail to be strongly influenced by the judgment of
the Athenians themselves, whom neither their own past misfortunes, nor
the terror inspired by the late victory of Antipater, could deter from
giving a verdict, by which, while they acquitted Demosthenes from
all blame, they in effect declared their approbation of his measures in
opposition to Macedonia.
The speech of ^Eschines betrays a consciousness of weakness in that
part of his case where he attacks the political character of his rival.
He seems to feel also that he is speaking in opposition to the general
His own character as a politician had been so
feeling of his hearers.
dubious, his conduct so open to suspicion, that while he most bitterly
assails his adversary, he is constantly under the necessity of defending
himself.
On the whole life, public and private, of Demosthenes, he
pours a torrent of invective; to this the greater part of his speech is
devoted: yet he seems to have been impelled to it rather by hate and
revenge than by any calculation of advantage. On the other hand,
when he deals with the legal parts of his case, commenting on those
specific violations of Athenian law which Ctesiphon's measure was
charged with, it is evident that his strength lay there; he handles
his subject temperately, skilfully, and carefully, labouring to make
every point clear to the jury, and to impress them with the conviction
that to uphold the laws was the sure way to maintain constitutional
government. On these points he mainly relied, hoping by this means
to secure a verdict, which would give him a triumph over his enemy,
and carry the general opinion over Greece, that the credit and influence
of Demosthenes were extinguished.
—
—
A
24
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Demosthenes, feeling his weakness as to the legal questions, dexterously throws them into the middle of his speech, and passes lightly
aud rapidly over them, while he devotes his greatest efforts to the
vindication of his own merits as a patriot and a statesman.
Refusing
to comply with the insidious demand of /Eschines, that he should take
the questions in the same order as his accuser, he insists upon his
legal right to conduct his defence as he pleases.
Opening with a
modest exordium, to conciliate the favour of the jury, he launches
gradually into the history of his own conduct and measures: presenting first a general view of the condition of Greece when he entered
public life, and of the difficulties under which the Athenians laboured
in their contest with Philip; then setting forth his own views, plans,
and objects, and showing that he had advised a course of action which
both the circumstances of the time and the honour of the country
required.
He apologises for the self-praise mixed up with his speech,
on the ground that he was driven to it by his opponent. Entering on
the Sacred War, and the peace of b.c. 346, he labours to exculpate
himself from all share in the errors then committed, imputing them
chiefly to the negligence of the other ambassadors, and to the treachery
of Philocrates and Eschines, who, by the false hopes which they excited at Athens, prevented the people from assisting the Phocians.
Coming to the events which brought on a renewal of the war, he shows
how Philip's ambitious projects and encroachments in every part of
Greece made it necessary to oppose him, especially for the Athenians,
who were menaced
at
home
as well as abroad
by
his aggressions in
He pursues these topics until he has
Thrace, Eubcea, and Megara.
carried with him the feelings of his hearers, which must have been
strongly on his side when he dilated on the glorious issue of the campaigns in Euboea and the Propontis, and read to them the decrees of
the Byzantines, Perinthians, and Chersonesites, in honour of Athens,
all which were due to the vigorous measures of his own administration.
Having thus secured the goodwill and sympathy of his judges, he
proceeds to discuss the legal charges against Ctesiphon. Dwelling on
them but for a short time, he plunges into a personal attack upon
.(Eschines, holding up to ridicule the meanness of his birth and parentage, and retorting on him the same coarse and opprobrious language
which had been used towards himself. The bitterness of his invective
is only to be excused on the ground of strong provocation, added to
an assurance that his more grave charges of corruption and treason
were well founded. Those charges, so often advanced before, he here
repeats, denouncing more particularly the conduct of ^Eschines upon
his mission to Delphi, b.c. 339, to which the disaster of Chaeronea was
attributable.
The account which /Eschines had given of this affair he
shows to be false, and enters upon a minute examination of the proceedings which caused Philip to be appointed Amphictyonic general,
and to march with an invading army, nominally against the Amphissian
Locrians, really against Boeotia and Attica.
A graphic description is
given of the consternation at Athens on bearing that Philip had seized
Elatea.
The meeting of the people, the advice of Demosthenes to
them, his embassy to Thebes, the success of his negotiations, and the
conclusion of the alliance between Thebes and Athens are briefly
recounted, Demosthenes forcibly pointing out the advantage of his
measures, contending that they were not to be judged by the mere
event of the battle, and that it was far more glorious for his country
to be defeated in a struggle for the independence of Greece, than it
would have been to keep aloof from the contest. Here he makes that
On
the
Crown
25
noble adjuration, which has in all ages been admired, appealing to his
countrymen by the deeds of their ancestors, of whom they would have
acted most unworthily, had they without a struggle abandoned the
post of honour bequeathed to them.
He himself as a statesman would
have deserved execration, had he advised such a course. The failure
of their arms was not to be imputed to the minister, who had done all
he could to insure their success, but rather to the commanders, or to
evil fortune.
As vEschines had said so much about the ill fortune
which attended him, he draws a comparison between the different
fortunes of himself and his rival, first, of their early life and education,
next, of their career as public men.
^schines from the beginning had
taken a part which put him in opposition to the true interests of
Athens, which caused him to rejoice at her disasters, to quail and
tremble at her successes. He never came forward to assist her by
his counsels when she needed them, but only to censure others who
had given their honest advice, because it had not turned out as well
as was expected.
It was a signal proof of his malignant disposition,
that he had expatiated on the late disastrous events as if they were
a subject of triumph to him, without shedding a single tear, without
any faltering in his voice, without betraying the least emotion or
symptom of grief. In reply to the challenge of ^schines, to say for
what merit he claimed the reward of a crown, Demosthenes boldly
declares, for his incorruptibility, by which he was distinguished not
only from jEschines, but from the multitude of venal orators in the
Grecian world. Had there been but a few more like himself in other
states, Macedonia could never have risen to greatness upon their ruin.
He had done all that was possible for a single man; and Athens, while
she shared the misfortune of all the Greeks, had the consolation of
reflecting that she had striven gallantly and bravely to avert the
common calamity, ^ischines had lauded the great men of a bygone
age, drawing an invidious contrast between Demosthenes and them.
This, says Demosthenes, was not a fair way of judging him: he should
be tried by reference to his own acts, as compared with those of his
contemporaries.
Yet even from the former comparison he did not
shrink; for he had acted on the same principles as the statesmen of
olden time, striving always to maintain the honour and dignity of
Athens.
Attachment to his country, and earnest anxiety for her
welfare, had been his constant and abiding motives of action
throughout his whole life, in the day of power, in the hour of trial and adversity,
those feelings had never deserted him: that was the test of a good and
honest citizen by that he ought to be judged.
Such is, in substance, the argument of this celebrated oration, as far
as relates to the main question in the cause.
The effect produced by
the speech upon an Athenian audience can be but faintly imagined
by us who read it at this distance of time. Although Athens was not
then what she had once been; although she was humbled by defeat,
shorn of her honours, stripped of her empire and dependencies, without
allies, without resources, without means of resistance to that iron
power under which all Greece had succumbed; there was still the
remembrance of the past, not yet extinguished by habitual servitude;
there were still vague hopes of future deliverance, and a fire of
smothered indignation burning in the hearts of the people, ready to
burst into a flame at the first favourable opportunity. That such were
their feelings is proved by what occurred seven years afterwards upon
the death of Alexander; when Athens made one convulsive effort for
freedom, ere she finally submitted to her fate. Demosthenes stood
;
;
—
The
26
Orations of Demosthenes
before his countrymen, representing all which remained of Athenian
dignity and glory.
If any man could help them, it was he.
His advice
had always been steady and constant; his warnings should have been
earlier attended to: but even yet there might be need of him.
He
was their consolation for the past, their hope for the future. During
the progress of his address, such thoughts rushed upon their minds
with greater and greater force, till they were elevated above themselves, and all the spirit of their ancestors was for the moment regenerate within them.
They could forgive him all his egotism and self-praise. It was the
praise of a life devoted to their service.
Where he lauded his own
acts most strongly, he identified them with the glories of his country.
Whatever good
results
might have accrued from
his measures,
he
ascribed the merit less to himself than to the fortune of Athens, or to
the gods, of whom he was but the humble instrument in a righteous
His own eloquence would have been of no avail, had it not
cause.
touched the true chord of Athenian feeling. Throughout his whole
political career he had been supported by the judgment and convictions of the people.
Thus he argued, and the people felt it was impossible for them to find him guilty, without passing sentence upon
themselves, without condemning the policy which Athens had for
a long series of years consistently pursued. The genius of Athens
protected her from such disgrace; and by an overwhelming majority,
which left the accuser no choice but to retire into exile, a verdict was
given for the defendant.
men
by praying to every God and Godsame goodwill, which I have ever cherished
towards the commonwealth and all of you, may be requited
I pray likewise
and this specito me on the present trial.
ally concerns yourselves, your religion, and your honour
that the Gods may put it in your minds, not to take counsel
of my opponent touching the manner in which I am to be
heard that would indeed be cruel
but of the laws and of
I
begin,
of Athens,
dess, that the
—
—
!
—
your oath; wherein (besides the other obligations) it is prescribed that you shall hear both sides alike. This means, not
only that you must pass no pre-condemnation, not only that
you must extend your goodwill equally to both, but also that
you must allow the parties to adopt such order and course of
defence as they severally choose and prefer.
Many advantages hath ^schines over me on this trial;
men
and two
especially,
contest
not the same.
is
of Athens.
It
to forfeit your regard, as for
his indictment.
To me
is
my
— but
First,
my
risk in the
assuredly not the same for
me
adversary not to succeed in
I will
say nothing untowards
On
the
Crown
27
my address. The prosecution however is
My second disadvantage is, the natural dis-
at the outset of
play to him.
position of mankind to take pleasure in hearing invective
and accusation, and to be annoyed by those who praise themselves.
To yEschines is assigned the part which gives
pleasure; that which is (I may fairly say) offensive to all,
is left for me.
And if, to escape from this, I make no mention
of what I have done, I shall appear to be without defence
against his charges, without proof of
whereas,
if I
my
claims to honour:
proceed to give an account of
my
conduct and
measures, I shall be forced to speak frequently of myself.
endeavour then to do so with
I will
what
I
am
all
becoming modesty:
driven to by the necessity of the case, will be fairly
chargeable to
my
opponent who has instituted such a prose-
cution.
I think,
men
of the jury,
am
you
will all agree that I, as well
a party to this proceeding, and that
it is a
matter of no less concern to me. It is painful and grievous
to be deprived of anything, especially by the act of one's
enemy; but your goodwill and affection are the heaviest loss,
as Ctesiphon,
precisely as they are the greatest prize to gain.
Such being the matters at stake in this cause, I conjure
and implore you all alike, to hear my defence to the charge
in that fair manner which the laws prescribe
laws, to which
their author, Solon, a man friendly to you and to popular
—
thought that validity should be given, not only by
by the oath of you the jurors:
not that he distrusted you, as it appears to me; but, seeing
that the charges and calumnies, wherein the prosecutor is
powerful by being the first speaker, cannot be got over by
rights,
the recording of them, but
the defendant, unless each of you jurors, observing his
religious obligation, shall
ments
with
like
favour receive the argu-
and lend an equal and impartial
ear to both, before he determines upon the whole case.
As I am, it appears, on this day to render an account both
of my private life and my public measures, I would fain, as
of the last speaker,
The
28
Orations of Demosthenes
Gods
in the outset, call the
I
implore them,
cherished towards the
my
aid;
and
commonwealth and
me on
fully requited to
to
in
your presence
I have ever
that the goodwill which
first,
you may be
all of
the present trial;
next, that they
may
direct you to such a decision upon this indictment, as
conduce to your common honour, and to the good conscience of each individual.
will
Had
/Eschines confined his charge to the subject of the
prosecution, I too would have proceeded at once to
fication of the decree. 1
words
But
my justi-
no fewer
most of them
both necessary and just, men of
since he has wasted
in the discussion of other matters, in
calumniating me,
I
deem
it
Athens, to begin by shortly adverting to these points, that
none of you may be induced by extraneous arguments to
shut your ears against
To
all his
my
defence to the indictment.
scandalous abuse of
my private
life,
observe
my
and honest answer. If you know me to be such as he
for I have lived nowhere else but among you
let
alleged
not my voice be heard, however transcendent my statesmanship!
Rise up this instant and condemn me! But if, in
your opinion and judgment, I am far better and of better
plain
—
—
descent than
am
not
my
adversary;
inferior, I or
give no credit to
they were
all
if
(to
speak without offence)
mine, to any respectable citizens
him
for his other statements
equally fictions
—but to me
let
—
it
;
is
I
then
plain
the same good-
which you have uniformly exhibited upon many former
be manifested now. With all your malice, Eschines,
it was very simple to suppose that I should turn from the
I
discussion of measures and policy to notice your scandal.
Your lies and
will do no such thing: I am not so crazed.
calumnies about my political life I will examine forthwith;
for that loose ribaldry I shall have a word hereafter, if the
will,
trials,
jury desire to hear
it.
The crimes whereof I am accused are many and grievous:
most severe penalfor some of them the laws enact heavy
—
1
The decree
Demosthenes.
of the Senate procured
by Ctesiphon
in
favour of
On
The scheme
ties.
the
Crown
29
of this present proceeding includes a
com-
bination of spiteful insolence, insult, railing, aspersion, and
everything of the kind;
while for the said charges and ac-
they were true, the state has not the means of
inflicting an adequate punishment, or anything like it.
For
cusations,
it is
if
not right to debar another of access to the people and
privilege of speech ; moreover, to
insult
just.
—by heaven
If
do so by way of malice and
neither honest, nor constitutional, nor
is
!
the crimes which he saw
me committing
state were as heinous as he so tragically
against the
gave out, he ought
have enforced the penalties of the law against them at the
if he saw me guilty of an impeachable offence, by impeaching and so bringing me to trial before you; if moving
For surely, if he
illegal decrees, by indicting me for them.
can prosecute Ctesiphon on my account, he would not have
forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he could conIn short, whatever else he saw me doing to your
vict me.
prejudice, whether mentioned or not mentioned in his catalogue of slander, there are laws for such things, and punishments, and trials, and judgments, with sharp and severe
penalties; all of which he might have enforced against me:
and had he done so had he thus pursued the proper method
with me, his charges would have been consistent with his
conduct. But now he has declined the straightforward and
just course, avoided all proofs of guilt at the time, and after
this long interval gets up, to play his part withal, a heap of
accusation, ribaldry, and scandal. Then he arraigns me,
but prosecutes the defendant. His hatred of me he makes
the prominent part of the whole contest; yet, without having
to
time;
—
met me upon that ground, he openly seeks to deprive
a third party of his privileges. Now, men of Athens, besides
all the other arguments that may be urged in Ctesiphon's
ever
should try our
private dispute,
may
—
fairly be alleged
that we
by ourselves; not leave our
and look what third party we can damage.
behalf, this, methinks,
own
very
quarrel
That surely were the height
of injustice.
—
The
30
It
may
Orations of Demosthenes
appear from what has been
said, that all his charges
Yet I wish to
examine them separately, and especially his calumnies about
the peace and the embassy, where he attributed to me the
It is necessary also, and
acts of himself and Philocrates.
perhaps proper, men of Athens, to remind you how affairs
stood at those times, that you may consider every single
measure in reference to the occasion.
When the Phocian war had broken out not through me,
for I had not then commenced public life
you were in this
position: you wished the Phocians to be saved, though you
saw they were not acting right; and would have been glad
for the Thebans to suffer anything, with whom for a just
reason you were angry for they had not borne with moderaThe whole of Pelopontion their good fortune at Leuctra.
nesus was divided they that hated the Lacedaemonians were
not powerful enough to destroy them; and they that ruled
before by Spartan influence were not masters of the states:
among them, as among the rest of the Greeks, there was a
Philip, seeing this
sort of unsettled strife and confusion.
lavished bribes upon the traitors
it was not difficult to see
in every state, embroiled and stirred them all up against each
other; and so, by the errors and follies of the rest, he was
strengthening himself, and growing up to the ruin of all.
But when every one saw that the then overbearing, but now
unfortunate, Thebans, harassed by so long a war, must of
necessity have recourse to you; Philip, to prevent this, and
obstruct the union of the states, offered to you peace, to
them succour. What helped him then almost to surprise you
are alike unjust and unfounded in truth.
—
—
;
:
—
in a voluntary snare?
The cowardice,
shall I
call it?
or
—or both—of the other Greeks; who, whilst you
were waging a long and incessant war—and that too
common
as the event has shown—assisted you
ignorance
for their
benefit,
neither with
You, being
money nor men, nor anything
justly
else
whatsoever.
and naturally offended with them,
willing ear to Philip.
lent a
On
Crown
the
3
1
The peace then granted was through such means brought
about, not through me, as yEschines calumniously charged.
The criminal and corrupt practices of these men during the
treaty will be found, on fair examination, to be the cause of
our present condition. The whole matter am I for truth's
sake discussing and going through; for, let there appear to
be ever so
much
criminality in these transactions,
it is
surely
The first who spoke and mentioned the subpeace was Aristodemus the actor: the seconder and
nothing to me.
ject of
mover, fellow-hireling for that purpose with the prosecutor,
—
—
was Philocrates the Agnusian your associate, ^Eschines,
not mine, though you should burst with lying. Their supporters
from whatever motives I pass that by for the
present were Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had nothing to
—
—
do with it.
Notwithstanding these
facts,
which
I
have stated exactly
to such a
according to the truth, he ventured to assert
pitch of impudence had he
come
—that
I,
—
besides being
author of the peace, had prevented the country making it in
a general council with the Greeks. Why, you I know not
what name you deserve! when you saw me robbing the
state of an advantage and connection so important as you
—
—
described just now, did you ever express indignation? did
you come forward to publish and proclaim what you now
charge me with? If indeed I had been bribed by Philip to
prevent the conjunction of the Greeks, it was your business
not to be silent, but to cry out, to protest, and inform the
people.
But you never did so your voice was never heard
to such a purpose, and no wonder; for at that time no
embassy had been sent to any of the Greeks they had all
been tested long before; and not a word of truth upon the
—
—
subject has ^Eschines spoken.
the country that he most traduces
by his
you were at the same time calling on
the Greeks to take arms, and sending your own ambassadors
to treat with Philip for peace, you were performing the part
Besides,
falsehoods.
it
is
For,
if
32
The
Orations of Demosthenes
of an Eurybatus, 1 not the act of a
commonwealth, or of honest
men. But it is false, it is false. For what purpose could ye
have sent for them at that period? For peace? They all
had it. For war? You were yourselves deliberating about
It appears, therefore, I was not the adviser or the
peace.
author of the original peace; and none of his other calumnies
me are shown to be true.
Observe again, after the state had concluded the peace,
what line of conduct each of us adopted. Hence you will
understand who it was that co-operated in everything with
Philip; who that acted in your behalf, and sought the advantage of the commonwealth.
I moved in the council, that our ambassadors should sail
instantly for whatever place they heard Philip was in, and
receive his oath: they would not however, notwithstanding
my resolution. 2 What was the effect of this, men of Athens?
I will explain.
It was Philip's interest that the interval
before the oaths should be as long as possible yours, that it
should be as short. Why? Because you discontinued all
your warlike preparations, not only from the day of swearing
peace, but from the day that you conceived hopes of it; a
thing which Philip was from the beginning studious to contrive, believing
rightly enough
that whatever of our possessions he might take before the oath of ratification, he
should hold securely ; as none would break the peace on such
account. I, men of Athens, foreseeing and weighing these
consequences, moved the decree, to sail for whatever place
Philip was in, and receive his oath without delay; so that
your allies, the Thracians, might be in possession of the
places which ^Eschines ridiculed just now (Serrium, Myrtium,
and Ergisce) at the time of swearing the oaths; and that
Philip might not become master of Thrace by securing the
against
;
—
—
1
This name, having once belonged to a notorious thief and trickster,
had passed into a byword of reproach.
2
It then became a resoIt is implied that the motion was carried.
lution of the Senate, on the motion of Demosthenes, and may be called
his resolution.
—
On
the
Crown
33
posts of vantage, nor provide himself with plenty of
and troops
to facilitate his further designs.
Yet
money
this decree
he neither mentions nor reads; but reproaches me, because,
as Councillor, I thought proper to introduce the ambassadors.
Why, what should I have done? Moved not to introduce
men who were come for the purpose of conferring with you ?
or ordered the Manager not to assign
1
They might have had
them
places at the
two obols,
duty to
guard the petty interests of the state, and have sold our main
interests like these men?
Surely not. Take and read me
this decree, which the prosecutor, knowing it well, passed
over.
Read.
theatre?
if
places for their
the resolution had not been moved.
THE DECREE
Was
it
my
2
" In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the thirteenth of
Hecatombaeon, in the presidency of the Pandionian tribe,
Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Panama moved:
1
Demosthenes, as member of the council, had introduced the Macedonian ambassadors, Parmenio, Antipater, and Eurylochus, and moved
that they should be invited to seats of honour at the Dionysian festival.
This was no more than a necessary act of civility, due to the eminent
ministers whom Philip had sent to treat with the Athenians: and there
could not be a more fit person to make the motion than Demosthenes,
who had been one of the ten ambassadors to Philip, and (it seems) the
only councillor among them. Nor did he confine himself to these
formal acts, but during their stay at Athens hospitably entertained
them at his own house, and on their departure accompanied them a part
For these attentions he was reproached by
of the way on horseback.
jEschines, as if he had overacted his part, and either sought to curry
favour with Philip, ^or to make an idle display of his wealth and im-
portance.
2
In this, as in most of the documents quoted in the first half of the
present speech, there are found serious difficulties, which have led
critics to the conviction that it is not genuine.
In the first place, the
name of the archon for the year b.c. 347 was not Mnesiphilus, but
Themistocles. Secondly, not five, but ten ambassadors, were sent to
receive the oath of Philip; and indeed the same ten who had been on
the previous embassy. Thirdly, it is called a resolution of the senate
and people, whereas that which Demosthenes refers to was a resolution
Fourthly, the ten ambassadors were sent to
of the senate alone.
receive Philip's oath only, not to take the oath on behalf of their
country, which had been done before. These and some other discrepancies have led to the conclusion that the decree is an inter-
polation.
C
34
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Whereas Philip hath sent ambassadors for peace, and hath
agreed upon articles of treaty, it is resolved by the Council
and People of Athens, in order that the peace voted in the
assembly may be ratified, to choose forthwith from the
whole body of Athenians five ambassadors; and that the
persons elected do repair, without any delay, wheresoever
they shall ascertain that Philip is, and as speedily as may be
exchange oaths with him, according to the articles agreed on
first
between him and the Athenian people, comprehending the
allies of either party.
For ambassadors were chosen, Eubulus
of Anaphlystus, ^Eschines of Cothocidae, Cephisophon of
Rhamnus, Democrates of Phlya, Cleon of Cothocidae."
Notwithstanding that I had passed this decree for the
advantage of Athens, not that of Philip, our worthy ambassadors so little regarded it, as to sit down in Macedonia
three whole months, until Philip returned from Thrace after
entirely subjugating the country; although they might in
ten days, or rather in three or four, have reached the Hellespont and saved the fortresses, by receiving his oath before he
reduced them for he would never have touched them in our
presence, or we should not have sworn him; and thus he
would have lost the peace, and not have obtained both, the
peace and the fortresses.
Such was the first trick of Philip, the first corrupt act of
these accursed miscreants, in the embassy: for which I avow
that I was and am and ever will be at war and variance with
them. But mark another and still greater piece of villainy
immediately after. When Philip had sworn to the peace,
having secured Thrace through these men disobeying my
decree, he again bribes them not to leave Macedonia, until
he had got all ready for his expedition against the Phocians.
His fear was, if they reported to you his design and preparation for marching, you might sally forth, sail round with
your galleys to Thermopylae as before, and block up the
:
strait:
his desire, that, the
moment you
received the
intelli-
—
On
Crown
the
35
gence from them, he should have passed Thermopylae, and
you be unable to do anything. And in such terror and
anxiety was Philip, lest, notwithstanding he had gained these
advantages, if you voted succour before the destruction of
the Phocians, his enterprise should
able fellow, no longer in
common
fail;
he hires this despic-
with the other ambassa-
dors, but by himself individually, to make that statement
and report to you, by which everything was lost.
I conjure and beseech you, men of Athens, throughout
the trial to remember this; that, if ^Eschines in his charge
had not travelled out of the indictment, neither would I
have spoken a word irrelevant; but since he has resorted to
every species both of accusation and calumny, it is necessary
me to reply briefly to each of his charges.
What then were the statements made by ^Eschines, through
for
which everything was lost? That you should not be alarmed
by Philip's having passed Thermopylae that all would be as
you desired, if you kept quiet and in two or three days you
would hear, he was their friend to whom he had come as an
enemy, and their enemy to whom he had come as a friend
it was not words that cemented attachments (such was his
solemn phrase), but identity of interest; and it was the
interest of all alike, Philip, the Phocians, and you, to be
relieved from the harshness and insolence of the Thebans.
His assertions were heard by some with pleasure, on account
of the hatred which then subsisted against the Thebans.
But what happened directly, almost immediately, afterwards ?
The wretched Phocians were destroyed, their cities demolished; you that kept quiet, and trusted to iEschines, were
shortly bringing in your effects out of the country, while
^Eschines received gold; and yet more while you got
nothing but your enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians,
Philip won their gratitude for what he had done. To prove
what I say, read me the decree of Callisthenes, and the letter
of Philip, from both of which these particulars will be clear
Read.
to you.
—
;
—
The
36
Orations of Demosthenes
THE DECREE 1
" In the Archonship of Mnesiphilus, an extraordinary
assembly having been convened by the Generals, with the
sanction of the Presidents and the Council, on the twentyfirst
of Msemacterion, Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus of Pha-
lerum,
moved
:
—No Athenian shall on any pretence sleep in
the country, but
all in
the city and Piraeus, except those
who
are stationed in the garrisons ; and they shall every one keep
the posts assigned to them, without absenting themselves
by night or day. Whosoever disobeys this decree shall be
amenable to the penalties of treason, unless he can show
the judges of such
that some necessity prevented him:
necessity shall be the General of Infantry, and he of the
Finance department, 2 and the Secretary of the Council. All
effects shall be conveyed out of the country as speedily as
may be; those that are within a hundred and twenty furlongs
into the city and Piraeus, those that are beyond a hundred
and twenty furlongs to Eleusis, and Phyle, and Aphidna, and
Rhamnus, and Sunium. On the motion of Callisthenes of
Phalerum."
Was
it
with such expectations you concluded the peace?
the promises this hireling made you ?
Come, read
Were such
the letter which Philip sent after this to Athens.
1
This decree, like the
last,
appears to be spurious.
Not only the
name of the archon, but the date and other circumstances are incorrect.
The assembly held after the news of the conquest of Phocis was not in
the month here stated, but at the end of Scirrophorion (June).
2
The duties of the generals were more numerous and varied in the
time of Demosthenes than in the early period of the republic. Formerly
But
the ten generals were sent out all together on warlike service.
this practice was discontinued, as the wars of Athens began to be more
or
larger
scale.
One,
two,
three
only
on
a
were
put in
frequent and
command
of a single armament.
of a civil nature assigned to them,
of them at home.
The
generals had also various duties
which required the presence of some
On
the
Crown
37
THE LETTER OF PHILIP
" Philip, king of Macedonia, to the Council and People of
Athens, greeting.
Ye know that we have passed Thermopylae,
and reduced Phocis
to submission, and put garrisons in the
towns that opened their gates; those that resisted we took
by storm, and rased to the ground, enslaving their inhabiHearing however, that ye are preparing to assist
tants.
them, I have written unto you, that ye may trouble yourselves no further in the business.
For it seems to me ye
are acting altogether unreasonably; having concluded peace,
and nevertheless taking the field, and that too when the
Phocians are not comprehended in our treaty. Wherefore,
if ye abide not by your engagements, ye will gain no advantage but that of being the aggressors."
You
hear
how plainly,
own allies
you, he declares and
have done against the
will of the Athenians, and in their despite; therefore if ye
are wise, ye Thebans and Thessalians, ye will regard them as
enemies, and put confidence in me; " not writing in such
words, but meaning so to be understood. And by these
means he carried them away with him, insomuch that they
had neither foresight nor sense of the consequences, but
suffered him to get everything into his power:
hence the
misfortunes under which those wretched people at present
are.
The agent and auxiliary who helped to win for him
such confidence who brought false reports here and cajoled
you he it is who now bewails the sufferings of the Thebans,
and dilates upon them so pathetically, he himself being the
cause both of these calamities, and those in Phocis, and all
the rest which the Greeks have sustained. Truly must you,
iEschines, grieve at these events, and compassionate the
Thebans, when you hold property in Bceotia and farm their
—
in his letter to
—"
asserts to his
—
all this I
The
38
lands;
and
required
But
I
me
Orations of Demosthenes
I rejoice
at a work, whose author immediately
to be delivered into his hands. 1
have
fallen
upon a subject which
convenient to discuss by and by.
proofs,
showing how the
I will
iniquities of these
it
may
be more
return then to
my
men have brought
about the present state of things.
When you had been deceived by Philip through the agency
of these men, who sold themselves in the embassies, and
reported not a word of truth to you when the unhappy
Phocians had been deceived and their cities destroyed what
—
—
The despicable Thessalians and stupid Thebans
looked on Philip as a friend, a benefactor, a saviour: he was
everything with them not a syllable would they hear from
any one to the contrary. You, though regarding his acts
with suspicion and anger, still observed the peace; for you
could have done nothing alone. The rest of the Greeks,
followed?
—
cheated and disappointed like yourselves, gladly observed the
had in a manner been attacked for a
For when Philip was marching about, subduing
Illyrians and Triballians and some also of the Greeks, and
gaining many considerable accessions of power, and certain
citizens of the states (^Eschines among them) took advantage
of the peace to go there and be corrupted; all people then,
peace, though they also
long time.
After Thebes had been taken by Alexander, the Athenians, on the
of Demades, sent ambassadors to congratulate him.
He sent
them a letter, demanding that Demosthenes, and eight others (or nine
others, according to Diodorus) of the principal orators and statesmen
of the anti-Macedonian party, among whom were Chares, Hyperides,
and Lycurgus, should be delivered up to him. Phocion advised that
they should be given up, and even urged them to surrender themselves
Demosthenes recited to the people the
for the good of their country.
fable of yEsop, where the wolf required the sheep to give up their dogs.
After some discussion Demades offered to intercede with the conqueror.
He was sent on an ambassy for that purpose, and by his entreaty
Alexander was prevailed upon to withdraw the demand as to all but
1
motion
Charidemus. That Demosthenes was obnoxious to Alexander can
hardly be wondered at. ^schines relates that, on Alexander's first
march to Thebes, Demosthenes was sent on an embassy to him from
Athens, and went as far as Cithasron, where, apprehending danger to
There is no doubt
himself, he invented an excuse for turning back.
that both then and afterwards he had been concerting measures to
shake off the yoke of Macedonia.
—
:
On
the
Crown
39
whom
he was making such preparations, were atthey perceived it not, that is another question,
no concern of mine. I was for ever warning and protesting,
both at Athens and wheresoever I was sent. But the states
against
tacked.
If
were diseased
;
one
class in their politics
and measures being
venal and corrupt, whilst the multitude of private
men
either
had no foresight, or were caught with the bait of present ease
and idleness; and all were under some such influence, only
they imagined each that the mischief would not approach
themselves, but that by the peril of others they might secure
their
own
safety
when they
chose.
The
result, I fancy,
has
been, that the people, in return for their gross and unseasonable indolence, have lost their liberty:
imagined they were
selling
the statesmen,
who
everything but themselves, dis-
covered they had sold themselves first; for, instead of
friends, as they were named during the period of bribery,
they are
now
and miscreants, and the like
Athenians, spends
For no man,
called parasites,
befitting names.
Justly.
when he has got possession
employs the traitor to advise him in future
proceedings: else nothing could have been more fortunate
than a traitor. But it is not so it never could be it is far
otherwise! When the aspirant for power has gained his
object, he is master also of those that sold it; and then
then, I say, knowing their baseness, he loathes and mistrusts
money
for the traitor's benefit, or,
of his purchase,
—
—
and spurns them.
Consider
only— for, though the time of the events is
them is ever present to the
the time for understanding
past,
wise
Lasthenes was called the friend of Philip for a while, until he
betrayed Olynthus Timolaus for a while, until he destroyed
Thebes Eudicus and Simus of Larissa for a while, until
they brought Thessaly under Philip's power. Since then the
—
—
world has become full of traitors, expelled, and insulted, and
How fared Aristratus in
suffering every possible calamity.
Sicyon? how Perilaus in Megara? Are they not outcasts?
Hence one may evidently see, it is the vigilant defender of his
;
The
4-0
Orations of Demosthenes
country, the strenuous opponent of such men,
you
traitors
ting bribes:
and
hirelings,
who
secures to
^schines, the opportunity of get-
through the number of those that oppose your
you are in safety and in pay; for had it depended on
yourselves, you would have perished long ago.
Much more could I say about those transactions, yet
methinks too much has been said already. The fault is my
wishes,
me the dregs, I may say,
own wickedness and iniquities, of which I was obliged
to clear myself to those who are younger than the events.
You too have probably been disgusted, who knew this man's
adversary's, for having spirted over
of his
venality before I spoke a word.
and
said
somewhere
He calls it friendship indeed
" the man who reproaches
in his speech
—
me
with the friendship of Alexander." I reproach you with
friendship of Alexander! Whence gotten, or how merited?
Neither Philip's friend nor Alexander's should
you; I
am
not so
mad;
unless
we
I
ever call
are to call reapers
and
other hired labourers the friends of those that hire them.
That however
—how could
it be?
It is nothing of
you once, and Alexander's
I call you now.
So do all these men. If you disbelieve
me, ask them; or rather I will do it for you. Athenians is
iEschines, think ye, the hireling, or the friend of Alexander?
the kind.
is
not so
Philip's hireling I called
!
You
hear what they say.
to my defence upon the indictment itself,
and to the account of my own measures, that ^Eschines may
hear, though he knows already, on what I found my title
both to these which have been decreed and to far greater
rewards. Take and read me the indictment itself.
I
now proceed
THE INDICTMENT
" In the archonship of Chserondas, on the sixth of Elaphebolion, iEschines son of
Atrometus
of Cothocidae preferred
before the archon an indictment against Ctesiphon son of
Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, for an
illegal
measure:
for that
On
the
Crown
41
it was right to
crown Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pseania with a
golden crown, and to proclaim in the theatre at the great
he proposed a decree against law, to wit, that
Dionysian
festival, at
the exhibition of the
new
tragedies,
that the people crown Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of
Pseania with a golden crown, on account of his virtue, and of
the goodwill which he has constantly cherished towards
all
the Greeks as well as towards the people of Athens, and of
and because he has constantly by word and
deed promoted the advantage of the people, and is zealous to
do whatever good he can: all which clauses are false and
his integrity,
illegal
j
the laws enacting,
first,
be entered in the public records
able officer
x
shall
that no false allegations shall
;
secondly, that an account-
not be crowned, (but Demosthenes
is
a con-
servator of the walls, and has charge of the theoric fund);
thirdly, that the
crown
shall
not be proclaimed in the theatre
at the Dionysian festival, on the
but
if
the council confer a crown,
new
exhibition of tragedies,
it shall
council-hall of the people, in the
Pnyx
be published in the
2
at the assembly.
All magistrates and public officers at Athens, whether civil or military, including the members of the two councils, were obliged, at the
expiration of their term of office, to render an account to the people of
the manner in which they had performed their duties. Thirty days
was allowed for that purpose, and any citizen was at liberty to come
forward within that period, and prefer an accusation against them.
The scrutiny was not confined to pecuniary questions, but embraced an
inquiry into their whole conduct and administration.
It will easily
however be understood, that with respect to general matters the accounting must in the first instance have been of a negative character,
the magistrate having only to defend himself in case any charge was
preferred; while, with respect to pecuniary transactions, he would have
to give a positive account of all public monies that had been received
by him, or passed through his hands. There were officers specially
appointed to superintend this business: Auditors and Scrutineers, ten
of each, and one for every tribe, elected by the council of five hundred.
The auditors had a court under their jurisdiction, to which all charges
for embezzlement, bribery, and malversation, as well as more general
accusations for official misconduct, were referred by them, to be tried
by a jury. The scrutineers assisted the auditors, and were subordinate
to them.
The importance attached by the framers of the Athenian
laws to the institutions which secured the responsibility of all functionaries to the people, is apparent from this law, which /Eschines made
the foundation of his indictment.
2
The place where the assemblies of the people were commonly
1
held.
42
The
Penalty,
fifty talents.
sophon son
Orations of Demosthenes
Witnesses to the summons, 1 Cephi-
Cephisophon
of
of
Rhamnus, Cleon son
of Cleon
of Cothocidae."
The
which he prosecutes are these,
from these very clauses I think I shall
immediately make it clear to you, that my whole defence will
be just; for I shall take the charges in the same order as my
adversary, and discuss them all one by one, without a single
men
clauses of the decree
of Athens.
Now
intentional omission.
With respect to the statement, " that I have constantly by
word and deed promoted the advantage of the people, and
am zealous to do whatever good I can," and the praising me
on such grounds, your judgment, I conceive, must depend on
my public acts from an examination of which it will be discovered whether what Ctesiphon has alleged concerning me is
true and proper, or false. As to his proposing to give the
crown without adding " when he has passed his accounts,"
and to proclaim the crown in the theatre, I imagine that this
also relates to my political conduct, whether I am worthy of
the crown and the public proclamation, or not. However, I
deem it necessary to produce the laws which justified the
;
defendant
in
proposing such clauses.
Thus honestly and simply, men
to conduct
my
And
defence.
I
of Athens,
now proceed
to
have
I
resolved
my own
actual
wander from the
indictment, if I touch upon Grecian questions and affairs he
who attacks that clause of the decree, " that by word and
deed I have promoted your good " he who has indicted this
measures.
let
no one suppose that
I
:
for being false
—he,
—
I say,
has rendered the discussion of
my
whole policy pertinent and necessary to the charge. Moreover, there being many departments of political action, I
These were persons who accompanied the prosecutor when he sumthe defendant to appear before the magistrate.
Anciently they
were sureties also for the proper carrying on of the cause, like our
ancient pledges to prosecute.
In later times they were mere servers of
the citation or summons; but the plaint, or bill of indictment, always
1
moned
had
their
names subscribed.
On
Crown
the
chose that which belonged to Grecian affairs
justified in
drawing
my
:
therefore I
43
am
proofs from them.
The conquests which Philip had got and held before I
commenced life as a statesman and orator, I shall pass over,
Those that he was baffled
as I think they concern not me.
in from the day of my entering on such duties, I will call to
your recollection, and render an account of them premising
;
—
one thing only Philip started, men of Athens, with a great
advantage. It happened that among the Greeks— not some,
but all alike there sprang up a crop of traitors and venal
wretches, such as in the memory of man had never been
—
before.
These he got
for his agents
and supporters:
the
Greeks, already ill-disposed and unfriendly to each other, he
brought into a
still
worse state, deceiving this people, making
way; and he
presents to that, corrupting others in every
many
when they had
all one interest,
While the Greeks were all in
such a condition in such ignorance of the gathering and
growing mischief you have to consider, men of Athens,
what policy and measures it became the commonwealth to
adopt, and of this to receive a reckoning from me; for the
man who assumed that post in the administration was I.
Ought she, i^Eschines, to have cast off her spirit and dignity,
and, in the style of Thessalians and Dolopians, helped to
acquire for Philip the dominion of Greece, and extinguished
the honours and rights of our ancestors? Or, if she did not
which would indeed have been shameful was it right
this
that what she saw would happen if unprevented, and was for
a long time, it seems, aware of, she should suffer to come to
split
them
into
parties,
to prevent his aggrandisement.
—
—
—
—
pass?
I would gladly ask the severest censurer of our acts, with
what party he would have wished the commonwealth to side
with those who contributed to the disgraces and disasters
of the Greeks, the party, we may say, of the Thessalians and
—
their followers
—or those
of selfish advantage,
who permitted it all for the hope
among whom we may reckon the Area-
—
!
The
44
Orations of Demosthenes
and Argives? But many of them, or
have fared worse than ourselves. If Philip after
his victory had immediately marched off and kept quiet,
without molesting any either of his own allies or of the
Greeks in general, still they that opposed not his enterprises
would have merited some blame and reproach. But when he
dians, Messenians,
rather
all,
has stripped
liberty
—can
in
all alike of their
—nay, even of
it
where he was able,
be doubted that you took the most glorious course
pursuance of
But
dignity, their authority, their
my
their constitutions,
counsels?
question
I return to the
—What should the common-
when
she saw Philip establishand dominion over Greece ? Or what was your
statesman to advise or move ? I, a statesman at Athens ?
for this is most material
I who knew that from the earliest
time, until the day of my own mounting the platform, our
country had ever striven for precedency and honour and
renown, and expended more blood and treasure for the sake
of glory and the general weal than the rest of the Greeks had
expended on their several interests? who saw that Philip
wealth, yEschines, have done,
ing an empire
—
—
—
himself, with
whom we
were contending, had,
in the strife for
power and empire, had his eye cut out,1 his collar-bone fractured, his hand and leg mutilated, and was ready and willing
to sacrifice any part of his body that fortune chose to take,
provided he could live with the remainder in honour and
glory? Hardly will any one venture to say this that it
became a man bred at Pella, then an obscure and inconsiderable place, to possess such inborn magnanimity, as to
aspire to the mastery of Greece and form the project in his
mind, whilst you, who were Athenians, day after day in
speeches and in dramas reminded of the virtue of your
ancestors, should have been so naturally base, as of your own
freewill and accord to surrender to Philip the liberty of
—
Greece.
No man
will
say this
The other wounds were
Philip lost his eye at the siege of Methone.
inflicted on his return from Scythia, in a battle with the Triballi,
B.C. 340.
1
—
On
the
Crown
45
The only course then that remained was a just resistance
Such course you took from
all his attacks upon you.
the beginning, properly and becomingly; and I assisted by
motions and counsels during the period of my political life:
But what should I have done? I put this
I acknowledge it.
to
all else:
Amphipolis, Pydna,
mention none of them: Serrium,
Doriscus, the ravaging of Peparethus, and any similar wrongs
which the country has suffered I know not even of their
occurrence. You indeed said, that by talking of these I had
brought the people into a quarrel, although the resolutions
respecting them were moved by Eubulus and Aristophon
and Diopithes not by me, you ready utterer of what suits
your purpose! Neither will I speak of these now. But I
ask—the man who was appropriating to himself Eubcea, and
making it a fortress against Attica, and attempting Megara,
and seizing Oreus, and razing Porthmus, and setting up
Philistides as tyrant in Oreus, Clitarchus in Eretria, and
subjugating the Hellespont, and besieging Byzantium, and
destroying some of the Greek cities, restoring exiles to others,
was he by all these proceedings committing injustice,
breaking the truce, violating the peace, or not ? Was it meet
that any of the Greeks should rise up to prevent these proceedings, or not ?
If not
if Greece was to present the spec1
tacle (as it is called) of a Mysian prey, whilst Athenians had
life and being, then I have exceeded my duty in speaking
on the subject the commonwealth has exceeded her duty,
which followed my counsels I admit that every measure
has been a misdeed, a blunder of mine. But if some one
ought to have arisen to prevent these things, who but the
Athenian people should it have been? Such then was the
policy which I espoused.
I saw him reducing all men to
question to you, dismissing
Potidsea, Halonnesus
—
I
—
—
—
—
—
1
A
—
proverbial expression applied to a people in an utterly helpless
state.
It was derived, we are told, from the times of
the Trojan war, when the Mysians were exposed to the enemy by the
absence of their king Telephus.
and defenceless
;
46
The
subjection,
and
Orations of Demosthenes
I
opposed him:
exhorting you not to
make
I
continued warning and
these sacrifices to Philip.
It was he that infringed the peace by taking our ships: it
was not the state, ^Eschines. Produce the decrees themselves,
and Philip's letter, and read them one after another. From
an examination of them, it will be evident who is chargeable
with each proceeding. Read.
THE DECREE
x
" In the archonship of Neocles, in the month Boedromion,
an extraordinary assembly having been convened by the
generals, Eubulus son of Mnesitheus of Cytherus moved:
Whereas the generals have reported in the assembly, that
Leodamas the admiral, and the twenty vessels despatched
with him to the Hellespont for the safe-conduct of the corn,
have been carried to Macedonia by Philip's general Amyntas,
and are detained in custody, let the presidents and the generals take care that the council be convened, and ambassadors
to Philip be chosen, who shall go and treat with him for the
and if Amyntas
release of the admirals, vessels, and troops
has acted in ignorance, they shall say that the people make
no complaint against him; if the admiral was found wrongfully exceeding his instructions, that the Athenians will make
inquiry, and punish him as his negligence deserves: if it be
neither of these things, but a wilful trespass on the part of
him who gave or him who received the commission, let them
:
state this also, that the people, being apprised,
what course
may
deliberate
to take."
This decree Eubulus carried, not I. The next, Aristophon
then Hegesippus, then Aristophon again, then Philocrates,
then Cephisophon, then the rest. I had no concern in the
matter.
Read
the decree.
The archon mentioned in this and the two following decrees
Nicomachus was archon of that year.
incorrect.
1
is
On
Crown
the
THE DECREE
47
1
" In the archonship of Neocles, on the last day of Boedromion, at the desire of the council, the presidents and generals
introduced their report of the proceedings of the assembly, to
ambassadors to
them with
instructions and with the decrees of the assembly; and they
appointed the following: Cephisophon son of Cleon of Anaphlystus; Democritus son of Demophon of Anagyrus; Polywit, that the people
had resolved
to appoint
Philip for the recovery of the ships,
and
to furnish
In the presidency of
critus son of Apemantus of Cothocidae.
the Hippothoontian tribe, on the motion of Aristophon of
Colyttus, committee-man."
Now
then, as I produce these decrees, so do you, ^Eschines,
point out what decree of
with the war.
my
You cannot
passing makes
find one:
had
me
chargeable
}'ou any, there
is
nothing you would sooner have produced. Why, even Philip
makes no charge against me on account of the war, though he
complains of others.
Read
Philip's
own
letter.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP
" Philip, king of
Macedon, to the Council and People
of
Your ambassadors, Cephisophon, Democritus, and Polycritus, came to me and conferred about the
Upon
release of the galleys which Laomedon commanded.
the whole, I think you must be very simple, if you imagine I
Athens, greeting.
do not see that those galleys were commissioned, under the
pretence of conveying corn from the Hellespont to Lemnos, to
relieve the Selymbrians,
1
We
whom
I
am
besieging,
and who are
last decree the people had ordered a
convened, to elect ambassadors to Philip.
have seen that by the
meeting of the council to be
presidents and generals, to whom that task was entrusted, convene
the council accordingly, and lay before them the business for which
they were called. The council proceed to execute the order of the
people, and elect the ambassadors. That is, the senatorial decree
containing their appointment of ambassadors, pursuant to the decree
of the popular assembly.
The
"
The
48
Orations of Demosthenes
not included in the friendly treaty subsisting between us.
And these instructions were given, without leave of the
Athenian people, by certain magistrates and others who are
not now in office, but who are anyways desirous for the people
to exchange our present amity for a renewal of war, and are
far more anxious for such a consummation than to relieve
the Selymbrians. They suppose it will be a source of income
to themselves:
however, I scarcely think it is for your
advantage or mine. Wherefore I release you the vessels
my
carried into
port ; and for the future,
if,
instead of allow-
ing your statesmen to adopt malignant measures, you will
punish them,
I too will
endeavour to maintain the peace.
Farewell
Here
is
no mention by him of Demosthenes, or any charge
against me.
Why
then, while he complains of the others,
makes he no mention
noticed his
me;
for
own
of
my
aggressions,
on these
I fixed
acts? Because he must have
had he written aught concerning
myself
— these
I
kept
resisting.
And
proposed the embassy to Peloponnesus, 1 when into
Peloponnesus he began to steal; next that to Eubcea, when
first I
on Eubcea he was laying his hands then the expedition (no
longer an embassy) to Oreus, and that to Eretria, when he
;
established rulers in those
cities.
Afterwards
I
despatched
by which Chersonesus was preserved, and
Byzantium, and all our allies; whence to you there accrued
all
the armaments,
—
praises, eulogies, honours, crowns, thanks
from those you succoured; whilst the people attacked those
that trusted you then obtained deliverance, those that disregarded you have had often to remember your warnings, and
to be convinced that you were not only their friends, but wise
men also and prophets for all that you predicted has come
the noblest results
—
:
to pass.
That
Oreus
Philistides
would have given a great deal to keep
—Clitarchus a great deal to keep Eretria—Philip him-
1
This was the embassy referred to in the third Philippic, which
prevented the advance of Philip into the Peloponnese, B.C. 343.
—
On
self
the
Crown
49
a great deal to have these vantage-posts against you, and
and any inquiry into his
ignorant, and least of all
you. For the ambassadors who came here then from Clitarchus and Philistides lodged with you, ^Eschines, and you were
their host.
The commonwealth regarded them as enemies,
whose offers were neither just nor advantageous, and expelled
them; but they were your friends. None of their designs
then were accomplished x you slanderer who say of me,
that I am silent when I have got something, and bawl when
2
That is not your custom. You bawl
I have spent it!
when you have something, and will never stop, unless the
jury stop you by disfranchisement to-day. 3
When you crowned me then for those services, and Aristonicus drew up the same words that Ctesiphon here has now
drawn up, and the crown was proclaimed in the theatre
in other matters to avoid exposure,
wrongful acts in general
—no man
is
—
;
for this
now
is
the second proclamation in
^Eschines, being present, neither opposed
mover.
Take
this decree
now and
read
it,
my
favour
nor indicted the
it.
THE DECREE
" In the archonship of Cha^rondas son of
Hegemon, on the
twenty-fifth of Gamelion, in the presidency of the Leontian
tribe, Aristonicus of Phrearrii
moved
:
Whereas Demosthenes
son of Demosthenes of Pasania hath rendered
many important
—
The argument is Philistides and Clitarchus were unable to accomplish their purpose, and that chiefly through my opposition. Yet
it is notorious, they would have given a large bribe to have obtained
powerful support at Athens. Then what becomes of your charge of
corruption against me?
2
^Eschines, defending himself against the reproach of having retired
from public affairs, said that his own habits were so simple, and his
desires so moderate, that he was not compelled to speak in public for
Demosthenes, on the contrary, never opened his mouth
lucre's sake
but when he was hired. Many idle stories to the same effect were
circulated against Demosthenes, besides the celebrated charge in the
affair of Harpalus.
3
If the prosecutor failed to obtain a fifth part of the votes, besides
a fine of a thousand drachms, he incurred a partial disfranchisement,
which incapacitated him to prefer a similar charge in future.
1
—
D
—
50
The
Orations of Demosthenes
and to divers of her allies
and hath also on the present occasion aided them
by his decrees, and liberated certain of the cities in Eubcea,
and perseveres in his attachment to the people of Athens,
and doth by word and deed whatever good he can for the
Athenians themselves and the rest of the Greeks: It is
resolved by the Council and People of Athens, to honour
Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Paeania with public
praise and a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the
theatre at the Dionysian festival at the new tragedies, and
the proclamation of the crown shall be given in charge to
the presiding tribe and the prize-master. 1 On the motion
services to the people of Athens,
heretofore,
of Aristonicus of Phrearrii."
Is there
one of you that knows of any disgrace
falling
on
the state by reason of this decree, or any scorn or ridicule
predicts, if I am crowned?
and notorious that, if good, they
obtain reward, if the contrary, punishment; and it appears
that I then obtained reward, not blame or punishment. So,
up to the period of those transactions, I am acknowledged
on all occasions to have promoted the interests of the state
because my speeches and motions prevailed in your
councils
because my measures were executed, and procured
crowns for the commonwealth and for me and all of you
because you have offered sacrifices and thanksgivings to the
consequences which this
It
—
is
when
man now
acts are recent
—
gods for their success.
When Philip therefore was driven out of Eubcea, with
arms by you, with counsels and decrees though some
persons there should burst! by me, he sought some new
position of attack upon Athens.
Seeing that we use more
foreign corn than any people, and wishing to command the
passage of the corn- trade, he advanced to Thrace; the Byzantines being his allies, he first required them to join in the
war against you, and when they refused, saying (truly enough)
1
The person who adjudged the prizes in the various contests during
—
the festival.
—
!
:
On
that they had not
made
the
alliance
intrenchments before the
What
Crown
city,
5
1
on such terms, he threw up
planted batteries, and laid
became you to take, I
all.
But who was it
that succoured the Byzantines, and rescued them ? who prevented the alienation of the Hellespont at that crisis? You,
men of Athens. When I say you, I mean the commonwealth.
But who advised, framed, executed the measures of state,
devoted himself wholly and unreservedly to the public business ?
I
What benefits thence accrued to all, you need no
further to be told; you have learned by experience.
For
the war which then sprang up, besides that it brought honour
and renown, kept you in a cheaper and more plentiful supply
siege to
will
it.
course hereupon
not ask again;
it
is
it
manifest to
— —
!
life than does the present peace,
which these worthies maintain to their country's prejudice in
the hope of something to come. Perish such hope
Never
may they share the blessings for which you men of honest
wishes pray to the gods, nor communicate their own principles to you
Read them now the crowns of the Byzantines, and those
of the Perinthians, which they conferred upon the country
as a reward.
of all the necessaries of
!
THE BYZANTINE DECREE
" In the Presbytership
in the
*
of Bosporichus,
Damagetus moved
assembly, having obtained permission of the Council
Whereas the people
of Athens have ever in former times
been friendly to the Byzantines and their allies, and to their
kinsmen the Perinthians, and have rendered them many
signal services, and also on the present occasion, when Philip
of Macedon attempted by invasion and siege to exterminate
1
Hieromnemon (the word in the original) appears to have been the
name of the chief magistrate at Byzantium, whose term of office furnished the date of the year, as the archon did at Athens. The name
(which was held by the magistrates of some other Dorian states) imAs it sounds
ports the performance of some priestly or religious duties.
harsh in English, I have ventured to translate it at the risk of cavil.
The
52
Orations of Demosthenes
the Byzantines and Perinthians, and burned and ravaged
hundred and twenty
and provisions and weapons and soldiers, and rescued
us from grievous perils, and preserved our hereditary constitution, our laws, and our sepulchres: it is resolved by the
people of Byzantium and Perinthus to grant unto the Athetheir country, they succoured us with a
ships
nians the right of intermarriage, citizenship, purchase of
land and houses, the
to the Council
tion from
city:
all
first
seat at the games, first admission
and People
after the sacrifices,
and exemp-
public services to such as wish to reside in the
and that three statues
of sixteen cubits be erected in
the harbour, representing the People of Athens crowned by
the People of Byzantium and Perinthus:
and deputations
the general assemblies of Greece, the
sent to
Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian,
Isthmian,
crowns
wherewith the people of Athens hath been honoured by us,
that all the Greeks may know the virtue of the Athenians,
and the gratitude of the Byzantines and Perinthians."
Now
to proclaim the
read the crowns given by the people of Chersonesus.
THE DECREE OF THE CHERSONESITES
" The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Sestus, Eleus, Madytus,
and Alopeconnesus, crown the Council and People of Athens
with a golden crown of the value of sixty talents, 1 and build
an altar to Gratitude and the Athenian People, because that
People hath helped the Chersonesites to obtain the greatest
of blessings,
and
by rescuing them from the power
of Philip,
restoring their country, their laws, their liberty, their
and in all future time they will not fail to be
and do what service they can. Decreed in general
sanctuaries:
grateful,
Council."
1
According to Gronovius, Bockh, and Jacobs, we are not to suppose
that a crown was given of the actual weight or value of sixty talents,
but that six drachms of gold are (by a form of speech usual in some
cases) called a talent.
A similar crown of a hundred talents, given by
the Carthaginians to Demareta, the wife of Gelo, is mentioned by
xi.
Diodorus.
(Lib.
26.)
On
Thus the saving
the
Crown
of Chersonesus
53
and Byzantium, the pre-
venting Philip's conquest of the Hellespont, and the honours
therefore bestowed on this country, were the effects of
my
—
and more than this they proved
to all mankind the generosity of Athens and the baseness of
Philip.
He, the ally and friend of the Byzantines, was before
what could be more shameful or outall eyes besieging them
rageous? You, who might justly on many grounds have
reproached them for wrongs done you in former times, instead
of bearing malice and abandoning the oppressed, appeared
as their deliverers conduct which procured you glory, goodwill, honour from all men.
That you have crowned many of
your statesmen, every one knows; but through what other
person (I mean what minister or orator), besides myself, the
commonwealth has been crowned, no one can say.
To prove now the malignity of those calumnies, which he
urged against the Euboeans and Byzantines, reminding you
prove it I shall,
of any unkindness which they had done you
not only by their falsehood, which I apprehend you know
already, but (were they ever so true) by showing the advantages of my policy I wish to recount one or two of the
noble acts of your own state, and to do it briefly; for individuals, as well as communities, should ever strive to model
their future conduct by the noblest of their past.
Well then, men of Athens when the Lacedaemonians had
the empire of land and sea, and held the country round
Attica by governors and garrisons, Eubcea, Tanagra, all
policy and administration;
—
—
;
—
—
—
Bceotia, Megara, ^Egina, Cleonoe, the other islands;
our state possessed neither ships nor walls
;
when
you marched out
1
to Haliartus,
and again not many days after to Corinth;
albeit the Athenians of that time had many causes of resentment against both Corinthians and Thebans for their acts in
1
This was b.c. 395, at the breaking out of the war, in which Athens,
Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, combined against Lacedaemon. The
battle of Corinth, in which the Lacedaemonians defeated the allies,
took place in the year following the siege of Haliartus.
The
54
Orations of Demosthenes
the Decelean war:
And
1
but they showed no resentment, none.
yet neither of these steps took they, ./Eschines, for bene-
nor were they blind to the danger; but they would
not for such reasons abandon people who sought their protection for the sake of renown and glory they willingly exposed
factors,
;
themselves to peril; just and noble was their resolve!
For
mankind the end of life is death, though one keep
oneself shut up in a closet; but it becomes brave men to
strive always for honour, with good hope before them, and to
to
all
,
endure courageously whatever the Deity ordains.
Thus did your ancestors, thus the elder among yourselves.
For, though the Lacedaemonians were neither friends nor
benefactors, but
yet
when
had done many grievous
injuries to
our state,
the Thebans, victorious at Leuctra, sought their
destruction,
you prevented
it,
not fearing the power and
reputation then possessed by the Thebans, nor reckoning
the merits of those
whom
you were about
to fight for.
up
And
you demonstrated to all the Greeks, that, however any
may offend you, you reserve your anger against them
for other occasions; but should their existence or liberty be
imperilled, you will not resent your wrongs or bring them
so
people
into account.
And
not in these instances only hath such been your
temper.
Again,
when
the Thebans were taking possession of
—
Eubcea, you looked not quietly on you remembered not
the wrongs done you by Themison and Theodoras in the
affair of
Oropus, 2 but assisted even them.
when the volunteer
state, of
The
whom
I
captains
was one;
3
first
—but of
It
was the time
offered themselves to the
this presently.
However,
latter part of the Peloponnesian war, so called from the occupation of Decelea, a fortress in Attica, fifteen miles from Athens,
By means of this post the enemy got the command of the
b.c. 413.
territory round Athens, and reduced the Athenians to great distress by
cutting off supplies of corn and provisions.
2
Themison and Theodorus were the rulers of Eretria, who seized
upon Oropus, b.c 366.
3
The exertions of these voluntary trierarchs enabled the Athenians
to ship off their troops in three days.
The orators frequently boasted
of this expedition: for example, Demosthenes in the speech against
Androtion; ^Eschines in his speech against Ctesiphon.
1
—
On
the
Crown
55
was glorious that you saved the island, but far more
glorious that, when had you got their persons and their
cities in your power, you fairly restored them to people who
had ill-used you, and made no reckoning of your wrongs in
an affair where you were trusted.
Hundreds of cases which I could mention I pass over
it
campaigns, both in ancient times
your own, all of which the commonwealth has undertaken for the freedom and safety of the Greeks in general.
Then, having observed the commonwealth engaging in consea-fights, land-marches,
and
in
such number and importance for the interests of
what was I to urge, what course to recommend her,
when the question in a manner concerned herself? To revive
grudges, I suppose, against people who wanted help, and to
tests of
others,
—
And who might
seek pretences for abandoning everything.
not justly have killed me, had I attempted even by words to
tarnish any of the honours of Athens ?
For the thing itself,
—
am certain, you would never have done had you wished,
what was to hinder you? any lack of opportunity? had
you not these men to advise it ?
I must return to the next in date of my political acts
and
here again consider what was most beneficial for the state. I
saw, men of Athens, that your navy was decaying, and that,
I
—
—
;
while the rich were getting
off
with small payments, citizens
of moderate or small fortunes were losing their substance,
and the
state,
by reason
thereof, missing her opportunities of
proposed a law, by which I compelled
the one class (the rich) to perform their duty, and stopped
action.
I therefore
the oppression of the poor;
the country
And
—
I
and
—what was most useful to
caused her preparations to be
being indicted for
made
in time.
appeared on the charge before
you, and was acquitted; and the prosecutor did not get his
portion x of the votes. But what sums, think ye, the chief
men 2 of the Boards, or those in the second and third degrees,
1
The fifth part, to save him from the penalty.
2
According to Ulpian, the first three hundred among the Symmoriae
were called
i)ye/j.6ves.
it,
I
See as to this subject,
vol.
i.
appendix
v.
The
56
offered me,
first,
had recorded
sums,
men
it,
Orations of Demosthenes
not to propose that law, secondly, when
to drop
it
on the abatement-oath?
x
I
Such
And
of Athens, as I should be afraid to tell you.
no wonder they did so; for under the former laws they might
divide the charge between sixteen, spending little or nothing
themselves, and grinding down the needy citizens; whereas
under my law every one had to pay a sum proportioned to
his means, and there was a captain for two ships, where
before there was a partner with fifteen others for one ship;
for they were calling themselves not captains any longer, but
partners. They would have given anything then to get these
regulations annulled, and not be obliged to perform their
duties.
Read me, first, the decree for which I appeared to
the indictment, then the service-rolls, that of the former law,
and that under mine.
Read.
THE DECREE
" In the archonship of Polycles,
mion,
in the
on the sixteenth
of
Boedro-
presidency of the Hippothoontian tribe, Demos-
thenes son of Demosthenes of Pseania introduced a law for
the naval service, instead of the former one under which
there were the associations of joint-captains;
passed by the council and people.
And
and
it
was
Patrocles of Phlyus
preferred an indictment against Demosthenes for an illegal
measure, and, not having obtained his share of the votes, paid
the penalty of five hundred drachms."
Now produce that fine roll.
1
An
oath or affidavit sworn by a party to a cause, in order to obtain
But, according to the explanation of
also to the oath sworn by a person who
threatened another with an indictment for an illegal measure. Any
citizen was at liberty to indict the author of a decree, though passed
by the popular assembly, within a twelvemonth after the passing;
and it became void, if the indictment succeeded.
some adjournment or delay.
Julius Pollux, it was applied
On
the
Crown
57
THE ROLL
" Let sixteen captains be called out for every galley, as
they are associated in the companies, 1 from the age of twentyfive to forty, defraying the
Now
for the roll
under
charge equally."
my law.
THE ROLL
" Let captains be chosen according to their property
valuation, taking ten talents to a galley:
valued at a higher sum,
let
if
the charge be proportionate, as
and a tender; and
those whose property is
far as three ships
let it
proportion for
less
joining
them
Think ye
in
I
be in the same
than ten talents,
a partnership to make up ten talents."
2
but slightly helped the poor of Athens, or that
the rich would have spent but a trifling
doing what was right?
refused this
by
the property be
sum
to escape the
however, not only in having
compromise, and having been acquitted on the
I glory
my law was beneficial, and I have
For during the whole war, whilst the
armaments were shipped off according to my regulations, no
captain ever appealed to you against oppression, or took
sanctuary at Munychia, 3 or was imprisoned by the clearing4
officers
no galley was lost to the state by capture abroad,
or left behind from unfitness to go to sea.
Under the former
indictment, but because
proved
it
so
by
trial.
;
1
Literally, " according to the associations in the companies." A6xoi
here are the same as av/x/xoplaL, according to Wolf.
2
The ten talents, which are made the basis of this regulation, are
the rateable value of the property, which would be one-fifth of the
whole for the highest class, if the valuation of B.C. 379 was in force;
so that a man possessing fifty talents would have the charge of one
ship, a hundred talents, of two ships, a hundred and fifty talents, of
three ships; and a tender would have to be found in addition for a
certain sum beyond, which is not specified.
Higher the charge was
not carried. Those who had less than ten talents of rateable capital
clubbed together for one ship, but the rating was in a lower proportion.
3
In a temple of Diana in the port of Munychia.
4
Ten officers, whose business it was to expedite the equipment of
the fleet, and its clearance out from port a Board of Despatch.
—
The
58
Orations of Demosthenes
—because the burden was put
all these things happened
upon the poor, and therefore
laws
difficulties
frequently arose.
charge from the poor to the wealthy, and
I transferred the
then every duty was done. For this itself too I deserve
praise, that I adopted all such measures as brought glory
and honour and power to the state: there is no envy, spite,
any measure of mine, nothing sordid or unworthy of Athens. The same character is apparent in my
home and in my foreign policy. At home, I never preferred
or malice in
the favour of the wealthy to the rights of the
I
many
:
abroad,
valued not the presents or the friendship of Philip above
the general interests of Greece.
I
conceive
it
remains for
and the accounts
:
for,
that
me
I
to speak of the proclamation
—that
acted for the best
I
have
—
throughout been your friend and zealous in your service is
proved abundantly, methinks, by what I have said already.
The most important part of my policy and administration I
pass by, considering that I have in regular course to reply to
—though am
—the knowledge you
the charge of illegality; and besides
to the rest of
will serve
As
me
to the
my
political acts
I
silent as
all
have
equally well.
arguments which he jumbled together about
the counter-written laws, I hardly suppose you comprehend
—
them I myself could not understand the greater part.
However I shall argue a just case in a straightforward way.
So
far
from saying that
secutor just
now
I
am
not accountable, as the pro-
falsely asserted, I
my life accountable
acknowledge that
I
am
all
what as your statesman I have undertaken or advised; but for what I have voluntarily given to
the people out of my own private fortune, I deny that I am
any day accountable do you hear, ^Eschines? nor is any
other man, let him even be one of the nine archons. 1 For
what law is so full of injustice and inhumanity as to enact,
that one who has given of his private means, and done an act
for
—
—
1
The archons were also liable to an examination by the council
previous to admission to their office.
;
:
!
On
of generosity
the
Crown
and munificence, instead
59
of having thanks, shall
be brought before malignants, appointed to be the auditors of
None. If he says there is, let him produce it,
his liberality?
my tongue. But there is
The prosecutor in his malice, because
I gave some of my own money when I superintended the
theatre fund, says " the Council praised him before he had
rendered his account."' Not for any matters of which I had
an account to render, but for what I spent of my own, you
and
be content and hold
I will
none,
men
of
Athens.
—
malignant
" Oh, but you were a Conservator of Walls " says he. Yes
and for that reason was I justly praised, because I gave the
sums expended and did not charge them. A charge requires
!
auditing and examiners ; a donation merits thanks and praise
therefore the defendant
That
this
is
made
this
a settled principle
the laws, I can show by
many
motion in my favour.
your hearts as well as
in
proofs easily.
in
First, Nausicles
has often been crowned by you for what he expended out of
Secondly, Diotimus
his own funds whilst he was general.
was crowned for his present of shields and Charidemus too.
Again, Neoptolemus here, superintendent of divers works,
has been honoured for his donations. It would indeed be
cruel, if a man holding an office should either, by reason of
his office, be precluded from giving his own money to the
state, or have, instead of receiving thanks, to render an account of what he gave. To prove the truth of my statements,
take and read me the original decrees made in favour of
these men.
;
A DECREE
l
" Archon, Demonicus of Phlyus.
On the twenty-sixth of
Boedromion, with the sanction of the council and people,
1
The event referred to in this decree seems to have taken place
during the Social War, b.c. 355, when the Chians, Rhodians, and ByzanIn that year Callitines made a descent upon Lemnos and Imbrus.
Nausicles is frequently mentioned by /Eschines
stratus was archon.
and Demosthenes in terms of praise. He commanded an Athenian
force in the Sacred War, B.C. 352.
The
60
Orations of Demosthenes
moved: That the council and people recrown Nausicles, general of foot, for that, there being
two thousand Athenian troops of the line in Imbrus, for the
defence of the Athenian residents in that island, and Philo of
the finance department being by reason of storms unable to
sail and pay the troops, he advanced money of his own, and
did not ask the people for it again; and that the crown be
Callias of Phrearrii
solve to
proclaimed at the Dionysian
festival, at the
new
tragedies."
ANOTHER DECREE
" Callias of Phrearrii
moved, the presidents declaring
it
to
be with the sanction of the council: Whereas Charidemus,
general of foot, having been sent to Salamis, he and Diotimus,
general of horse, after certain of the troops
had
in
the
skirmish by the river been disarmed by the enemy, did at
their
own expense arm
the young
men
with eight hundred
hath been resolved by the council and people to
crown Charidemus and Diotimus with a golden crown, and
to proclaim it at the great Panathenaic festival, during the
shields:
It
gymnastic contest, and at the Dionysian festival, at the
exhibition of the new tragedies: the proclamation to be
1
given in charge to the judges, the presidents, and the prize-
masters."
Each of these men, iEschines, was accountable for the office
which he held, but not accountable for the matters in respect
No more then am I; for surely
of which he was crowned.
I have the same rights, under the same circumstances, as
other men. Have I given money? I am praised for that,
not being accountable for what I gave. Did I hold office?
Yes; and I have rendered an account of my official acts, not
Oh, but I was guilty of malpractices in
of my bounties.
name which
I give to the six junior archons, to avoid
It does not indeed (any more than
of Thesmothetes.
Thesmothetes itself) convey a perfect idea of the official duties which
they had to discharge; yet it is by no means inappropriate, seeing that
the most important part of them were of a judicial character.
1
Such
is
the uncouth
the
title
On
office
!
accused
And you,
me not?
To show you
been crowned
the
present
Crown
when
61
the auditors brought
that he himself bears testimony to
what
me up,
1
my having
had no account to render of, take
and read the whole decree drawn up in my favour. By the
portions of the bill which he never indicted it will appear
that his prosecution is vexatious. Read.
for
I
THE DECREE
2
" In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty-second of
Pyanepsion, in the presidency of the (Eneian tribe, Ctesiphon
son of Leosthenes of Anaphlystus moved Whereas Demos:
thenes son of Demosthenes of Paeania, having been superin-
tendent of the repair of the walls, and having expended on
own money, hath
and whereas, having been
the works three additional talents out of his
given that
sum
to the people;
appointed treasurer of the theoric fund, he hath given to
the theoric officers of the tribes a hundred minas towards
the sacrifices, the council and people of Athens have resolved
to
honour Demosthenes son of Demosthenes
of Paeania
with
public praise, for the goodness and generosity which he has
shown throughout on every occasion towards the people of
Athens, and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre, at the Dionysian festival, at
the performance of the
new
tragedies:
the proclamation to
be given in charge to the prize-master."
These were my donations; none of which have you inthe rewards which the council says I deserve for
dicted:
1
Demosthenes had passed the scrutiny of the Logistas, and had no
charge preferred against him at the close of his official year. This
however, in point of law, was no answer to his opponent's argument;
for the legality of Ctesiphon's measure was to be tried by reference
to the time when he introduced it, at which time Demosthenes had
not cleared himself of his official responsibility.
2
The name of the archon is again wrong here, and the decree is not
in all manuscripts.
The terms of it do not agree with the recital in
the indictment, though it is the same in substance.
The
62
them
are
Orations of Demosthenes
what you
illegality.
To
arraign.
confess to be legal;
receive the gifts then
you
the requital of them you indict for
In the name of heaven
!
what
sort of person can
a monster of wickedness and malignity be,
person as this?
Concerning the proclamation
if
not such a
in the theatre, I pass
over
the fact, that thousands of thousands have been proclaimed,
and I myself have been crowned often before. But by the
Gods! are you so perverse and stupid, iEschines, as not to
be able to reflect, that the party crowned has the same glory
from the crown wherever it be published, and that the proclamation
is
made
in the theatre for the benefit of those
who
For the hearers are all encouraged to
render service to the state, and praise the parties who show
their gratitude more than the party crowned.
Therefore has
our commonwealth enacted this law. Take and read me the
confer the crown?
law
itself.
THE LAW
"
Whensoever any
of the townships
bestow crowns, pro-
made by them in their several
where any are crowned by the people of
clamations thereof shall be
townships, unless
Athens or the council; and
it
shall
be lawful for them to be
proclaimed in the theatre at the Dionysian festival."
Do you
hear, ^schines, the law distinctly saying
— " unless
where any are voted by the people or the council such may
be proclaimed ? " Why then, wretched man, do you play the
pettifogger ? Why manufacture arguments ? Why don't you
take hellebore x for your malady ? Are you not ashamed to
bring on a cause for spite, and not for any offence ? to alter
some laws, and to garble others, the whole of which should in
;
—
1 Hellebore
was used by the ancients to purge the brain, and cure
people of insanity; and because it grew abundantly in the island of
"
Anticyra,
to send a person to Anticyra," was as good as saying he
was mad.
!
On
the
justice be read to persons
laws?
And you
Crown
63
sworn to decide according to the
that act thus describe the qualities which
you had ordered a statue
it without having what
the contract required; or as if friends of the people were
known by words, and not by acts and measures
And you
bawl out, regardless of decency, a sort of cart-language, 1
applicable to yourself and your race, not to me.
Again, men of Athens I conceive abuse to differ from
accusation in this, that accusation has to do with offences for
which the laws provide penalties, abuse with the scandal
which enemies speak against each other according to their
humour. And I believe our ancestors built these courts, not
that we should assemble you here and bring forth the secrets
of private life for mutual reproach, but to give us the means
belong to a friend of the people, as
if
according to contract, and received
!
—
of convicting persons guilty of crimes against the state.
^Eschines
knew
this as well as I,
and yet he chose
to rail
rather than to accuse.
way he must take as much as he gives; but
upon such matters, let me ask him one question
Should one call you the state's enemy, or mine,
iEschines? Mine, of course. Yet, where you might, for any
Even
in this
before I enter
—
offence which
I
committed, have obtained satisfaction for the
people according to the laws, you neglected
—at the audit,
it
on the indictments and other trials but where I in my own
person am safe on every account, by the laws, by time, by
prescription, 2 by many previous judgments on every point,
by my never having been convicted of a public offence and
where the country must share, more or less, in the repute of
measures which were her own here it is you have encountered me. See if you are not the people's enemy, while you
pretend to be mine
;
—
—
1 Billingsgate,
as the Londoners would say.
It was the custom of
the Athenian women, in divers solemn processions, especially at the
Eleusinian mysteries, when they were conveyed in open waggons or
carts, to amuse themselves by jeering and joking one another, without
the slightest regard to modesty or propriety of language.
2 "
By the Statute of Limitations, as we should say."
—
The
64
Orations of Demosthenes
Since therefore the righteous and true verdict
clear to all;
but
I
must,
it
seems
— though
is
made
not naturally
railing, yet on account of the calumnies uttered by
opponent in reply to so many falsehoods, just mention
some leading particulars concerning him, and show who he is,
and from whom descended, that so readily begins using hard
words and what language he carps at, after uttering such
as any decent man would have shuddered to pronounce
Why, if my accuser had been ^Eacus, or Rhadamanthus, or
Minos, instead of a prater, a hack of the market, a pestilent
scribbler, I don't think he would have spoken such things, or
found such offensive terms, shouting, as in a tragedy, "
Earth!
Sun!
Virtue! " and the like; and again appealing to Intelligence and Education, by which the honourable is distinguished from the base
all this you undoubtedly
heard from his lips. Accursed one! What have you or
yours to do with virtue? How should you discern what is
honourable or otherwise? How were you ever qualified?
What right have you to talk about education? Those who
really possess it would never say as much of themselves, but
fond of
—
my
—
:
—
if another did
those who are destitute like you,
but make pretensions to it from stupidity, annoy the hearers
by their talk, without getting the reputation which, they
rather blush
:
desire.
I
am
at no loss for materials concerning you and your
—
am in doubt what to mention first whether how
your father Tromes, being servant to Elpias, who kept a
reading-school in the temple of Theseus, wore a weight of
fetters and a collar; x or how your mother, by her morning
spousals in the cottage by Hero Calamites, 2 reared up you,
family, but
1
According to Reiske, a round board with a hole in the middle, put
on the necks of thievish slaves, to prevent them from reaching their
hands to their mouths. Or it may be the stocks; as in the Knights
of Aristophanes.
2
Hero of that name is the common interpretation. Schaefer,
however, referring to the oration of Demosthenes on the Embassy,
thinks that Heros was the name of a physician, who received the title
of Calamites, because he set fractured bones with splinters of reeds.
A
—
On
the
Crown
65
the beautiful statue, the eminent third-rate actor
know
these things without
my
telling
— Or
how
!
—But
all
the galley-
piper Phormio, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, removed her
from that honourable employment. But, by Jupiter and the
gods
I fear, in saying what is proper about you, I may be
thought to have chosen topics unbecoming to myself. All
this therefore I shall pass by, and commence with the acts
of his own life; for indeed he came not of common parents,
but of such as are execrated by the people. Very lately
lately do I say ?
it is but yesterday that he has become both
an Athenian and an orator adding two syllables, he converted his father from Tromes to Atrometus, and dignified
his mother by the name of Glaucothea, who (as every one
knows) was called Empusa; 1 having got that title (it is plain)
from her doing and submitting to anything how else could
she have got it? However, you are so ungrateful and wicked
by nature, that after being raised through the people from
servitude to freedom, from beggary to affluence, instead of
returning their kindness, you work against them as a hireling
!
—
—
—
politician.
Of the speeches, which it may possibly be contended he has
for the good of the country, I will say nothing: of the
acts which he was clearly proved to have done for the enemy,
I will remind you.
What man present but knows of the outcast Antiphon,
who came into the city under promise to Philip that he
would burn your arsenal ? I found him concealed in Piraeus,
and brought him before the Assembly; when this mischiefmaker, shouting and clamouring that it was monstrous in a
free state that I should ill-treat unfortunate citizens, and
made
And
enter houses without warrant, procured his release.
had not the Council of Areopagus, discovering the fact, and
perceiving your ill-timed error, made search after the man,
seized and brought him before you, a fellow like that would
1
This denoted a frightful spectre or hobgoblin. According to Aristophanes (Frogs, 293), it could change itself into various shapes.
E
The
66
Orations of Demosthenes
have been rescued, would have slipped through the hands of
and been sent out of the way by his declaimer. As
it was, you put him to torture and to death, as you ought this
man also. The Council of Areopagus were informed what
iEschines had done, and therefore, though you had elected
him for your advocate on the question of the Delian temple, 1
in the same ignorance by which you have sacrificed many of
the public interests, as you referred the matter to the council,
and gave them full powers, they immediately removed him
for his treason, and appointed Hyperides to plead; for which
purpose they took their ballots from the altar, 2 and not a
single ballot was given for this wretch.
To prove the truth
justice,
my statements,
of
call
me
the witnesses.
WITNESSES
"
We,
Sunium, Zenon of Phlyus, Cleon of PhaleMarathon, testify for Demosthenes in the
name of all, that, the people having formerly elected ^Eschines
for their advocate before the Amphictyons on the question of
the Delian temple, we in council determined that Hyperides
was more worthy to plead on behalf of the state, and Hyperides was commissioned."
Callias of
rum, Demonicus
of
Thus, by removing this man when he was about to plead,
and appointing another, the council pronounced him a traitor
and an enemy.
Such is one of this boy's political acts, similar is it not?
—
The Athenians claimed the superintendence of the temple of Delos,
which the Delians disputed with them. The question was referred to
the decision of the Amphictyonic Council at Thermopylae, and each of
the two states sent a deputy to plead their cause. Some fragments
remain of a speech made by Hyperides on this occasion, entitled
1
Deliacus.
An example is menby Herodotus (VIII. 123), on a memorable occasion, when the
Greek generals met at the Isthmus after the battle of Salamis, to declare what two men had done the greatest service in the war.
They
voted standing at the altar of Neptune; and while each awarded the
2
This was the most solemn method of voting.
tioned
place to himself, the great majority concurred in allowing the
second place to Themistocles. Another example may be seen in the
speech of Demosthenes against Macartatus, 1054.
first
On
Crown
the
—to what he charges me with.
another.
When
Philip sent
Now
Python
67
me remind you of
Byzantium, together
let
of
all his own allies, with the intention
our commonwealth to shame, and proving her in
the wrong, then when Python swaggered and poured a
with an embassy from
of putting
—
upon him
—
I neither yielded nor gave way;
and answered him, and betrayed not the rights of the
commonwealth. So plainly did I convict Philip of injustice,
that his very allies rose up and acknowledged it; while
^Eschines fought his battle, and bore witness, aye, false
flood of abuse
I rose
witness, against his
Nor was
own
country.
Again, some time afterwards, he
was found meeting Anaxinus the spy at Thraso's house. 1 A
man, I say, who had a private meeting and conference with an
emissary of the foe, must himself have been a spy by nature
and an enemy to his country. To prove these statements,
call
me
this
enough.
the witnesses.
WITNESSES
" Teledemus son of Cleon, Hyperides son of Callaeschrus,
Nicomachus son
of Diophantus, testify for Demosthenes, as
they swore before the generals, that iEschines son of Atrometus of Cothocidse did, to their knowledge, meet by night in
who was adjudged
These depositions were returned before
Thraso's house, and confer with Anaxinus,
to be a spy of Philip.
Nicias, 2
A
on the third
Hecatombxon."
vast deal besides that
For thus (methinks)
1
of
Anaxinus was an
it is.
I
could say about him I omit.
I could
produce
The transaction
many more
such
supposed to have
occurred b.c. 342. ^Eschines, in his speech (85), asserts that the whole
affair was a contrivance of Demosthenes, to prevent an impeachment
with which he had threatened him; and he reproached Demosthenes
with having put a man to the rack, at whose house in Oreus he had
lodged and received hospitality.
2
It is uncertain whether this Nicias is the name of a spurious archon,
or the secretary of the council, or an error for Nicomachus, who was
archon B.C. 341.
Orite.
is
—
The
68
cases,
Orations of Demosthenes
where iEschines was discovered at that period
assisting
enemy and harassing me. But these things are not treasured up by you for careful remembrance or proper resentthe
ment. You have, through evil custom, given large licence to
any one that chooses to supplant and calumniate your honest
counsellors, exchanging the interest of the state for the pleasure and gratification of hearing abuse; and so
it is easier and
your enemies than a
safer always to be a hireling serving
statesman attached to you.
That he should co-operate openly with Philip before the
war, was shocking
heaven and earth could it be otherwise? against his country! Yet allow him if you please,
—
—
!
But when the
allow
him
prize,
Chersonesus was ravaged, the
this.
ships
had openly been made
man was marching against
Attica, matters were no longer doubtful,
war had begun
nothing that he ever did for you can this malicious iambicmouther show not a resolution has yEschines, great or small,
—
concerning the interests of the state.
him prove
it
now
He
whilst
my
If
waterglass
he asserts
is
running. 1
it,
let
But
—
is reduced to an alternative;
either he
is none.
had no fault to find with my measures, and therefore moved
none against them; or he sought the good of the enemy, and
therefore would not propose any better.
Did he abstain from speaking as well as moving, when any
mischief was to be done to you? Why, no one else could
there
1
The Athenians, to prevent the parties from saying more than was
necessary, timed them by a glass, in which water trickled through
a narrow tube, like sand in one of our minute-glasses. The measure of
water is not always the same, and varied according to the importance
Mention is made of a certain quantity of water being
of the cause.
allowed in certain causes; but this gives us no idea of the length of
time, as we do not know the construction of the glass.
Our best evidence of this is the length of the speeches which have come down to
commonly
allowed
to
have
Each party was
two speeches, the
us.
defendant having the last reply; and the second speech might be half
If either got a friend to plead for him, he gave
as long as the first.
up so much of his own time as the friend's speech would occupy.
The admeasurement of the water was seen to by the superintending
magistrate.
An officer of the court stood by the glass, and stopped it
whenever a witness was called, or a law or other document was read
to the jury.
!
On
the
Other things,
speak a word.
Crown
it
69
appears, the country could
endure, and he could accomplish without detection:
last act
he achieved,
!
!
Athenians, which crowned
all
but one
he had
done before; on which he lavished that multitude of words,
recounting the decrees against the Amphissian Locrians, in
hopes of distorting the truth. But the thing admits it not.
No! never will you wash yourself clean from your performances there talk as long as you will
In your presence, men of Athens, I invoke all the gods and
goddesses to whom the Attic territory belongs, and Pythian
Apollo the Father-god x of our state ; and I implore them all
As I shall declare the truth to you, as I declared it in your
assembly at the time, the very moment I saw this wretch
—
— for perceived, instantly per— so may they grant me favour and protection If
putting his hand to the work
ceived
it
I
!
from malice or personal rivalry
my opponent, may they cut me
I
bring a false charge against
from every blessing
solemn assurance?
Because, though I have documents lying in the public
archives, from which I shall clearly prove my assertions,
though I know you remember the facts, I fear this man may
be considered unequal to the mischiefs which he has wrought;
as before happened, when he caused the destruction of the
unhappy Phocians by his false reports to you.
The Amphissian war, I say which brought Philip to
Elatea, which caused him to be chosen general of the Amphictyons, which ruined everything in Greece was this
man's contrivance. He is the single author of all our heaviest
calamities.
I protested at the time, and cried out in the
assembly " You are bringing a war, /Eschines, into Attica,
an Amphictyonic war " but his packed party would not
let me be heard; the rest wondered, and supposed that I was
bringing an idle charge against him out of personal enmity.
However, the real character of those transactions, the purpose
But wherefore
off
this imprecation, this
—
—
—
—
1
So called, as being the father of Ion, the ancient king of Athens.
See the Ion of Euripides.
—
The
jo
for
Orations of Demosthenes
which they were got up, the manner
accomplished, hear ye now,
You
vented then.
and
certed,
it
what
in
which they were
of Athens, as ye were pre-
will see that
will help
public affairs, and
men
the thing was well con-
you much
to get a
craftiness there
was
knowledge of
you
in Philip
will observe.
Philip could neither finish nor get rid of the
Athens, unless he
made
Though your
war with
the Thebans and Thessalians her
him without
and the cruisers he
suffered infinite damage.
He could neither export any of
the produce of his country, nor import what he needed. He
was not then superior to you at sea, nor able to reach Attica,
unless the Thessalians followed him and the Thebans gave
him a passage so that, while he overcame in war the generals
whom you sent out such as they were I say nothing about
that he found himself distressed by the difference of your
local position and means.
Should he urge either Thessalians
or Thebans to march in his own quarrel against you, none, he
thought, would attend to him but should he, under the pretence of taking up their common cause, be elected general, he
trusted partly by deceit and partly by persuasion to gain his
ends more easily. He sets to work therefore observe how
cleverly to get the Amphictyons into a war, and create a
disturbance in the congress. For this he thought they would
immediately want him. Now, if any of the presbyters commissioned by himself or any of his allies brought it forward
he imagined that both Thebans and Thessalians would suspect
the thing, and would all be on their guard; whereas, if the
agent were an Athenian and commissioned by you his opponents, it would easily pass unnoticed. And thus it turned out.
enemies.
fortune or
skill,
generals fought against
yet from the war
itself
;
—
—
—
:
—
—
How
No
one
and
so
did he effect his purpose?
(I believe)
—just
was aware
He
hires the prosecutor.
of the thing or attending to
as these things are usually
it,
done at Athens
iEschines was proposed for Pylasan deputy, three or four held
up
their
hands
for him,
and
his election
was declared.
When
On
the
Crown
71
clothed with the dignity of the state he arrived among the
Amphictyons, dismissing and disregarding all besides, he
hastened to execute what he was hired for. He makes up a
pretty speech and story, showing how the Cirrhsean plain
came
to be consecrated; reciting this to the presbyters,
men
unused to speeches and unsuspicious of any consequences, he
procures a vote from them to walk round the district, which
the Amphissians maintained they had a right to cultivate,
but which he charged to be parcel of the sacred plain. The
Locrians were not then instituting any suit against us, or any
1
This will
such proceedings as ^Eschines now falsely alleges.
Locrians to
for
the
show you It was impossible (I fancy)
carry on process against our commonwealth without a citation.
Who summoned us then? In whose archonship?
—
Say
who
knows
—point
pretence was flimsy and
When
him
out.
You
cannot.
Your
false.
the Amphictyons at the instance of this
man walked
over the plain, the Locrians fell upon them and well-nigh
speared them all; some of the presbyters they carried off
Complaints having followed, and war being stirred
up against the Amphissians, at first Cottyphus led an army
composed entirely of Amphictyons; but as some never came,
and those that came did nothing, measures were taken against
the ensuing congress by an instructed gang, the old traitors
of Thessaly and other states, to get the command for Philip.
And they had found a fair pretext: for it was necessary, they
said, either to subsidise themselves and maintain a mercenary
What need of
force and fine all recusants, or to elect him.
many words? He was thereupon chosen general; and immediately afterwards collecting an army, and marching
captive.
professedly against Cirrha, he bids a long farewell to the
Cirrhamns and Locrians, and seizes Elatea.
Had
not the
1
.-Eschines had stated in his speech (70), that the Amphissian
Locrians proposed to fine the Athenians fifty talents, for an inscription
which they had put on a golden shield in the temple, commemorating
the alliance of the Thebans with Persia. This he alleged to have been
the cause of his own proceeding against them.
72
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Thebans, upon seeing this, immediately changed their minds
and sided with us, the whole thing would have fallen like a
torrent upon our country. As it was, they for the instant
stopped him; chiefly,
Athenians, by the kindness of some
divinity to Athens, but secondly, as far as it could depend on
a single man, through me. Give me those decrees, and the
dates of the several transactions, that you may know what
mischiefs this pestilent creature has stirred up with impunity.
Read me
the decrees.
THE DECREE OF THE AMPHICTYONS
" In the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring congress,
it
hath been resolved by the deputies and councillors of the
Amphictyons, and by the assembly of the Amphictyons,
seeing that the Amphissians trespass upon the sacred plain
and sow and depasture it with cattle, that the deputies and
councillors do enter thereupon and define the boundaries
with pillars, and enjoin the Amphissions not to trespass for
the future."
ANOTHER DECREE
" In the priesthood of Clinagoras, 1 at the spring congress, it
hath been resolved by the deputies and councillors of the
Amphictyons and by the assembly of the Amphictyons,
seeing that the people of Amphissa have partitioned among
themselves the sacred plain and cultivate and feed cattle upon
the same, and on being interrupted have come in arms, and
with force resisted the general council of the Greeks, and have
of them
that Cottyphus the Arcadian, 2 who
wounded some
:
hath been elected general of the Amphictyons, be sent ambassador to Philip of Macedon, and do request him to come
to the aid of Apollo and the Amphictyons, that he may not
1
The name of the priest seems to mark the year, as that of the
arr.hon at Athens.
2
^Eschines calls Cottyphus a Pharsalian.
On
the
Crown
73
suffer the god to be insulted by the impious Amphissians;
and do announce that the Greeks who are members of the
Amphictyonic Council appoint him general with absolute
powers."
Now read the dates of these transactions.
with the time when iEschines was deputy.
They correspond
Read.
DATES
" Mnesithides
x
archon, on the sixteenth of the
month
Anthesterion."
Now
give
me
the letter which,
when
the Thebans would
not hearken to Philip, he sends to his allies in Peloponnesus,
that you may plainly see even from this how the true
motives of his enterprise, his designs against Greece and the
Thebans and yourselves, were concealed by him, whilst he
affected to be taking measures for the common good under a
decree of the Amphictyons. The man who furnished him
with these handles and pretexts was iEschines. Read
THE LETTER OF PHILIP
" Philip, king of Macedon, to the magistrates and council-
Peloponnesians and to all the other
Whereas the Locrians surnamed Ozolian,
dwelling in Amphissa, commit sacrilege against the temple of
Apollo at Delphi, and coming with arms despoil the sacred
plain, I propose with your assistance to avenge the god, and
to chastise people who violate any part of our recognised reliWherefore meet me with arms in Phocis, bringing
gion.
lors of the confederate
allies
greeting:
provisions for forty days, in the ensuing
we
month
of Lous, as
Boedromion, as the Athenians, Panemus, as the
Corinthians. Those who do not meet us with all their forces,
we shall visit with punishment. Farewell."
style
it,
1
The archon is wrong.
speech of /Eschines.
It
was Theophrastus,
as
we
learn from the
!
The
74
You
Orations of Demosthenes
private pleas, and has recourse to an
was it, I say, that helped him to this
contrivance that lent him these excuses ? Who is most to
blame for the misfortunes which have happened? Surely
see,
he avoids
Amphictyonic.
all
Who
—
Then go not about
^Eschines.
man
one
and earth
!
It
was not a
creants in every state.
were
saying,
Athenians, that
Heaven
man, but a number of mis^Eschines was one of them; and,
has inflicted these calamities on Greece.
single
obliged to speak the truth without reserve, I should
I
him the common pest of all that have
men, places, cities: for whoever supplies
the seed, to him the crop is owing. I marvel, indeed, you
turned not your faces away the moment you beheld him.
But there is a thick darkness, it seems, between you and the
not hesitate to
call
since been ruined,
truth.
The mention
of this
man's treasonable acts brings
me
the part which I have myself taken in opposition to him.
is
fair
you should hear
my
account of
it
for
many
to
It
reasons,
men of Athens, because it would be a shame,
have undergone the toil of exertions on your behalf,
that you should not endure the bare recital of them.
When I saw that the Thebans, and may I add the Athenians, were so led away by Philip's partisans and the corrupt
men of either state, as to disregard and take no precaution
against a danger which menaced both, and required the
utmost precaution (I mean the suffering Philip's power to
increase) and were readily disposed to enmity and strife with
each other; I was constantly watchful to prevent it, not only
because in my own judgment I deemed such vigilance expedient, but knowing that Aristophon, and again Eubulus, had
all along desired to bring about that union, and, whilst they
were frequently opposed upon other matters, were always
agreed upon this. Men whom in their lifetime you reptile
you pestered with flattery, yet see not that you are accusing them in their graves: for the Theban policy that you
reproach me with is a charge less affecting me than them, who
but
chiefly,
when
—
I
—
—
On
the
Crown
j$
approved that alliance before I did. But I must
I say, when ^Eschines had excited the war in Amphissa, and
his coadjutors had helped to establish enmity with Thebes,
Philip marched against us
that was the object for which
these persons embroiled the states—and had we not roused
up a little in time, we could never have recovered ourselves:
In what position you
so far had these men carried matters.
then stood to each other, you will learn from the recital of
these decrees and answers.
Here, take and read them.
return.
—
decree
*
" In the archonship of Heropythus, on the twenty-fifth of
the
month Elaphebolion, in the presidency of the Erechtheian
by the advice of the Council and the Generals Whereas
tribe,
:
Philip hath taken possession of certain neighbouring cities,
and
is
besieging others, and finally
is
preparing to advance
against Attica, setting our treaty at nought, and designs to
break his oaths and the peace, in violation of our common
engagements The Council and People have resolved to send
unto him ambassadors, who shall confer with him, and exhort
him above all to maintain his relations of amity with us and
:
his convention, or
if
not, to give time to the
Commonwealth
and conclude an armistice until the month
These have been chosen from the Council;
for deliberation,
Thargelion.
Simus
of Anagyrus,
Euthydemus
of Phylus, Bulagoras of
Alopece."
ANOTHER DECREE
" In the archonship of Heropythus, on the last
month Munychion, by
day
of the
the advice of the Polemarch: Whereas
Philip designs to put the
Thebans at variance with
hath prepared to advance with
his
us,
and
whole army to the places
1
The archon in this and the following decree is wrong, Lysimachides
having been archon in the year when these events happened.
—
j6
The
Orations of Demosthenes
nearest to Attica, violating the engagements that subsist
between us, the Council and People have resolved to send
unto him a herald and ambassadors, who shall request and
call upon him to conclude an armistice, so that the people
may take measures according to circumstances; for now they
do not purpose to march out in the event of anything reasonNearchus son of Sosinomus and Polycrates son of
able.
Epiphron have been chosen from the Council and for herald,
Eunomus of Anaphlystus from the People."
;
Now
read the answers:
THE ANSWER TO THE ATHENIANS
" Philip king of Macedon to the Council and People of
Athens greeting: Of the part which you have taken in reference to me from the beginning I am not ignorant, nor what
exertions you are making to gain over the Thessalians and
Thebans, and also the Boeotians.
Since they are more
prudent, and will not submit their choice to your dictation,
but stand by their own interest, you shift your ground, and
sending ambassadors and a herald to me, you talk of engagements and ask for an armistice, although I have given you
no offence. However I have given audience to your ambassadors, and I agree to your request and am ready to conclude
an armistice, if you will dismiss your evil counsellors and
degrade them as they deserve.
Farewell."
THE ANSWER TO THE THEBANS
" Philip king of Macedon to the Council and People of
Thebes greeting: I have received your letter, wherein you
renew peace and amity with me. I am informed however
that the Athenians are most earnestly soliciting you to
accept their overtures. I blamed you at first, for being inclined to put faith in their promises and to espouse their
On
But
the
Crown
77
have discovered that you would rather
than follow the counsels of others, I
praise you the more on divers accounts, but chiefly because
you have consulted in this business for your safety, and preserve your attachment to me, which I trust will be of no
small moment to you, if you persevere in that determination.
policy.
since I
maintain peace with
me
Farewell."
Philip having thus disposed the states towards each other
and being elated by these decrees and
army and seized Elatea, confident
that, happen what might, you and the Thebans could never
again unite. What commotion there was in the city you
all know;
but let me just mention the most striking cir-
by
his contrivances,
answers, came with his
cumstances.
A
was evening.
It
person came with a message to the
They
presidents that Elatea
was taken.
immediately, drove
the people from their market-stalls,
and
and
off
set fire to the wicker- frames
;
rose from supper
others sent for the generals
and the city was full of commotion.
The next morning at daybreak the presidents summoned the council to their hall, and you went to the assembly,
and before they could introduce or prepare the question,
the whole people were up in their seats. 1 When the council
had entered, and the presidents had reported their intelligence
and presented the courier, and he had made his statement,
the crier asked, " Who wishes to speak? " and no one came
forward. The crier put the question repeatedly still no
man rose, though all the generals were present and all the
orators, and our country with her common voice called for
some one to speak and save her for when the crier raises
his voice according to law, it may justly be deemed the
called the trumpeter;
—
—
common
voice of our country.
If
those
who
all of
desired the
come forward,
you and the other Athenians would have risen and
On the hill of the Pnvx.
salvation of Athens were the proper parties to
1
—
The
yS
Orations of Demosthenes
mounted the platform;
salvation
if
—
if
for I
am
sure
you
all
desired her
those of greatest wealth, the three-hundred
who were both friendly to the state and wealthy,
men who afterwards gave such ample donations, for
those
the
patriotism and wealth produced the
sion, that day, as
it
gift.
But that
occa-
seems, called not only for a patriot and
wealthy man, but for one who had closely followed the proceedings from their commencement, and rightly calculated
for what object and purpose Philip carried them on.
A man
who was
ignorant of these matters, or had not long and care-
them, let him be ever so patriotic or wealthy,
would neither see what measures were needful, nor be comfully studied
petent to advise you.
—
Well then I was the man called for upon that day.
came forward and addressed you. What I said, I beg you
I
for
—
two reasons attentively to hear first, to be convinced, that
your orators and statesmen I alone deserted not the
patriot's post in the hour of danger, but was found in the
very moment of panic speaking and moving what your necesof all
sities
— secondly, because at the expense of a
little
gain large experience for the future in
your
required
time you
will
all
political concerns.
—
those who were in such alarm under the idea that
had got the Thebans with him did not, in my opinion,
understand the position of affairs; for I was sure had that
really been so, we should have heard not of his being at
Elatea, but upon our frontiers he was come, however, I knew
I said
Philip
:
" Let
right for himself in Thebes.
"
how the matter stands. All the
inform you," said I,
make
for certain, to
me
—
Thebans
whom
and
still
what then
Elatea?
it
was possible
either to bribe or deceive he
those who have resisted him from the
oppose him he can in no way prevail upon:
his meaning, and why has he seized upon
command;
has at his
first
all
is
He
means, by displaying a force in the neighbour-
hood, and bringing up his troops, to encourage and embolden
his friends, to intimidate his adversaries, that they
may either
—
On
the
Crown
79
concede from fear what they now refuse, or be compelled.
" said I " if we determine on the present occasion to
Now
—
—
remember any unkindness which the Thebans have done us,
and to regard them in the character of enemies with distrust,
in the first place, we shall be doing just what Philip would
desire; in the next place, I fear, his present adversaries embracing his friendship and all Philippising with one consent,
they will both march against Attica. But if you will hearken
to me, and be pleased to examine (not cavil at) what I say, I
believe it will meet your approval, and I shall dispel the
danger impending over Athens. What then do I advise?
First, away with your present fear; and rather fear all of ye
—
—
Thebans they are nearer harm than we are to them
next I say, march to Eleusis
is more immediate:
all the fighting-men and the cavalry, and show yourselves to
the world in arms, that your partisans in Thebes may have
equal liberty to speak up for the good cause, knowing that, as
the faction who sell their country to Philip have an army to
support them at Elatea, so the party that will contend for
freedom have your assistance at hand if they are assailed.
Further I recommend you to elect ten ambassadors, and empower them in conjunction with the generals to fix the time
for going there and for the out-march.
When the ambassadors have arrived at Thebes, how do I advise that you should
treat the matter?
Pray attend particularly to this Ask
nothing of the Thebans (it would be dishonourable at this
time); but offer to assist them if they require it, on the plea
that they are in extreme danger, and we see the future better
than they do. If they accept this offer and hearken to our
counsels, so shall we have accomplished what we desire, and
our conduct will look worthy of the state: should we miscarry, they will have themselves to blame for any error committed now, and we shall have done nothing dishonourable or
mean."
This and more to the like effect I spoke, and left the
platform. It was approved by all; not a word was said
for the
the peril
—
—
The
80
against me.
make
Orations of Demosthenes
Nor
did I
make
the speech without moving, nor
the motion without undertaking the embassy, nor
undertake the embassy without prevailing on the Thebans.
From the beginning to the end I went through it all; I gave
myself entirely to your service, to meet the dangers which
encompassed Athens.
Produce me the decree which then passed. Now, ^schines,
how would you have me describe you, and how myself, upon
that day? Shall I call myself Batalus, 1 your nickname of
reproach, and you not even a hero of the common sort, but
one of those upon the stage, Cresphontes or Creon, or the
CEnomaus whom you execrably murdered once at Colyttus? 2
Well; upon that occasion I the Batalus of Pseania was more
serviceable to the state than you the CEnomaus of Cothocidse.
You were of no earthly use; I did everything which became
a ?ood citizen. Read the decree.
THE DECREE OF DEMOSTHENES
" In the archonship of Nausicles, 3 in the presidency of the
iEantian tribe, on the sixteenth of Scirophorion, Demosthenes
son of Demosthenes of Pasania moved: Whereas Philip king
Macedon hath
of
tempt
nised
in
and those laws
of his oath
among
all
The
of justice
which are recog-
the Greeks, and hath been annexing unto
himself cities that no
1
time past been violating the treaty of
the Athenian people, in con-
made between him and
peace
origin of this
way belong
nickname
is
to him,
doubtful.
and hath besieged
The
early critics were
not agreed upon it, as we learn from Plutarch. Libanius, in the Life of
Demosthenes, says that Batalus was an effeminate fluteplayer in Asia
Minor; which seems to agree with the words of /Eschines, in his speech
on the Embassy (p. 41), where he says that Demosthenes was called
Batalus when a boy.
2
Cresphontes, king of Messenia, and one of the Heraclida?, was the
hero of a lost play of Euripides; Creon is the well-known character in
the QZdipus and Antigone of Sophocles: CEnomaus, the king of Elis,
and father of Hippodamia, was the hero of a tragedy of Ischander, in
the performance of which ^Eschines was hissed off the stage at Colyttus,
one of the Attic townships.
3
The archon was Lysimachides.
On
the
Crown
8
i
and taken some which belong to the Athenians without any
provocation by the people of Athens, and at the present
time he is making great advances in cruelty and violence,
forasmuch as in certain Greek cities he puts garrisons and
overturns their constitution, some he razes to the ground
and sells the inhabitants for slaves, in some he replaces a
Greek population with barbarians, giving them possession of
the temples and sepulchres, acting in no way foreign to his
own country or character, making an insolent use of his
present fortune, and forgetting that from a petty and insignificant person he has come to be unexpectedly great: and the
people of Athens, so long as they saw him annexing barbarian
or private cities of their own, less seriously regarded the
now
offence given to themselves, but
that they see Greek
outraged and some destroyed, they think
it would be
monstrous and unworthy of their ancestral glory to look on
while the Greeks are enslaved Therefore it is resolved by the
Council and People of Athens, that having prayed and sacrificed to the gods and heroes who protect the Athenian city
cities
:
and
territory, bearing in
who deemed
it
of greater
mind the
virtue of their ancestors,
moment
to preserve the liberty of
own country, they will put two hundred
and their admiral shall sail up into the straits
of Thermopylae, and their general and commander of horse
shall march with the infantry and cavalry to Eleusis, and
ambassadors shall be sent to the other Greeks, and first of all
Greece than their
ships to sea,
to the Thebans, because Philip
is
nearest their territory,
them without dread of Philip to maintain
their own independence and that of Greece at large, and
assure them that the Athenian people, not remembering any
and
shall exhort
variance which has formerly arisen between the countries,
will assist
them with troops and money and weapons and
arms, feeling that for them (being Greeks) to contend
themselves for the leadership
manded and deprived
extraction
is
is
among
honourable, but to be com-
of the leadership
by a man
of foreign
derogatory to the renown of the Greeks and the
F
The
82
Orations of Demosthenes
further, the people of Athens do
not regard the people of Thebes as aliens either in blood or
race; they remember also the benefits conferred by their
virtue of their ancestors:
ancestors
upon the ancestors
of the
stored the children of Hercules
Thebans; for they
who were kept by
re-
the Pelo-
ponnesians out of their hereditary dominion, defeating in
battle those
who attempted
to resist the descendants of Her-
and we gave shelter to OEdipus and his comrades in
exile; and many other kind and generous acts have been
done by us to the Thebans wherefore now also the people of
Athens will not desert the interests of the Thebans and the
other Greeks and let a treaty be entered into with them for
alliance and intermarriage, and oaths be mutually exchanged.
Ambassadors: Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pseania,
cules;
:
:
Hyperides son of Cleander of Spettus, Mnesithides son of
Antiphanes of Phrearrii, Democrates son of Sophilus of
Phlyus, Callseschrus son of Diotimus of Cothocidse."
That was the commencement and
tion with Thebes
these
men
:
first
step in the negotia-
before then the countries had been led
into discord
by
That decree
and hatred and jealousy.
caused the peril which then surrounded us to pass away like
a cloud. It was the duty of a good citizen, if he had any
better plan, to disclose it at the time, not to find fault now.
A statesman and a pettifogger, while in no other respect are
they alike, in this most widely differ. The one declares his
opinion before the proceedings, and makes himself responsible
all men:
the
when he ought to speak; at any untoward
event he grumbles. Now, as I said before, the time for a
man who regarded the commonwealth, and for honest coun-
to his followers, to fortune, to the times, to
other
sel,
is
silent
was then: however
now can
I will
practicable but the one which I adopted, I
wrong.
For
if
there be
—
if any one
any other was
confess that I was
go to this extent
point out a better course, or indeed
if
any measure now discovered, which
(executed them) would have been to our advantage, I say
it
—
On
the
Crown
83
ought not to have escaped me. But if there is none, if there
if none can be suggested even at this day, what was
a statesman to do? Was he not to choose the best measures
within his reach and view? That did I, ^schines, when the
" not, " Who wishes to
crier asked, " Who wishes to speak?
complain about the past, or to guarantee the future? " Whilst
was none,
—
you on those occasions sat mute in the assembly, I came
forward and spake. However, as you omitted then, tell us
now. Say, what scheme that I ought to have devised, what
favourable opportunity was lost to the state by my neglect?
what alliance was there, what better plan, to which I should
The past is with all the
have directed the people? But no
world given up; no one even proposes to deliberate about
it: the future it is, or the present, which demands the action
!
of a counsellor.
At the
time, as
appeared, there were
it
dangers impending, and dangers at hand.
my
policy at that crisis;
of all things
is
don't
what the Deity
rail
Mark the line of
The end
at the event.
pleases
:
his line of policy it is
that shows the judgment of the statesman.
impute
it
as a crime to
me
Do
not then
that Philip chanced to conquer in
depended not on me, but on God. Prove
all measures that according to human calculation were feasible that I did not honestly and diligently
and with exertions beyond my strength carry them out or
that my enterprises were not honourable and worthy of the
Show me this, and accuse me as soon
state and necessary.
But if the hurricane that visited us hath been
as you like.
too powerful, not for us only, but for all Greece besides, what
battle: that issue
that I adopted not
—
—
As if a merchant, after taking every preand furnishing his vessel with everything that he
thought would ensure her safety, because afterwards he met
with a storm and his tackle was strained or broken to pieces,
should be charged with the shipwreck! "Well, but I was
not the pilot" he might say just as I was not the general.
" Fortune was not under my control: all was under hers."
Consider and reflect upon this If, with the Thebans on
is
the fair course ?
caution,
—
—
—
The
84
our
side,
Orations of Demosthenes
we were
to be expected
if
destined so to fare in the contest, what was
we had never had them
for allies,
but they
had joined Philip, as he used every effort of persuasion to
make them do? And if, when the battle was fought three
days march from Attica, such peril and alarm surrounded
the city, what must we have expected if the same disaster
had happened in some part of our territory? As it was (do
you see?) we could stand, meet, breathe; mightily did one,
two, three days, help to our preservation:
—but
in the other case
wrong to mention things, of which we have been
spared the trial by the favour of some deity, and by our protecting ourselves with the very alliance which you assail.
All this, at such length, have I addressed to you, men of
the jury, and to the outer circle of hearers; for, as to the
contemptible fellow, a short and plain argument would suffice.
If the future was revealed to you, iEschines, alone, when
the state was deliberating on these proceedings, you ought to
have forewarned us at the time. If you did not foresee it,
you are responsible for the same ignorance as the rest. Why
then do you accuse me in this behalf, rather than I you?
A better citizen have I been than you in respect of the
matters of which I am speaking (others I discuss not at
present) inasmuch as I gave myself up to what seemed for
the general good, not shrinking from any personal danger,
nor taking thought of any; whilst you neither suggested
better measures (or mine would not have been adopted) nor
lent any aid in the prosecuting of mine: exactly what the
basest person and worst enemy of the state would do, are you
found to have done after the event; and at the same time
Aristratus in Naxos and Aristolaus in Thasos, the deadly foes
of our state, are bringing to trial the friends of Athens, and
it is
yEschines at Athens
man, who waited
is
accusing Demosthenes.
to found his reputation
Surely the
upon the misfor-
tunes of the Greeks, deserves rather to perish than to accuse
another; nor
is it
same conjunctures
possible that one,
who has
as the enemies of the
profited by the
commonwealth, can
On
the
Crown
85
be a well-wisher of his country. You show yourself by your
and conduct, by your political action, and even your
life
political inaction.
Is
anything going on that appears good
^Eschines
for the people ?
is
mute.
Has anything untoward
happened or amiss ? Forth comes ^Eschines just
and sprains are put in motion, when the body
;
as fractures
is
attacked
with disease.
But
on the event, I will even
and I beg and pray of you
not to marvel at its boldness, but kindly to consider what I
say.
If then the results had been foreknown to all, if all
had foreseen them, and you, /Eschines, had foretold them and
protested with clamour and outcry you that never opened
your mouth not even then should the Commonwealth have
abandoned her design, if she had any regard for glory, or
ancestry, or futurity. As it is, she appears to have failed in
her enterprise, a thing to which all mankind are liable, if the
since he insists so strongly
assert something of a paradox:
—
—
Deity so
wills it
:
but then
— claiming precedency over others,
—she would have
and afterwards abandoning her pretensions
incurred the charge of betraying
all
to Philip.
Why, had we
resigned without a struggle that which our ancestors en-
countered every danger to win, who would not have spit
upon you ? Let me not say, the commonwealth or myself x
With what eyes, I pray, could we have beheld strangers
visiting the city, if the result had been what it is, and Philip
had been chosen leader and lord of all, but other people
without us had made the struggle to prevent it; especially
when in former times our country had never preferred an
ignominious security to the battle for honour? For what
Grecian or what barbarian is ignorant, that by the Thebans,
or by the Lacedaemonians who were in might before them, or
by the Persian king, permission would thankfully and gladly
have been given to our commonwealth, to take what she
pleased and hold her own, provided she would accept foreign
1
I.e. " Let me not say anything so shocking, so revolting to my
!
feelings, as to suppose that the commonwealth or myself could deserve
such an indignity! "
The
86
law and
let
Orations of Demosthenes
command
another power
Greece?
in
But, as
it
seems, to the Athenians of that day such conduct would not
have been national, or natural, or endurable: none could at
any period of time persuade the commonwealth to attach
herself in secure subjection to the powerful and unjust:
through every age has she persevered in a perilous struggle
And this you esteem
for precedency and honour and glory.
so noble and congenial to your principles, that among your
ancestors you honour most those who acted in such a spirit;
and with reason. For who would not admire the virtue of
those men,
who
resolutely
embarked
in their galleys
and
quitted country and home, rather than receive foreign law,
choosing Themistocles
and stoning Cyrsilus
terms imposed
his wife ?
1
an orator or a
servitude:
freedom.
born to
What
is
— not
Yes
;
who gave such counsel for their general,
who advised submission to the
to death
him
only, but your wives also stoning
the Athenians of that day looked not for
general,
who might
they scorned to
For each
his father or
of
live,
help
if
it
to a pleasant
could not be with
them considered that he was not
mother only, but
the difference?
them
He
his parents only, waits for his
also to his country.
that thinks himself born for
appointed or natural end:
he
that thinks himself born for his country also, will sooner
and will regard the insults
which must be borne in a commonwealth
enslaved, as more terrible than death.
Had I attempted to say, that I instructed you in sentiments worthy of your ancestors, there is not a man who would
not justly rebuke me. What I declare is, that such principles
are your own; I show that before my time such was the
spirit of the commonwealth; though certainly in the execution of the particular measures I claim a share also for my1
Cicero (De Officiis, III. u) has borrowed this anecdote from Demosthenes.
The same story is related by Herodotus (IX. 4, 5), who calls
perish than behold her in slavery,
and
indignities,
the person not Cyrsilus, but Lycidas. The terms were offered by Mardonius to the Athenians, while they were in Salamis. The advice of
Lycidas was given to the council, and the people outside hearing of it,
proceeded immediately to inflict summary punishment upon him.
:
On
self.
The
the
Crown
87
prosecutor, arraigning the whole proceedings, and
me
and
honour for the
moment, robs you of the eulogies that should endure for ever.
For should you, under a disbelief in the wisdom of my policy,
convict the defendant, you will appear to have done wrong
not to have suffered what befell you by the cruelty of fortune.
Athenians,
But never, never can you have done wrong,
in undertaking the battle for the freedom and safety of all!
those that met the peril at
I swear it by your forefathers
Marathon, those that took the field at Platxa, those in the seafight at Salamis, and those at Artemisium, and many other
brave men who repose in the public monuments, all of whom
alike, as being worthy of the same honour, the country buried,
^Eschines, not only the successful or victorious
Justly For
the duty of brave men has been done by all: their fortune
has been such as the Deity assigned to each. 1
Accursed scribbler you, to deprive me of the approbation
and affection of my countrymen, speak of trophies and
battles and ancient deeds, with none of which had this present
you third-rate actor! I,
trial the least concern; but I!
that rose to counsel the state how to maintain her preeminence! in what spirit was I to mount the hustings? In
the spirit of one having unworthy counsel to offer? I should
have deserved to perish! You yourselves, men of Athens,
may not try private and public causes on the same principles
the compacts of every-day life you are to judge of by particular laws and circumstances; the measures of statesmen,
by reference to the dignity of your ancestors. And if you
think it your duty to act worthily of them, you should every
one of you consider, when you come into court to decide
public questions, that together with your staff and ticket 2 the
embittering you against
as the cause of our alarms
dangers, in his eagerness to deprive
me
of
—
!
!
!
—
—
—
spirit of
the commonwealth
is
delivered to you.
So much criticism has been lavished, both in ancient and modern
times, on the beauty of this celebrated passage, that to refer to all that
has been said would be impossible.
2
There were 6,000 jurors chosen by lot for the service of the year,
600 from each of the Attic tribes. The whole number was then divided
1
The
88
Orations of Demosthenes
But in touching upon the deeds of your ancestors, there
were some decrees and transactions which I omitted. I will
return from my digression.
On our arrival at Thebes, we found ambassadors there from
Philip,
from the Thessalians and from
his other allies;
our
To prove
that
friends in trepidation, his friends confident.
am not asserting this now to serve my own purposes, read
me the letter which we ambassadors despatched on the inI
stant.
So outrageous is my opponent's malignity, that, if any
advantage was procured, he attributes it to the occasion, not
to me; while all miscarriages he attributes to me and my
fortune.
And according to him, as it seems, I, the orator and
adviser, have no merit in results of argument and counsel,
but am the sole author of misfortunes in arms and strategy.
Could there be a more brutal calumniator or a more exe-
crable ?
Read
the letter.
[The
On
letter is
read]
1
the convening of the assembly, our opponents were
first, because they held the character of allies.
they came forward and spoke, in high praise of Philip
introduced
And
and disparagement
of you, bringing
up
all
the hostilities that
into ten sections of 500 each, a thousand being left as supernumeraries,
to supply deficiencies occasioned by death or any other cause.
There
were ten courts at Athens, among which the services of these jurors
were to be distributed; and it was managed in the following way.
Each court was designated by a colour, and also by a letter over the
doorway. Each of the jury sections was likewise designated by a
letter.
When the juries had to be impanelled, the letters indicating
the different sections were drawn out of one box, and the letters indicating the different courts were drawn out of another: each pair of
lots so drawn out determined what section should be assigned to what
court.
When the whole section was not required, the individual jurors
who were to form the panel were chosen by lot, each juror having a
counter with his section and name marked upon it. The courts being
thus allotted, every juryman received a staff and a ticket. The staff,
on which was marked the letter and colour of his court, served to distinguish him from the crowd, and procure him instant admission.
The ticket, which he returned to the magistrate when the business
was concluded, entitled him to his fee.
1 This, and all the
documents subsequently referred to by the Orator,
are lost.
:
On
Crown
the
89
you ever committed against the Thebans. In fine, they
urged them to show their gratitude for the services done by
Philip, and to avenge themselves for the injuries which you
had done them, either it mattered not which by giving
them a passage against you, or by joining in the invasion of
Attica; and they proved, as they fancied, that by adopting
their advice the cattle and slaves and other effects of Attica
would come into Bceotia, whereas, by acting as they said we
should advise, Bceotia would suffer pillage through the war.
And much they said besides, tending all to the same point.
The reply that we made I would give my life to recapitulate,
but I fear, as the occasion is past, you will look upon it as if
a sort of deluge had overwhelmed the whole proceedings, and
regard any talk about them as a useless troubling of you.
Hear then what we persuaded them and what answer they
returned. Take and read this
—
—
[The answer of the Thebans]
You marched to
and to omit what happened between their
reception of you was so friendly, that, while their infantry
and cavalry were outside the walls, they admitted your army
into their houses and citadel, among their wives and children
and all that was most precious. Why, upon that day three
of the noblest testimonies were before all mankind borne in
your favour by the Thebans, one to your courage, one to
your justice, one to your good behaviour. For when they
preferred fighting on your side to fighting against you, they
held you to be braver and juster in your demands than
Philip and when they put under your charge what they and
all men are most watchful to protect, their wives and children, they showed that they had confidence in your good
After this they invited and sent for you.
their succour,
—
—
;
behaviour.
In
all
which,
men
of Athens,
had rightly estimated your character.
entered the city, not so
much
For
it
appeared they
after
your forces
as a groundless complaint
was
The
90
Orations of Demosthenes
you by any one; so discreetly did you
behave yourselves: and twice arrayed on their side in the
earlier battles, that by the river and the winter-battle, you
proved yourselves not irreproachable only, but admirable in
your discipline, your equipments, and your zeal: which called
forth eulogies from other men to you, sacrifice and thanksgiving from you to the Gods. And I would gladly ask
/Eschines while these things were going on, and the city
was full of enthusiasm and joy and praise, whether he joined
with the multitude in sacrifice and festivity, or sat at home
sorrowing and moaning and repining at the public success.
For if he was present and appeared with the rest, is not his
conduct monstrous, or rather impious, when measures, which
he himself called the Gods to witness were excellent, he now
requires you to condemn you that have sworn by the Gods ?
If he was not present, does he not deserve a thousand deaths
preferred against
—
—
for grieving to behold
now
what others
rejoiced at?
Read me
the decrees.
[
We
The decrees for
sacrifice]
thus were engaged in sacrifice; the Thebans were in
the assurance that they had been saved through us; and
it
had come about, that a people, who seemed likely to want
assistance through the practices of these men, were themselves assisting others in consequence of my advice which you
What language Philip then uttered, and in what
followed.
trouble he was on this account, you shall learn from his
Take and read them,
letters which he sent to Peloponnesus.
that the jury may know what my perseverance and journeys
and toils, and the many decrees which this man just now
pulled to pieces, accomplished.
Athenians, you have had
before me;
many great and renowned
orators
the famous Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus,
yet none of them ever
thoroughly devoted himself to any measure of state: for
Thrasybulus, hundreds of others;
On
instance, the
mover
of
the
excuse.
some
How
relief,
then
—
91
a resolution would not be ambassador;
the ambassador would not
for himself
Crown
it
and
move
also,
may
a resolution; each one
left
should anything happen, an
be said
— did you so far surpass
others in might and boldness as to do everything yourself?
say that: but such was my conviction of the danger
impending over us, that I considered it left no room or
thought for individual security; a man should have been
only too happy to perform his duty without neglect. As to
myself I was persuaded, perhaps foolishly, yet I was persuaded, that none would move better resolutions than myself,
none would execute them better, none as ambassador would
show more zeal and honesty. Therefore I undertook every
duty myself. Read the letters of Philip.
I don't
[The
To
this did
my policy,
letters]
iEschines, reduce Philip.
This lan-
guage he uttered through me, he that before had lifted his
voice so boldly against Athens! For which I was justly
crowned by the people; and you were present and opposed it
not, and Diondas who preferred an indictment obtained not
his share of the votes.
Here, read
then absolved, and which this
man
me
the decrees which were
never indicted.
[The decrees]
These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very words and
which Aristonicus drew up formerly, and Ctesiphon
the defendant has now. And ^ischines neither arraigned
these himself, nor aided the party who preferred an indictment. Yet, if his present charge against me be true, he
might then have arraigned Demomeles the mover and Hyperides with more show of reason than he can the defendant.
Why? Because Ctesiphon may refer to them, and to the
decisions of the courts, and to the fact of iEschines not
syllables
—
The
92
Orations of Demosthenes
having accused them, although they moved the same decrees
which he has now, and to the laws which bar any further
proceedings in such a case, and to many points besides:
whereas then the question would have been tried on its own
merits, before any such advantages had been obtained.
But
then, I imagine, it would have been impossible to do what
^Eschines now does to pick out of a multitude of old dates
and decrees what no man knew before, and what no man
would have expected to hear to-day, for the purpose of
slander to transpose dates, and assign measures to the
wrong causes instead of the right, in order to make a plausible
case. That was impossible then. Every statement must have
been according to the truth, soon after the facts, while you
still remembered the particulars and had them almost at
your fingers' ends. Therefore it was that he shunned all
investigation at the time, and has come at this late period;
thinking, as it appears to me, that you would make it a contest of orators, instead of an inquiry into political conduct;
that words would be criticised, and not interests of state.
Then he plays the sophist, and says, you ought to disregard the opinion of us which you came from home with
that, as when you audit a man's account under the impression
that he has a surplus, if it casts up right and nothing remains,
—
—
you allow
it,
so should
the argument.
Only
you now accept the
see,
how
rotten in
its
fair
conclusion of
nature (and justly
wicked contrivance! For by this very cunning
now acknowledged it to be your conviction, that
I am my country's advocate and he is Philip's.
Had not this
been your opinion of each, he would not have tried to persuade
you differently. That he has however no reasonable ground
for requiring you to change your belief, I can easily show,
so) is every
simile he has
not by casting accounts
not to measures
to mind, taking
—but
—
by
for that
mode
of reckoning applies
calling the circumstances briefly
you that hear me both
for auditors
and
witnesses.
Through
my
policy,
which he arraigns, instead of the
!
On
the
Crown
93
Thebans invading
this country with Philip, as all expected,
they joined our ranks and prevented him; instead of the
—
war being
in Attica, it
took place seven hundred furlongs
—
from the city, on the confines of Bceotia instead of corsairs
issuing from Eubcea to plunder us, Attica was in peace on
the coast-side during the whole war; instead of Philip being
master of the Hellespont by taking Byzantium, the Byzantines were our auxiliaries against him. Does this computation
—
of services, think you, resemble the casting of accounts ?
we
Or
on a balance, and not look that
they be kept in everlasting remembrance? I will not set
down that of the cruelty remarkable in cases were Philip
got people all at once into his power, others have had the
trial;
whilst of the generosity, which, casting about for
his future purposes, he assumed towards Athens, you have
should
strike these out
happily enjoyed the
Yet
fruits.
I
pass that by.
do not hesitate to say; that any one desirous of
truly testing an orator, not of calumniating him, would never
have made the charges that you advanced just now, inventing
similes, mimicking words and gestures:
(doubtless it hath
determined the fortune of Greece, whether I spoke this word
or that, whether I moved my hand one way or the other !) no
he would have examined the facts of the case, what means and
resources our country possessed, when I entered on the administration, what, when I applied myself to it, I collected for
this I
and what was the condition of our adversaries. Then,
had lessened her resources, he would have shown me to
be guilty if I had greatly increased them, he would not have
calumniated me. However, as you have declined this course,
her,
if
I
;
adopt it. See if I state the case fairly.
For resources our country possessed the islanders; not
all, but the weakest;
for neither Chios, nor Rhodes, nor
Corcyra was with us subsidies 1 she had amounting to fiveand-forty talents; and they were anticipated: infantry or
cavalry, none besides the native. But what was most alarming
I will
—
:
1
The
tribute
from the
islanders.
The
94
Orations of Demosthenes
—
in favour of the enemy
these men had got
our neighbours to be hostile rather than friendly to us;
Megarians, Thebans, Eubceans. Such were the circumstances
of our state; no man can say anything to the contrary: look
and wrought most
all
whom we had to contend with. In
he ruled his followers with unlimited sway, the
most important thing for military operations: in the next
now
the
at those of Philip,
first place,
place, they
had arms always
in their
hands: besides, he had
plenty of money, and did what he pleased, not giving notice
by
decrees, not deliberating openly, not brought to trial
calumniators, not defending indictments for
illegal
by
measures,
not responsible to any one, but himself absolute master,
leader,
it is
and lord of all.
examine
right to
I,
who was matched
this
—what had
I
against
under
my
him
—
for
control?
Nothing.
Public speech, for instance, the only thing open to
me— even
to this
you invited his hirelings as well as myand whenever they prevailed over me (as often happened
for some cause or other) your resolutions were passed for
the enemy's good. Still under these disadvantages I got you
self;
for allies Eubceans,Ach3eans,Corinthians,Thebans,Megarians,
Leucadians, Corcyrceans; from whom were collected fifteen
thousand mercenaries and two thousand horse, besides the
national troops. Of money too I procured as large a contri-
bution as possible.
If
you
talk about just conditions with the Thebans,1 ^Es-
chines, or with the Byzantines or Eubceans, or discuss
the question of equal terms,
first I
say
—you
now
are ignorant
that of those galleys formerly which defended Greece, being
three hundred in number, our
hundred, and never (as
having done
so,
it
never prosecuted those
pressed any dissatisfaction;
was grateful
commonwealth furnished two
seemed) thought herself injured by
who advised
—shame on her
if
it
she hadl
or ex-
—but
when a common danger beset
alone furnished double what the rest did for
to the gods, that,
the Greeks, she
1 ^schines, in his speech
(73), complains that the terms of the
treaty, concluded by Demosthenes with the Thebans, were most
disadvantageous to Athens.
—
!
On
Crown
the
95
but a poor favour you
do your countrymen by calumniating me. For what is the
use of telling us now what we should have done? Why,
being in the city and present, did you not make your proposals then; if indeed they were practicable at a crisis, when
the preservation of
all.
Besides,
it is
—
we had
what we liked but what the circumRemember, there was one ready to bid
welcome eagerly those that we rejected, and
to accept not
stances allowed?
against us, to
give
money
But
into the bargain.
am
accused for what I have actually done, how
would it have been, if, through my hard bargaining, the states
had gone off and attached themselves to Philip, and he had
become master at the same time of Eubcea,Thebes,and Byzantium? What think ye these impious men would have said
or done ? Said, doubtless, that the states were abandoned
that they wished to join us and were driven away that he
had got command of the Hellespont by the Byzantines, and become master of the corn-trade of Greece that a heavy neighbour-war had by means of the Thebans been brought into
Attica that the sea had become unnavigable by the excursion of pirates from Eubcea! All this would they have said
sure enough, and a great deal besides. A wicked, wicked thing,
Athenians, is a calumniator always, every way spiteful and
if
I
—
—
—
But this creature is a reptile by nature, that
from the beginning never did anything honest or liberal; a
very ape of a tragedian, village CEnomaus, counterfeit orator
What advantage has your eloquence been to your country?
Now do you speak to us about the past? As if a physician
should visit his patients, and not order or prescribe anything
to cure the disease, but on the death of any one, when the
last ceremonies were performing, should follow him to the
grave and expound, how, if the poor fellow had done this and
that, he never would have died
Idiot do you speak now ?
Even the defeat if you exult in that which should make
you groan, you accursed one! by nothing that I have
done will it appear to have befallen us. Consider it thus,
fault-finding.
!
—
!
—
!
g6
O
The
Athenians.
Orations of Demosthenes
From no embassy, on which I was commiscome away defeated by the
sioned by you, did I ever
—
ambassadors of Philip neither from Thessaly, nor from Ambracia, nor from the kings of Thrace, nor from Byzantium,
nor from any other place, nor on the last recent occasion from
Thebes; but where his ambassadors were vanquished in argument, he came with arms and carried the day. And for this
you call me to account; and are not ashamed to jeer the
same person for cowardice whom you require singlehanded to
For
overcome the might of Philip and that too by words
what else had I at my command? Certainly not the spirit
of each individual, nor the fortune of the army, nor the conduct of the war, for which you would make me accountable;
such a blunderer are you
Yet understand me. Of what a statesman may be responsible for I allow the utmost scrutiny; I deprecate it not.
—
What
are his functions
to foresee and foretell
!
To observe
?
them
things in the beginning,
to others,
—
this I
have done:
wherever he finds delays, backwardness, ignorance,
jealousies, vices inherent and unavoidable in all communities,
to contract them into the narrowest compass, and on the
again;
other hand, to promote unanimity and friendship and zeal
in the discharge of duty.
All this too I have performed;
and no one can discover the least neglect on my part. Ask
any man by what means Philip achieved most of his successes, and you will be told, by his army, and by his bribing
and corrupting men in power. Well; your forces were not
under
my command
or control;
so that I cannot be ques-
tioned for anything done in that department.
But by
fusing the price of corruption I have overcome Philip
the offerer of a bribe,
if it
who
:
re-
for as
be accepted, has vanquished the
it and is not corrupted has
vanquished the person offering. Therefore is the commonwealth undefeated as far as I am concerned.
These and such as these (besides many others) are the
grounds furnished by myself to justify the defendant's motion
taker, so the person
refuses
—
On
the
Crown
97
Those which you, my fellow-citizens, furnished
Immediately after the battle the
people, knowing and having witnessed everything which I
did, in the very midst of their alarm and terror, when it
would not have been surprising if the great body of them had
even treated me harshly, passed my resolutions for the safety
of the country; all their measures of defence, the disposition
in
my behalf.
I will
proceed to mention.
of the garrisons, the trenches, the levies for our fortifications,
were carried on under my decrees: and further, upon the
election of a commissioner of grain, they chose me in preAfterwards, when those who were bent to do
all.
a mischief conspired, and brought indictments, audits,
ference to
me
impeachments and the rest of it against me, not at first in
own persons, but in such names as they imagined would
most effectually screen themselves (for you surely know and
remember that every day of that first period I was arraigned,
and neither the desperation of Sosicles, nor the malignity of
Philocrates, nor the madness of Diondas and Melantus, nor
anything else was left untried by them against me;) on all
those occasions, chiefly through the Gods, secondly through
you and the other Athenians, I was preserved. And with
justice.
Yes, that is the truth, and to the honour of the
juries who so conscientiously decided.
Well then: on the
impeachments, when you acquitted me and gave not the prosecutors their share of the votes, you pronounced that my
policy was the best by my acquittal on the indictments my
counsels and motions were shown to be legal; by your passing of my accounts you acknowledged my whole conduct to
have been honest and incorruptible. Under these circumstances, what name could Ctesiphon with decency or justice
give to my acts ? Not that which he saw the people give
which he saw the jurors give which he saw truth establish
their
:
—
to the world ?
Aye, says he; but that was a fine thing of Cephalus, never
have been indicted. Yes, and a lucky one too. But why
should a man, who has often been charged, but never conG
to
The
98
Orations of Demosthenes
victed of crime, be a whit the more liable to reproach
ever,
men
of Athens, against
use the boast of Cephalus;
my opponent
I
?
How-
have a right to
he never preferred or proI am a citizen
for
secuted any indictment against me; therefore
as good as Cephalus
From many
by
his admission.
things one
may
see
his
unfeelingness and
malignity, but especially from his discourse about fortune.
my part, I regard any one who reproaches his fellow-man
with fortune, as devoid of sense. He that is best satisfied
with his condition, he that deems his fortune excellent, can-
For
it will remain so until the evening
how then
can it be right to bring it forward, or upbraid another man
with it? As yEschines, however, has on this subject (besides
many others) expressed himself with insolence, look, men of
not be sure that
:
Athens, and observe
how much more
truth and humanity
upon fortune than in his.
I hold the fortune of our commonwealth to be good, and
so I find the oracles of Dodonsean Jupiter and Pythian Apollo
declaring to us. The fortune of all mankind, which now prevails, I consider cruel and dreadful: for what Greek, what
there shall be in
my
discourse
barbarian, has not in these times experienced a multitude of
evils?
That Athens chose the noblest
better than those very Greeks
who
policy, that she fares
thought,
if
they aban-
doned us, they should abide in prosperity, I reckon as part of
her good fortune if she suffered reverses, if all happened not
to us as we desired, I conceive she has had that share of the
general fortune which fell to our lot. As to my fortune (personally speaking) or that of any individual among us, it
:
should, as I conceive, be judged of in connection with personal
Such
matters.
right
and
is
my
just one, as
opinion upon the subject of fortune, a
it
appears to me, and I think you will
^Eschines says that
agree with
it.
paramount
to that of the
my
individual fortune
is
commonwealth, the small and mean
and great. How can this possibly be ?
However, if you are determined, ^Eschines, to scrutinise my
fortune, compare it with your own, and, if you find my for-
to the good
On
the
Crown
99
it.
Look then from
pray and entreat that I may not
be condemned for bad taste. I don't think any person wise
who insults poverty, or who prides himself on having been
bred in affluence: but by the slander and malice of this cruel
man I am forced into such a discussion; which I will conduct
with all the moderation which circumstances allow.
I had the advantage, /Eschines, in my boyhood of going to
proper schools, and having such allowance as a boy should
have who is to do nothing mean from indigence. Arrived at
man's estate, I lived suitably to my breeding; was choirmaster, ship-commander, ratepayer; backward in no acts of
tune better than yours, cease to revile
And
the very beginning.
I
liberality public or private,
commonwealth and
to
my
but making myself useful to the
friends.
When
I
entered upon
state affairs, I chose such a line of politics that both
country and
many
by
my
people of Greece I have been crowned
and not even you, my enemies, venture to say
I chose was not honourable.
Such, then, has
been the fortune of my life: I could enlarge upon it, but I
forbear, lest what I pride myself in should give offence.
But you, the man of dignity, who spit upon others, look
what sort of fortune is yours compared with mine. As a boy
you were reared in abject poverty, waiting with your father
on the school, grinding the ink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, doing the duty of a menial rather than a freeman's son. After you were grown up, you attended your
mother's initiations, 1 reading her books and helping in all the
ceremonies: at night wrapping the noviciates in fawn-skin,
swilling, purifying, and scouring them with clay and bran,
raising them after the lustration, and bidding them say, " Bad
I have scaped, and better I have found; " priding yourself
that no one ever howled so lustily and I believe him! for
many
times,
that the line
—
1
The rites, which Demosthenes represents to have been performed
by the mother of /Eschines, were brought into Greece from Phrygia and
the east, and from Thrace. They appear not to have been of the most
reputable kind, at
people.
all
events the officiating parties were a low class of
!
The
ioo
Orations of Demosthenes
don't suppose that he
howler
!
who speaks
so loud
is
not a splendid
In the daytime you led your noble orgiasts, crowned
with fennel and poplar, through the highways, squeezing the
big-cheeked serpents, and lifting them over your head, and
shouting Evce Saboe, and capering to the words Hyes Attes,
Attes Hyes, saluted by the beldames as Leader, Conductor,
Chest-bearer, Fan-bearer, and the like, getting as your reward
tarts
and
biscuits
bless himself
and
and
rolls;
for
which any
man might
well
his fortune
When you were enrolled among your fellow-townsmen— by
what means I stop not to inquire when you were enrolled,
however, you immediately selected the most honourable of
employments, that of clerk and assistant to our petty magistrates.
From this you were removed after a while, having
done yourself all that you charge others with and then, sure
enough, you disgraced not your antecedents by your sub-
—
;
sequent life, but hiring yourself to those ranting players, as
they were called, Simylus and Socrates, you acted third parts,
collecting figs
and grapes and
olives like
a fruiterer from
them than from
company were
at stake; for there was an implacable and incessant war
between them and the audience, from whom you received so
many wounds, that no wonder you taunt as cowards people
other men's farms, and getting more from
the playing, in which the lives of your whole
inexperienced in such encounters. 1
But passing over what may be imputed
to poverty, I will
1
The commentators and translators have all misunderstood this
passage, imagining that iEschines and his troop are charged with
Nothing could be
strolling about the country and robbing orchards.
more foreign to the meaning. The explanation is simply as follows:
^Eschines and his fellow-players acted so badly that they were pelted
by the audience with figs, grapes, and olives as we should say, with
oranges.
The players picked up these missiles, and were glad to pocket
the affront. Such quantities were showered upon the stage, that they
got enough to stock a fruiterer's shop; so they were supplied like a
dealer in fruit, who purchases his stock from various farmers and
gardeners.
From this source ^Eschines derived more profit than from
the dramatic contests, for which the company were ill paid, and in
which they ran the risk of their lives every day from the indignation
of the audience.
—
—
On
the
Crown
101
You
to the direct charges against your character.
espoused such a line of politics (when at last you thought of
come
taking to them) that,
if
your country prospered, you lived
a hare, fearing and trembling and ever expecting to
be scourged for the crimes of which your conscience accused
you; though all have seen how bold you were during the
the
life
of
misfortunes of the rest.
A man
death of a thousand citizens
who took courage
—what does he
at the
deserve at the
hands of the living? A great deal more that I could say
about him I shall omit: for it is not all I can tell of his
turpitude and infamy which I ought to let slip from my
tongue, but only what is not disgraceful to myself to
mention.
Contrast
now
the circumstances of your
life
and mine,
gently and with temper, ^Eschines and then ask these people
;
whose fortune they would each of them prefer. You taught
went to school: you performed initiations, I
received them you danced in the chorus, I furnished it: you
were assembly-clerk, I was a speaker: you acted third parts,
I heard you:
you broke down, and I hissed: you have
worked as a statesman for the enemy, I for my country. 1 I
pass by the rest; but this very day I am on my probation
for a crown, and am acknowledged to be innocent of all
offence; whilst you are already judged to be a pettifogger,
and the question is, whether you shall continue that trade, or
reading, I
:
by not getting a fifth part of the votes.
you see, you have enjoyed, that you
should denounce mine as miserable!
at once be silenced
A
happy
fortune, do
Come now,
let
me
read the evidence to the jury of public
Milton has imitated this passage in the Apology for Smectymnuus
(vol. i. p. 221, Symmons' Edition.)
Speaking of the young divines and
students at college, whom he had seen so often upon the stage prostituting the shame of that ministry which they either had or were nigh
having, to the eyes of courtiers and court ladies, he proceeds thus:
" There while they acted and overacted, among other young scholars
I was a spectator: they thought themselves gallant men, and I thought
them fools; they made sport, and I laughed; they mispronounced,
and I misliked; and, to make up the Atticism, they were out, and I
1
hissed."
!
The
102
services
do you
which
recite
Orations of Demosthenes
I
me
have performed. And by way of comparison
the verses which you murdered:
From Hades and
the dusky realms
I
come.
And
111
news, believe me,
I
am
loath to bear.
betide thee, say I, and may the Gods, or at least the
Athenians, confound thee for a vile citizen and a vile thirdIll
rate actor
Read
the evidence.
[Evidence]
Such has been my character in political matters. In priif you do not all know that I have been liberal and
humane and charitable to the distressed, I am silent, I will
say not a word, I will offer no evidence on the subject, either
of persons whom I ransomed from the enemy, or of persons
whose daughters I helped to portion, or anything of the kind.
For this is my maxim. I hold that the party receiving an
obligation should ever remember it, the party conferring
vate,
should forget
it
immediately,
the other without meanness.
own
so:
if
the one
is
to act with honesty,
To remind and speak
of your
next door to reproaching. I will not act
nothing shall induce me. Whatever my reputation is
bounties
is
am content with it.
have done then with private topics, but say another
word or two upon public. If you can mention, ^Eschines, a
single man under the sun, whether Greek or barbarian, who
has not suffered by Philip's power formerly and Alexander's
now, well and good; I concede to you, that my fortune, or
misfortune (if you please), has been the cause of everything.
But if many that never saw me or heard my voice have been
grievously afflicted, not individuals only but whole cities and
nations, how much juster and fairer is it to consider that
to the common fortune apparently of all men, to a tide of
events overwhelming and lamentable, these disasters are to
in these respects, I
I will
On
the
Crown
103
be attributed. You, disregarding all this, accuse me whose
ministry has been among my countrymen, knowing all the
while that a part (if not the whole) of your calumny falls
upon the people, and yourself in particular. For if I assumed
the sole and absolute direction of our counsels, it was open to
you the other speakers to accuse me: but if you were constantly present in
all
the assemblies,
if
the state invited
what was expedient, and if these
measures were then believed by all to be the best, and especially by you (for certainly from no goodwill did you leave
me in possession of hopes and admiration and honours, all of
which attended on my policy, but doubtless because you
were compelled by the truth and had nothing better to
advise) is it not iniquitous and monstrous to complain now
of measures, than which you could suggest none better at
public
discussion
of
the time?
Among
all
other people I find these principles in a
defined and settled
—Does a man wilfully offend
object of wrath and punishment.
tentionally?
There
is
Has a man devoted
?
Hath a man
manner
He
is
the
erred unin-
of punishment for him.
what seemed for the general
pardon instead
himself to
good, and without any fault or misconduct been in common
with all disappointed of success? Such a one deserves not
obloquy or reproach, but sympathy. These principles will
not be found in our statutes only: Nature herself has defined
them by her unwritten laws and the feelings of humanity.
^Eschines, however, has so far surpassed all men in brutality
and malignity that even things which he cited himself as
misfortunes he imputes to me as crimes.
And besides as if he himself had spoken everything with
candour and goodwill he told you to watch me, and mind
that I did not cajole and deceive you, calling me a great
orator, a juggler, a sophist, and the like: as though, if a man
says of another what applies to himself, it must be true, and
—
—
the hearers are not to inquire
the charge.
Certain
am
who
I that
the person
you are
all
is
that makes
acquainted with
The
104
Orations of Demosthenes
my opponent's character, and
applicable to
my
oratory
—
him than
let it
believe these charges to be
And
to me.
be so:
of this I
though indeed
I
am
more
sure, that
find that the
speaker's power depends for the most part on the hearers; for
according to your reception and favour
of a speaker
this sort,
is
you
esteemed
—
will find it
if I,
that the wisdom
it is,
however, possess any ability of
has been exhibited always in public
business on your behalf, never against you or on personal
matters;
whereas that of ^schines has been displayed not
only in speaking for the enemy, but against
ever offended or quarrelled with him.
the good of the
of
It
is
all
persons
who
not for justice or
commonwealth that he employs it. A citizen
call upon judges impanelled
worth and honour should not
in the public service to gratify his anger or hatred or any-
thing of that kind;
but,
if
it
The
nor should he come before you upon
is not to have these feelings;
cannot be helped, they should be mitigated and
such grounds.
best thing
restrained.
On what occasions ought an orator and statesman to be
vehement? Where any of the commonwealth's main interests
are in jeopardy, and he is opposed to the adversaries of the
people. Those are the occasions for a generous and brave
But for a person who never sought to punish me for
citizen.
any offence either public or private, on the state's behalf or
on his own, to have got up an accusation because I am
crowned and honoured, and to have expended such a multitude of words this is a proof of personal enmity and spite
and meanness, not of anything good. And then his leaving
the controversy with me, and attacking the defendant, com-
—
prises everything that
is
base.
should conclude, ^Eschines, that you undertook this
cause to exhibit your eloquence and strength of lungs, not to
I
obtain satisfaction for any wrong.
But
it is
not the language
an orator, ^Eschines, that has any value, not yet the tone of
his voice, but his adopting the same views with the people, and
his hating and loving the same persons that his country does.
of
—
On
He
that
tion
:
is
the
Crown
105
thus minded will say everything with loyal inten-
he that courts persons from
whom
the commonwealth
apprehends danger to herself, rides not on the same anchorage
with the people, and therefore has not the same expectation
of safety. But do you see? I have: for my objects are
the same with those of my countrymen; I have no interest
separate or distinct. Is that so with you ? How can it be
when immediately after the battle you went as ambassador
to Philip, who was at that period the author of your
country's calamities, notwithstanding that you had before
—
—
persisted in refusing that office, 1 as all
And who
who speaks
is
it
men know?
that deceives the state?
not what he thinks.
Surely the
On whom
man
does the crier
pronounce a curse? 2 Surely on such a man. What greater
crime can an orator be charged with than that his opinions
and his language are not the same? Such is found to be
your character. And yet you open your mouth, and dare to
look these men in the faces
Do you think they don't know
you ? or are sunk all in such slumber and oblivion as not to
remember the speeches which you delivered in the assembly,
cursing and swearing that you had nothing to do with Philip,
and that I brought that charge against you out of personal
enmity without foundation? No sooner came the news of
the battle, than you forgot all that; you acknowledged and
avowed that between Philip and yourself there subsisted a
!
—
relation of hospitality
your contract
of hire.
—
and friendship new names these for
For upon what plea of equality or
justice could ^Eschines, son of
Glaucothea the timbrel-player, 3
1
This is to be understood only of the last six years before Chseronea.
This curse was pronounced at every assembly of the people and
every meeting of the council, before the business began. It was included in a form of prayer prescribed by law, in which the gods were
implored to bless and prosper the consultations of the citizens, and to
destroy and extirpate all persons who were ill-affected to the commonwealth, or plotted or conspired against the people, or were bribed to
mislead or deceive them. There are many allusions to this curse in the
a
Attic orators.
3
The drum
orgies of
or timbrel was an instrument peculiarly used
Bacchus and Cybele, derived from Phrygia.
in the
—
The
106
Orations of Demosthenes
be the friend or acquaintance of Philip? I cannot see. No!
You were hired to ruin the interests of your countrymen:
and yet, though you have been caught yourself in open
treason, and informed against yourself after the fact, you
revile and reproach me for things which you will find any
man is chargeable with sooner than I.
Many great and glorious enterprises has the commonwealth,
iEschines, undertaken
and succeeded in through me; and
Here is the proof On the election
—
she did not forget them.
of a person to speak the funeral oration immediately after
the event, you were proposed, but the people would not have
you, notwithstanding your fine voice, nor Demades, though
he had just made the peace, nor Hegemon, nor any other of
your party but me. And when you and Pythocles came forword in a brutal and shameful manner (0 merciful heaven !)
and urged the same accusations against me which you now do,
—
and abused me, they elected me all the more. The reason
you are not ignorant of it yet I will tell you. The Athenians
knew as well the loyalty and zeal with which I conducted
their affairs as the dishonesty of you and your party; for
what you denied upon oath in our prosperity you confessed
—
in the misfortunes of the republic.
fore, that
men who
They
considered, there-
got security for their politics by the
public disasters had been their enemies long before, and were
then avowedly such.
who was
They thought
it
right also that the
honour of the fallen and celebrate their valour should not have sat under the same roof
or at the same table with their antagonists; that he should
not revel there and sing a paean over the calamities of Greece
in company with their murderers, and then come here and
person
to speak in
receive distinction; that he should not with his voice act the
mourner
of their fate,
with his heart.
but that he should lament over them
This they perceived in themselves and in
in any of you: therefore they elected me, and
Nor, while the people felt thus, did the fathers and
brothers of the deceased, who were chosen by the people to
me, but not
not you.
On
the
Crown
107
perform their obsequies, feel differently. For having to order
the funeral banquet (according to custom) at the house of
the nearest relative to the deceased, they ordered
And
with reason:
nearer of kin than I was, none was so near to
lectively.
He
at mine.
it
because, though each to his
own was
them
all col-
that had the deepest interest in their safety
and success had upon their mournful disaster the largest
share of sorrow for them all.
Read him this epitaph, which the state chose to inscribe on
their monument, that you may see even by this, vEschines,
what a heartless and malignant wretch you are. Read.
THE EPITAPH.
These are the patriot brave, who side by side
Stood to their arms, and dash'd the foeman's pride:
Firm in their valour, prodigal of life,
Hades they chose the arbiter of strife;
That Greeks might ne'er to haughty victors bow,
Nor thraldom's yoke, nor dire oppression know;
They fought, they bled, and on their country's breast
(Such was the doom of heaven) these warriors rest.
Gods never lack success, nor strive in vain,
But man must suffer what the fates ordain.
Do you hear, ^Eschines, in this very inscription, that " Gods
never lack success, nor strive in vain ? " Not to the statesman
power of giving victory in battle, but to
Wherefore, then, execrable man, do you reproach
me with these things? Wherefore utter such language? I
pray that it may fall upon the heads of you and yours.
does
ascribe the
it
the Gods.
Many
me,
that,
other accusations and falsehoods he urged against
Athenians, but one thing surprised
when he mentioned
me more
than
all,
the late misfortunes of the country,
he felt not as became a well-disposed and upright citizen, he
shed no tear, experienced no such emotion with a loud voice,
exulting, and straining his throat, he imagined apparently
that he was accusing me, whilst he was giving proof against
:
himself that our distresses
manner
as the rest.
A
touched him not
person
who
in the
same
pretends, as he did, to
care for the laws and constitution, ought at least to have this
108
The
Orations of Demosthenes
about him, that he grieves and rejoices for the same cause as
the people, and not by his politics to be enlisted in the ranks
of the enemy, as yEschines has plainly done, saying that I
am the cause of all, and that the commonwealth has fallen
into troubles through me, when it was not owing to my views
or principles that you began to assist the Greeks for, if you
conceded this to me, that my influence caused you to resist
the subjugation of Greece, it would be a higher honour than
any that you have bestowed upon others. I myself would
not make such an assertion it would be doing you injustice
—nor would you allow it, I am sure; and ^Eschines, if he
acted honestly, would never, out of enmity to me, have disparaged and defamed the greatest of your glories.
But why do I censure him for this, when with calumny far
more shocking has he assailed me? He that charges me with
Philippising
heaven and earth
what would he not say ?
By Hercules and the Gods! if one had honestly to inquire,
discarding all expression of spite and falsehood, who the
persons really are, on whom the blame of what has happened
may by common consent fairly and justly be thrown, it
would be found, they are persons in the various states like
^Eschines, not like me persons who, while Philip's power
was feeble and exceedingly small, and we were constantly
warning and exhorting and giving salutary counsel, sacrificed
;
—
—
!
—
—
the general interests for the sake of selfish lucre, deceiving
and corrupting their respective countrymen, until they made
them slaves Daochus, Cineas, Thrasylaus, the Thessalians;
—
Cercidas, Hieronymus, Eucampidas, the Arcadians;
Myrtis,
Teledamus, Mnaseas, the Argives; Euxitheus, Cleotimus,
Aristechmus, the Eleans; Neon and Thrasylochus, sons of
the accursed Philiades, the Messenians; Aristratus, Epichares,
the Sicyonians;
Ptceodorus,
Dinarchus, Demaratus, the Corinthians;
Helixus,
Perilaus,
the Megarians;
Timolaus,
Theogiton, Anemoetas, the Thebans; Hipparchus, Clitarchus
Sosistratus, the Eubceans.
count the names of the
The day
traitors.
will
not last
All these,
me
to re-
Athenians,
On
are
the
Crown
109
men of the same politics in their own countries as this
among you, profligates, and parasites, and miscreants,
—
party
who have each of them crippled their fatherlands; toasted
away their liberty, first to Philip and last to Alexander;
who measure happiness by their belly and all that is base,
while freedom and independence, which the Greeks of olden
time regarded as the test and standard of well-being, they
have annihilated.
Of this base and infamous conspiracy and profligacy- or
—
rather,
Athenians,
if
I
am
to speak in earnest, of this
—Athens
is
by all mankind
and I am acquitted by you.
Then do you ask me, yEschines, for what merit I claim to be
honoured? I will tell you. Because, while all the statesmen
in Greece, beginning with yourself, have been corrupted formerly by Philip and now by Alexander, me neither oppor-
betrayal
of
Grecian liberty
acquitted, owing to
my counsels;
tunity, nor fair speeches, nor large promises, nor hope, nor
fear,
nor anything
else
could tempt or induce to betray ought
that I considered just and beneficial to
my
country.
What-
have advised my fellow-citizens, I have never advised
like you men, leaning as in a balance to the side of profit:
all my proceedings have been those of a soul upright, honest,
and incorrupt: entrusted with affairs of greater magnitude
than any of my contemporaries, I have administered them
all honestly and faithfully.
Therefore do I claim to be
honoured.
As to this fortification, for which you ridiculed me, 1 of the
wall and fosse, I regard them as deserving of thanks and
praise, and so they are; but I place them nowhere near my
acts of administration. Not with stones nor with bricks did
I fortify Athens: nor is this the ministry on which I mos"t
pride myself. Would you view my fortifications aright, you
ever
I
—
1
/Eschines had urged in his speech " that the merit of repairing
the fortifications was far outweighed by the guilt of having rendered
such repairs necessary; that a good statesman should not seek to be
honoured for strengthening the ramparts, but for doing some real
service to the commonwealth."
i
The
10
arms, and states, and posts, and harbours, and
will find
galleys,
Orations of Demosthenes
and
and men
horses,
These are
for their defence.
the bulwarks with which I protected Attica, as far as was
possible
by human wisdom; with these
I fortified
was not beaten by
from
it;
terri-
Philip in estimates or preparations;
but the generals and forces of the
come by
our
Nay more;
tory, not the circle of Piraeus or the city.
Where
his fortune.
are plain and evident.
I
far
were over-
allies
are the proofs of this?
They
Consider.
—
What was the course becoming a loyal citizen a statesman serving his country with all possible forethought and zeal
and
Should he not have covered Attica on the seafidelity?
board with Eubcea, on the midland frontier with Bceotia, on
the Peloponnesian with the people of that confine? Should
he not have provided for the conveyance of corn along a
friendly coast
all
the
way
to Piraeus ? preserved certain places
that belonged to us by sending
off succours,
and by advis-
— Proconnesus, Chersonesus,
brought others into alliance and confederacy with
Tenedos
—Byzantium, Abydus, Eubcea? —cut the principal
moving accordingly,
ing and
?
us,
off
resources of the enemy,
and supplied what the common-
wealth was deficient in? All this has been accomplished
by my decrees and measures; and whoever will examine
them without
prejudice,
rightly planned
and
men
of Athens, will find they
faithfully executed;
were
that none of the
proper seasons were lost or missed or thrown
away by me,
nothing which depended on one man's ability and prudence
was neglected.
But
if
the power of some deity or of fortune,
or the worthlessness of commanders, or the wickedness of
you that betrayed your countries, or all these things together,
injured and eventually ruined our cause, of what is Demosthenes guilty? Had there in each of the Greek cities been
one such man as I was in my station among you or rather,
had Thessaly possessed one single man, and Arcadia one, of
the same sentiments as myself, none of the Greeks either
beyond or within Thermopylae would have suffered their
;
On
present calamities
living prosperously in their
and
security, thankful to
that
I
my
i
free
i
i
and independent,
countries with perfect safety
rest of the
Athenians
through me.
greatly understate
of giving offence, here
procured by
own
you and the
for such manifold blessings
To show you
Crown
would have been
all
:
the
—read me
this
my
—the
sendees for fear
list
of auxiliaries
decrees.
[The
list
of auxiliaries]
These and the like measures, iEschines, are what become
earth and heaven
an honourable citizen (by their success
we should have been the greatest people incontestably, and
—
—
deserved to be so even under their failure the result is glory,
and no one blames Athens or her policy all condemn fortune
:
;
that so ordered things); but never will he desert the interests
of the commonwealth, nor hire himself to her adversaries,
and study the enemy's advantage instead of his country's;
nor on a man who has courage to advise and propose measures
worthy of the state, and resolution to persevere in them, will
he cast an evil eye, and, if any one privately offends him,
remember and treasure it up; no, nor keep himself in a
criminal and treacherous retirement, as you so often do.
There is indeed a retirement just and beneficial to the state,
such as you, the bulk of my countrymen, innocently enjoy;
is not the retirement of ^schines; far from it.
Withdrawing himself from public life when he pleases (and
that however
of a constant speaker, or
moment when you are tired
when some reverse of fortune has
befallen you, or anything
untoward has happened (and many
that
is
often) he watches for the
are the casualties of
up an
orator, rising
human
from
life),
at such a crisis he springs
his retreat like
a wind ; in
full voice, 1
appears from the testimony of ancient writers, as well as from the
sneers of Demosthenes, that iEschines had a remarkably fine voice, and
was not a little proud of it. A good voice must indeed have been a
great advantage to an Athenian speaker, who had to address thousands
of people in the open air.
But /Eschines not only possessed a voice
that was loud and clear, but had a wonderful ease and fluency of
speech, in these natural gifts surpassing Demosthenes himself.
1
It
i
i
The
2
Orations of Demosthenes
with words and phrases collected, he rolls them out audibly
and breathlessly, to no advantage or good purpose whatsoever, but to the detriment of some or other of his fellow-
and
Yet from
citizens
to the general disgrace.
this labour
and
diligence, yEschines,
if
it
pro-
ceeded from an honest heart, solicitous for your country's
have been rich and noble and
states, supplies of money, conveniences of commerce, enactment of useful laws, opposition
All such things were looked for in
to our declared enemies.
former times; and many opportunities did the past afford
for a good man and true to show himself; during which time
you are nowhere to be found, neither first, second, third,
fourth, fifth, nor sixth not in any rank at all certainly
For what
in no service by which your country was exalted.
alliance has come to the state by your procurement?
What
welfare, the fruits should
profitable to all
—alliances of
—
—
succours, what acquisition of goodwill or credit? What
embassy or agency is there of yours, by which the reputation
of the country has
been increased? What concern domestic,
which you have had the management,
Hellenic, or foreign, of
What galleys? what ammunition?
what repair of walls ? what cavalry ? What
What assistance in money
in the world are you good for?
have you ever given, either to the rich or the poor, out of
public spirit or liberality? None. But, good sir, if there is
nothing of this, there is at all events zeal and loyalty. Where ?
when? You infamous fellow! Even at a time when all
who ever spoke upon the platform gave something for the
public safety, and last Aristonicus gave the sum which he had
amassed to retrieve his franchise, 1 you neither came forward
nor contributed a mite not from inability no! for you
has improved under it?
what
arsenals
?
—
—
have inherited above five talents from Philo, your wife's
father, and you had a subscription of two talents from the
chairmen of the Boards for what you did to cut up the navy1
His civic privileges were suspended until he had discharged the
debt due from him to the state.
On
But, that
law.
I
may
the
Crown
i
i
3
not go from one thing to another and
That it was not
lose sight of the question, I pass this by.
poverty prevented your contributing, already appears: it
was, in fact, your anxiety to do nothing against those to
whom
your political life is subservient. On what occasions
then do you show your spirit? When do you shine out?
When aught is to be spoken against your countrymen!
—
then
you are splendid
it is
in voice, perfect in
memory, an
admirable actor, a tragic Theocrines. 1
You mention
the good
men
Yet
hardly
right so to do.
it is
of olden times;
and you are
Athenians, that he
fair,
should get the advantage of that respect which you have for
—
me with them me who
what mortal is ignorant, that
towards the living there exists always more or less of illwill,
whereas the dead are no longer hated even by an enemy?
Such being human nature, am I to be tried and judged by
the standard of my predecessors ? Heaven forbid
It is not
just or equitable, ^Eschines.
Let me be compared with you,
or any persons you like of your party who are still alive.
And consider this whether it is more honourable and better
the dead, to compare and contrast
am
among you;
living
for
!
—
for the state, that because of the services of
a former age,
power
of expression,
prodigious though they are beyond
all
those of the present generation should be unrequited and
spurned, or that
all
who
give proof of their good intentions
should have their share of honour and regard from the
people?
and
Yet indeed
principles,
if
—
if
I
must say
so
much
—my
politics
considered fairly, will be found to resemble
those of the illustrious ancients, and to have had the same
objects in view, while yours resemble those of their calumniators
ran
:
for
down
it is
certain there were persons in those times
who
the living and praised people dead and gone with
a malignant purpose like yourself.
You say that I am nothing like the ancients.
Are you
1
Theocrines was a notorious informer and slanderer. There
oration attributed to Demosthenes against such a person.
H
like
is
an
i
The
14
Orations of Demosthenes
them, ^Eschines? Is your brother, or any of our speakers?
I assert that none is.
But pray, my good fellow (that I
may give you no other name), try the living with the living
his competitors, as
dancers,
athletes.
you would
and with
in all cases
—poets,
Philammon did not, because he was
Glaucus of Carystus and some other champions of
inferior to
a bygone age, depart uncrowned from Olympia, but, because
he beat all who entered the ring against him, was crowned
and proclaimed conqueror. 1 So I ask you to compare me
with the orators of the day, with yourself, with any one you
like: I yield to
none.
When
commonwealth was at liberty
and patriotism was a matter
the
to choose for her advantage,
showed myself a better counsellor than any,
and every act of state was pursuant to my decrees and laws
and negotiations none of your party was to be seen, unless
you had to do the Athenians a mischief. After that lamentable occurrence, when there was a call no longer for advisers,
but for persons obedient to command, persons ready to be
hired against their country and willing to flatter strangers,
then all of you were in occupation, grand people with splendid
equipages I was powerless, I confess, though more attached
to my countrymen than you. 2
of emulation, I
:
;
Two
things,
men
disposed citizen
least offence
—so
of Athens, are characteristic of
may
I
—In authority,
a well-
speak of myself and give the
aim should be the
commonwealth in all times
his constant
dignity and pre-eminence of the
;
and circumstances his spirit should be loyal. This depends
upon nature; power and might upon other things. Such a
1
An
is told by Pausanias (vi. 10).
He used
and one day, when the coulter was loose,
anecdote of this Glaucus
to drive his father's plough,
he knocked it in with his fist. His father, having seen this feat, took
him to Olympia, and entered him in the ring as a pugilist. He was
nearly beaten for want of skill, when his father called out, " Strike as
you did the coulter," on which he redoubled his efforts, and won the
battle.
2
/Eschines declares (cont. Ctes. 76) that soon after the battle of
Cha;ronea Demosthenes rose in the assembly, trembling and half-dead,
and asked that he might be appointed to draw up the terms of peace;
but the Athenians would not allow his name to be subscribed to their
decrees.
!
On
spirit,
see.'"
the
Crown
yoiTwill find, ijhave ever sincerely cherished.
When my
!
1
1
5
Only
—when they brought
against me—when they menaced —when
person was demanded
Amphictyonic suits
they promised when they set these miscreants like wild
beasts upon me never in any way have I abandoned my
From the very beginning I chose an honest
affection for you.
and straightforward course in politics, to support the honour,
—
—
the power, the glory of
to have
my
being.
I
my fatherland,
these to exalt, in these
do not walk about the market-place
gay and cheerful because the stranger has prospered, holding
out my right hand and congratulating those who I think will
report it yonder, and on any news of our own success shudder
and groan and stoop to the earth, like these impious men
who
rail
at Athens, as
themselves
;
who
if
in so
doing they did not
look abroad, and
if
rail
at
the foreigner thrives
by
the distresses of Greece, are thankful for
it,
and say we should
keep him so thriving to all time.
Never,
ye Gods, may those wishes be confirmed by you
If possible, inspire even in these men a better sense and
feeling!
But if they are indeed incurable, destroy them by
themselves; exterminate them on land and sea; and for the
rest of us, grant that we may speedily be released from our
present fears, and enjoy a lasting deliverance
PART
II
PART
II
THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC
ARGUMENT
Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic gulf,
and north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonised by a people
from Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large district called ChalOver all this tract the
cidice, in which there were thirty-two cities.
sway of Olynthus was considerable, and she had waged wars anciently
with Athens and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors
on the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the Olynthians had disputes with him, which were at first accommodated, and
he gratified them by the cession of Anthemus. They then joined him
in a war against Athens, and he gave up to them Potida^a, which had
After the lapse of some years, during
yielded to their united arms.
which Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired considerThrace,
and
the Olynthians became alarmed,
Thessaly
able influence in
and began to think him too dangerous a neighbour. The immediate
cause of rupture was an attack which he made on one of the Chalcidian
An embassy was instantly sent to Athens to negotiate an
towns.
Philip, considering this as an infraction of their treaty with
alliance.
him, declared war against them, and invaded their territory. A
The
second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assistance.
question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades, an orator
profligate
character,
opposed the alliance.
of considerable ability, but
Many speakers were heard and at length Demosthenes rose to support
the prayer of the embassy, delivering one of those clear and forcible
speeches which seldom failed to make a strong impression on his
audience.
The alliance was accepted, and succours voted.
The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus, which had
made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund should be applied to
This fund was in fact the surplus revenue of the
military service.
civil administration, which by the ancient law was appropriated to
the defence of the commonwealth; but it had by various means been
diverted from that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people,
to enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and
amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. Demosthenes, seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that this absurd
law ought to be abolished, but does not openly propose it.
There has been much difference of opinion among the learned as to
the order of the three Olynthiac orations; nor is it certain whether
they were spoken on the occasion of one embassy, or several embassies.
The curious may consult Bishop Thirlwall's Appendix to the fifth
volume of his Grecian History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation.
I have followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker,
;
whose edition
indeed
of
my opinion
Demosthenes
is,
is
the text of this translation;
on the whole, in favour of preserving the
II 9
and
common
The
120
Orations of Demosthenes
my
entering into conorder, though the plan of this work prevents
The historical abstract prefixed to this
troversy on the question.
volume is intended chiefly to assist the reader in reference to dates.
Such occurrences only are noticed as may be useful to illustrate
Demosthenes.
I
believe,
what
is
men
of Athens,
you would give much
to
know,
the true policy to be adopted in the present matter
of inquiry.
This being the case, you should be willing to
who offer you their counsel. Behave the benefit of all preconsidered advice,
I esteem it part of your good fortune that many fit suggestions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from
them all you may easily choose what is profitable.
The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud
that you must yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you
care for their success.
I know not how we seem disposed in
My own opinion is, vote succour immediately
the matter.
and make the speediest preparations for sending it off from
Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before;
send also ambassadors to announce this, and watch the
proceedings. For the danger is that this man, being
unscrupulous and clever at turning events to account, making
concessions when it suits him, threatening at other times
(his threats may well be believed), slandering us and urging
our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use
some of our main resources. Though, strange to say,
Athenians, the very cause of Philip's strength is a circumstance favourable to you. His having it in his sole power
hear with attention those
sides that
you
will
same time
and everywhere accompanying
his army, is a great advantage for quick and timely operations
in war; but, for a peace with the Olynthians, which he would
gladly make, it has a contrary effect. For it is plain to the
Olynthians that now they are fighting, not for glory or a
slice of territory, but to save their country from destruction
and servitude. They know how he treated those Amphipolitans who surrendered to him their city, and those Pydneans
to publish or conceal his designs, his being at the
general, sovereign, paymaster,
The
who gave him
despotic power
admittance. 1
is
121
First Olynthiac
mistrusted
And
by
generally, I believe, a
free states, especially
if
their
dominions are adjoining. All this being known to you,
Athenians, all else of importance considered, I say, you
must take heart and spirit, and apply yourselves more than
ever to the war, contributing promptly, serving personally,
No plea or pretence is left you for
What you were all so clamorous about,
leaving nothing undone.
declining your duty.
war with Philip,
come to pass, and in a way most advantageous
For, had they undertaken the war at your instance,
that the Olynthians should be pressed into a
has of
to you.
itself
they might have been slippery allies, with minds but half
but since they hate him on a quarrel of
their own, their enmity is like to endure on account of their
fears and their wrongs.
You must not then, Athenians,
forego this lucky opportunity, nor commit the error which
you have often done heretofore. For example, when we
returned from succouring the Eubceans, and Hierax and
Stratocles of Amphipolis came to this platform, 2 urging us
resolved perhaps:
to sail
and receive possession
of their city,
if
we had shown
the same zeal for ourselves as for the safety of Eubcea, you
would have held Amphipolis then and been
rid of all the
1
Amphipolis was a city at the head of the Strymonic gulf, in that
part of Macedonia which approaches western Thrace.
It had been
built formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken by the Spartan
general Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war.
Ever since Athens regained her character of an imperial state, she had desired to recover
Amphipolis, which was important for its maritime position, its exportation of iron, and especially from the vicinity of the forests near
the Strymon, which afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber.
But she had never been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who
at that time possessed no maritime town of importance, was for obvious
reasons anxious to win Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession
of it partly by force of arms, partly by the treachery of certain Amphipolitans who were attached to his interest.
It seems the Athenians
had been amused by a promise of Philip to give up the town to them.
The non-performance of this compact led to their first long war with
him.
Immediately after the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched
against Pydna, and was admitted into the town.
2
The hustings from which the speakers addressed the people. It was
cut to the height of ten feet out of the rock which formed the boundary
wall of the assembly; and was ascended by a flight of steps.
The
122
Orations of Demosthenes
Again, when news came that Pydna, 1
troubles that ensued.
Potidrea, Methone, Pagasre,
and the other places (not
to
enumerating them) were besieged, had we to
any one of these in the first instance carried prompt and
reasonable succour, we should have found Philip far more
But, by always neglecting the
tractable and humble now.
present, and imagining the future would shift for itself, 'we,
O men of Athens, have exalted Philip, and made him greater
than any king of Macedon ever was. Here then is come a
waste time
in
crisis, this of
Olynthus, self-offered to the state, inferior to
And methinks, men of Athens, any man
what the gods have done for us, notwithstanding many untoward circumstances, might with reason
be grateful to them. Our numerous losses in war may justly
be charged to our own negligence; but that they happened
not long ago, and that an alliance, to counterbalance them,
is open to our acceptance, I must regard as manifestations
It is much the same as in money matters.
of divine favour.
If a man keep what he gets, he is thankful to fortune; if he
lose it by imprudence, he loses withal his memory of the
none
of the former.
fairly estimating
obligation.
So
in
political affairs,
they
who misuse
their
opportunities forget even the good which the gods send them;
judged commonly by the last result.
we must be exceedingly careful of our
future measures, that by amendment therein we may efface
2
the shame of the past. Should we abandon these men too,
for every prior event
is
Wherefore, Athenians,
and Philip reduce Olynthus, let any one tell me what is to
prevent him marching where he pleases? Does any one of
you Athenians compute or consider the means by which
1
Potidaea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and was
therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the argument. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching
It
Thessaly.
Pagasse is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district.
was the seaport of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against
whom Philip was invited to assist the Thessalians. Philip overcame
Lycophron, and restored republican government at Pherag; but Pagasas
he garrisoned himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same
district.
2
Here he points to the Olynthian ambassadors.
The
originally
Philip,
First Olynthiac
123
Having first
Methone
weak, has become great?
taken Amphipolis, then Pydna,
afterwards, he invaded Thessaly.
Potidsea
next,
Having ordered matters
Pegass, Magnesia, everywhere exactly as he
pleased, he departed for Thrace; where, after displacing some
kings and establishing others, he fell sick; again recovering,
at
Pherce,
he lapsed not into indolence, but instantly attacked the
Olynthians. I omit his expeditions to Illyria and Paeonia,
that against Arymbas, 1 and some others.
Why,
it
may
be said, do you mention
you, Athenians,
may
feel
all this
now?
and understand both the
That
folly of
continually abandoning one thing after another, and the
activity which forms part of Philip's habit
which makes
it
impossible for
him
and existence,
to rest content with his
If it be his principle, ever to do more than
he has done, and yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to
which
nothing, see what the end promises to be. Heavens
achievements.
!
of
you
is
so simple as not to
soon be here,
if
we
Athenians, that as
on large
interest, after
it
that the war yonder will
And should this happen,
men who thoughtlessly borrow
are careless?
I fear,
estate, so will
know
a brief accommodation, lose their
found to have paid dear for our
be with us
:
and self-indulgence, we shall be reduced to many
hard and unpleasant shifts, and struggle for the salvation
idleness
of our country.
To
censure, I
may
what measures the
be told,
is
easy for any
case requires,
is
man;
to
show
the part of a counsellor.
am not ignorant, Athenians, that frequently, when any
disappointment happens, you are angry, not with the parties
I
in fault, but with the last speakers on the subject; yet never,
with a view to self-protection, would I suppress what I deem
for your interest.
I say then, you must give a two-fold
assistance here;
first,
save the Olynthians their towns, 2 and
1 Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and uncle of
Olympias, Philip's wife.
* The Chalcidian towns.
See the Argument. Philip commenced his
aggressions upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these.
i
The
24
Orations of Demosthenes
send out troops for that purpose secondly, annoy the enemy's
country with ships and other troops; omit either of these
For
courses, and I doubt the expedition will be fruitless.
should he, suffering your incursion, reduce Olynthus, he will
;
march
easily
to the defence of his
kingdom;
should you
or,
only throw succour into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out
of danger at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he
must
time prevail over the besieged.
in
Your
assistance
and two-fold.
Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money:
you have money, Athenians; you have a larger military
fund than any people; and you receive it just as you please.
therefore
must be
effective,
Tf ye will assign this to your troops, ye need no further supply;
otherwise ye need a further, or rather ye have none at all.
How then? some man may exclaim do you move that this
:
1
My opinion indeed is,
be a military fund? Verily, not I.
that there should be soldiers raised, and a military fund,
and one and the same regulation for receiving and performing
what is due; only you just without trouble take your allow-
ance for the
must
festivals.
contribute,
if
Money must be had
It
remains then,
I imagine, that all
much be wanted, much,
;
without
it
if
little, little.
nothing proper can be done.
ways and means. Choose
Other persons propose other
which ye think expedient; and put hands to the work, while
it is
yet time.
be well to consider and calculate how Philip's
stand. They are not as they appear, or as an
inattentive observer might pronounce, in very good trim,
It
may
affairs
now
There is some studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the necesunder which the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law;
and a little quiet satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of
eating their pudding and having it too. The logic of the argument
runs thus My opinion is, that we ought to have a military fund, and
that no man should receive public money without performing public
However, as you prefer taking the public money to pay for
service.
your places at the festivals, I will not break the law by moving to apply
Only you gain nothing by it for, as
that money to another purpose.
the troops must be paid, there must be an extraordinary contribution,
or property tax, to meet the exigency of the case.
1
sity
—
;
The
First Olynthiac
125
He would never have
war had he imagined he must fight. He
carry everything on the first advance, and has
or in the most favourable position.
commenced
expected to
this
disappointment is one thing that
him; another is, the state of Thessaly. 1
That people were always, you know, treacherous to all men;
and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They
have resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasse, and have
prevented his fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they
would no longer allow him to take the revenue of their harbours and markets, which they say should be applied to the
public business of Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now, if
This
been mistaken.
troubles
and
dispirits
he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened
And surely we must suppose,
for paying his mercenaries.
that Paeonians and Illyrians, and all such people, would rather
be free and independent than under subjection; for they are
unused to obedience, and the man is a tyrant. So report
says, and I can well believe it; for undeserved success leads
weak-minded men
into folly;
to maintain prosperity
fore
is
and thus
it
appears often, that
harder than to acquire
must you, Athenians, looking on
it.
There-
his difficulty as
your
opportunity, assist cheerfully in the war, sending embassies
where required, taking arms yourselves, exciting all other
people; for if Philip got such an opportunity against us, and
there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly think ye he
would attack you! Then are you not ashamed that the
1
Philip's influence in Thessaly was of material assistance to him in
his ambitious projects. It was acquired in this way. The power established by Jason of Phera?, who raised himself to a sort of royal authoHis sway
rity under the title of Tagus, had devolved upon Lycophron.
extended more or less over the whole of Thessaly; but was, if not
generally unpopular, at least unacceptable to the great families in the
northern towns, among
the Aleuadas of Larissa held a prominent
They invoked Philip's aid, while Lycophron was assisted by the
place.
Phocian Onomarchus. After various success, Onomarchus was defeated and slain, and Lycophron expelled from Pheras. This established
Philip's influence, and led to his being afterwards called in to terminate the Sacred War.
far the assertions of Demosthenes, respecting the discontent of the Thessalians, are true, cannot exactly
be told.
They are confirmed, however, in some degree by the fact,
that at the close of the Sacred War Philip restored to them Magnesia.
whom
How
The
126
Orations of Demosthenes
very damage which you would suffer, if he had the power,
you dare not seize the moment to inflict on him?
And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now
the choice, whether you shall fight there, or he in your
country. If Olynthus hold out, you will fight there and
your own home in peace.
then prevent his marching
here? Thebans? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they
Phocians? who cannot
will be ready to join in the invasion.
defend their own country without your assistance. Or some
other ally? But, good sir, he will not desire! Strange
indeed, if, what he is thought fool-hardy for prating now,
this he would not accomplish if he might.
As to the vast
difference between a war here or there, I fancy there needs
no argument. If you were obliged to be out yourselves for
thirty days only, and take the necessaries for camp-service
from the land (I mean, without an enemy therein) your
agricultural population would sustain, I believe, greater
damage than what the whole expense of the late war x
amounted to. But if a war should come, what damage must
be expected ? There is the insult, too, and the disgrace of the
thing, worse than any damage to right-thinking men.
On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our
succour, and drive off the war yonder the rich, that, spending
a little for the abundance which they happily possess, they
may enjoy the residue in security; the young, 2 that gaining
military experience in Philip's territory, they may become
distress his dominions, enjoying
If Philip
take that city,
who
shall
;
redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the orators,
that they
for
on the
may
pass a good account of their statesmanship;
result of measures will
their conduct.
May
it
for
depend your judgment of
every cause be prosperous.
said to have cost fifteen hundred talents.
Strictly, those of the military age, which was from eighteen years
Youths between eighteen and twenty were liable only to
to sixty.
serve in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison the walls.
Afterwards they were compellable to perform any military service,
under the penalty of losing their privileges as citizens.
1
2
The Amphipolitan war,
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC
ARGUMENT
The
Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and
But the sending of them was delayed,
resolved to send succours.
partly by the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly from the
reluctance of the people themselves to engage in a war with Philip.
Demosthenes stimulates them to exertion, and encourages them, by
showing that Philip's power is not so great as it appears.
On many
occasions,
men
of Athens,
one
may
see the kind-
ness of the gods to this country manifested, but most signally,
I think, on the present.
That here are men prepared for
a war with Philip, possessed of a neighbouring territory and
some power, and (what is most important) so fixed in their
hostility as to regard any accommodation with him as
insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really
appears like an extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It
must then be our care, Athenians, that we are not more
unkind to ourselves than circumstances have been; as it
would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have abandoned
not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also
the allies and advantages provided by fortune.
To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such discourse to incite you to your duty, I think improper: and
why? Because all that may be said on that score involves
matter of glory for him, and misconduct on our part. The
more he has transcended his repute, the more is he universally
admired; you, as you have used your advantages unworthily,
have incurred the greater disgrace. This topic, then, I shall
pass over.
Indeed, Athenians, a correct observer will find
the source of
his.
greatness here,
x
and not
in himself.
But
In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators, or through
the supineness of the people.
In the first Philippic there is a more
pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are charged
with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home. Such men
as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are referred
to.
^Eschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip.
1
127
The
128
Orations of Demosthenes
which Philip's partisans deserve his gratitude
and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak now. Other
things are open to me, which it concerns you all to know,
and which must, on a due examination, Athenians, reflect
great disgrace on Philip. To these will I address myself.
To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing
what he has done, might justly be termed idle abuse. But
to go through all his actions and convict him in detail, will
take, as it happens, but a short time, and is expedient, I
think, for two reasons: first, that his baseness may appear
in its true light; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines
of measures, for
Philip to be invincible,
may
see he has run through all the
and his career is just
an end. I myself, men of Athens, should most
assuredly have regarded Philip as an object of fear and
admiration, had I seen him exalted by honourable conduct;
but, observing and considering, I find that in the beginning,
artifices
come
by which he
rose to greatness,
to
certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired
a conference with us, he gained over our simplicity by engaging to surrender Amphipolis and to execute the secret
when
article *
once so famous ; afterwards he got the friendship of
the Olynthians by taking Potida^a from you, wronging you,
his
former
allies,
and delivering
it
to
them; and
lastly
now
the Thessalians, by promising to surrender Magnesia, and
undertake the Phocian war on their behalf. In short, none
who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen
by conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in
turn who knew him not. As, therefore, by such means he
when every people imagined he would advance their
ought he by the same means to be pulled down
again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is exposed.
Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let
To this crisis,
rose,
interest, so
A secret intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians,
to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the understanding that they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes
only mentions the former part of the arrangement, the latter not being
honourable to his countrymen.
1
by which he engaged
The Second Olynthiac
any man stand forward and prove
my
that
to
assertions are false, or that
129
me, or rather to you,
men whom
Philip has
once overreached will trust him hereafter, or that the Thessalians who have been degraded into servitude would not
gladly become free.
But
any among you, though agreeing
if
in these state-
ments, thinks that Philip will maintain his power by having
occupied forts and havens and the like, this is a mistake.
when a confederacy
subsists by good-will, and all parties
war have a common interest, men are willing to cooperate and bear hardships and persevere. But when one
has grown strong, like Philip, by rapacity and artifice, on the
first pretext, the slightest reverse, all is overturned and
True,
to the
broken up.
Impossible
acquire a solid power
Such things
blossom
by
is
last for once, or for
fairly
— impossible,
it
Athenians
—to
and perjury and falsehood.
a short period maybe, they
injustice
with hope;
but
;
in
time they are discovered
and drop away. As a house, a ship, or the like, ought to
have the lower parts firmest, so in human conduct, I ween,
the principle and foundation should be just and true. But
this is not so in Philip's conduct.
I say, then,
we should
at once aid the Olynthians (the
and quickest way that can be suggested will please me
most) and send an embassy to the Thessalians, to inform
some of our measures, and to stir up the rest; for they have
now resolved to demand Pagaste, and remonstrate about
Magnesia. But look to this, Athenians, that our envoys
shall not only make speeches, but have some real proof
that we have gone forth as becomes our country, and are
best
engaged
in action.
All speech without action appears vain
and idle, but especially that of our commonwealth; as the
more we are thought to excel therein, the more is our speaking
distrusted by all. You must show yourselves greatly
reformed, greatly changed, contributing, serving personally,
acting promptly, before any one will pay attention to you.
And
if
ye
will
perform these duties properly and becomingly,
1
130
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Athenians, not only will
appear that Philip's alliances are
it
weak and precarious, but the poor state of his native empire
and power will be revealed.
To speak roundly, the Macedonian power and empire is
very well as a help, as it was for you in Timotheus' time
against the Olynthians; likewise for them against Potidsea
the conjunction was important; and lately it aided the
Thessalians in their broils and troubles against the regnant
house: and the accession of any power, however small, is
undoubtedly useful. But the Macedonian is feeble of itself,
and full of defects. The very operations which seem to constitute Philip's greatness, his wars and his expeditions, have
made it more insecure than it was originally. Think not,
Athenians, that Philip and his subjects have the same likings.
He desires glory, makes that his passion, is ready for any
consequence of adventure and peril, preferring to a life of
safety the honour of achieving what no Macedonian king
ever did before. They have no share in the glorious result;
ever harassed by these excursions up and down, they suffer
and toil incessantly, allowed no leisure for their employments
or private concerns, unable even to dispose of their hard
earnings, the markets of the country being closed on account
of the war.
By
this
then
may
easily be seen,
how
the Mace-
donians in general are disposed to Philip. His mercenaries
and guards, indeed, have the reputation of admirable and
well-trained soldiers, but, as I heard from one
in the country,
a
better than others.
man
who had been
incapable of falsehood, they are no
For
if
there be
any among them
experi-
enced in battles and campaigns, Philip is jealous of such men
and drives them away, he says, wishing to keep the glory of
all
virtuous,
unable
drunkenness,
Or
to
(among other failings)
any man be generally good and
his jealousy
actions to himself;
being excessive.
if
bear
Philip's
and indecencies, 1 he
daily
is
intemperances,
pushed aside and
1
The original signifies a certain dance, which formed a part of
We gather from history that the orator's descripriotous festivities.
tion here is not wholly untrue, though exaggerated.
The Second Olynthiac
accounted as nobody.
parasites,
and men
The
rest
131
about him are brigands and
who will get drunk and
of that character,
perform dances which I scruple to name before you. My
information is undoubtedly true; for persons whom all
scouted here as worse rascals than mountebanks, Callias the
town-slave and the like of him, antic-jesters, and composers
lampoon their companions, such person
and keeps about him. Small matters these
of ribald songs to
Philip caresses
may
be thought, Athenians, but to the wise they are strong
indications of his character
and wrongheadedness.
perhaps throws a shade over them now;
Success
is a
on any miscarriage,
they will be fully exposed. And this (trust me, Athenians)
will appear in no long time, if the gods so will and you
determine. For as in the human body, a man in health
famous hider of such blemishes;
feels
prosperity
but,
not partial ailments, but, when illness occurs, all are in
it be a rupture or a sprain or anything else
motion, whether
unsound;
and monarchs, whilst they wage
by most men,
war betrays all.
so with states
external war, their weaknesses are undiscerned
but the tug of a frontier
If any of you think Philip a formidable opponent, because
they see he is fortunate, such reasoning is prudent, Athenians.
Fortune has indeed a great preponderance nay, is everyNot but that, if I had the choice,
thing, in human affairs.
I should prefer our fortune to Philip's, would you but moderately perform your duty. For I see you have many more
claims to the divine favour than he has. But we sit doing
nothing; and a man idle himself cannot require even his
—
friends to act for him,
much
less
the gods.
No wonder
then
that he, marching and toiling in person, present on
all
occasions, neglecting no time or season, prevails over us
delaying and voting and inquiring.
marvel not at that;
if we doing none
But this
of the duties of war had beaten one doing all.
surprises me, that formerly, Athenians, you resisted the
Lacedaemonians for the rights of Greece, and rejecting many
I
the contrary would have been marvellous,
132
The
Orations of Demosthenes
opportunities of selfish gain, to secure the rights of others,
expended your property
of the battle;
yet
tribute, in defence
in contributions,
and bore the brunt
now you are loth to serve, slow to conof your own possessions, and, though you
have often saved the other nations of Greece collectively and
individually, under your own losses you sit still.
This
surprises me, and one thing more, Athenians; that not one
of you can reckon, how long your war with Philip has lasted,
and what you have been doing while the time has passed.
You surely know, that while you have been delaying, expecting others to act, accusing, trying one another, expecting
again, doing much the same as ye do now, all the time has
passed away. Then are ye so senseless, Athenians, as to
imagine that the same measures which have brought the
country from a prosperous to a poor condition will bring it
from a poor to a prosperous? Unreasonable were this and
unnatural; for all things are easier kept than gotten. The
war now has left us nothing to keep we have all to get, and
the work must be done by ourselves. I say then, you must
contribute money, serve in person with alacrity, accuse no
one, till you have gained your objects; then, judging from
facts, honour the deserving, punish offenders; let there be
no pretences or defaults on your own part; for you cannot
harshly scrutinise the conduct of others, unless you have
done what is right yourselves. Why, think you, do all the
generals x whom you commission avoid this war, and seek
wars of their own ? (for of the generals, too, must a little truth
be told.) Because here the prizes of the war are yours; for
;
1
A system of employing mercenary troops sprang up at the close of
the Peloponnesian war, when there were numerous Grecian bands
accustomed to warfare and seeking employment. Such troops were
eagerly sought for by the Persian satraps and their king, by such men
as Jason of Phera?, Dionysius of Syracuse, or Philomelus of Phocis.
Athens, which had partially employed mercenaries before, began to
make use of them on a large scale, while her citizens preferred staying
The
at home to attend to commerce, politics, and idle amusements.
Athenian generals, ill supplied
ill effects, however, were soon apparent.
with money, and having little control over their followers, were tempted
or obliged to engage in enterprises unconnected with, and often adverse
to, the interests of their country.
;
The Second Olynthiac
example,
recover
But
if
it;
133
Amphipolis be taken, you will immediately
commanders have all the risk and no reward.
the
and the gains belong
Lampsacus, 1 Sigeum, the
in the other case the risks are less,
to the
commanders and
soldiers;
which they plunder.
So they proceed to secure their
at the bad state of your
affairs, bring the generals to trial ; but when they get a hearing and plead these necessities, you dismiss them.
The
vessels
several interests
result
is
:
you,
that, while
when you look
you are quarrelling and divided, some
holding one opinion, some another, the commonwealth goes
wrong.
Formerly, Athenians, you had boards
now you have boards
2
for taxes
There is an orator presiding on either side, a general under him, and three hundred
men to shout; the rest of you are attached to the one party
or the other. This you must leave off be yourselves again
establish a general liberty of speech, deliberation, and action.
If some are appointed to command as with royal authority,
some to be ship-captains, tax-payers, soldiers by compulsion,
others only to vote against them, and help in nothing besides,
no duty will be seasonably performed the aggrieved parties
will still fail you, and you will have to punish them instead
of your enemies.
I say, in short; you must all fairly contribute, according to each man's ability; take your turns of
service till you have all been afield; give every speaker a
hearing, and adopt the best counsel, not what this or that
person advises. If ye act thus, not only will ye praise the
speaker at the moment, but yourselves afterwards, when the
condition of the country is improved.
for politics.
;
;
1
Chares, the Athenian general, was said to have received these
Asiatic cities from Artabazus, the Persian satrap, in return for the
service he had performed.
Probably it was some authority or privileges in those cities, not the actual dominion, that was conferred upon
him. Sigeum, which is near the mouth of the Hellespont, and was a
convenient situation for his adventures, was the ordinary residence of
Chares.
2
This refers to the institution of the boards for management of the
property-tax at Athens.
THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC
ARGUMENT
The Athenians had despatched
succours to Olynthus, and received, as
Libanius says, some favourable intelligence; more probably, however,
some vague rumours, which led them to imagine the danger was for
the time averted. They began, very prematurely, as the result showed,
to be confident of success, and talked of punishing Philip for his presumption. In this they were encouraged by certain foolish orators,
who sought to flatter the national prejudices. Demosthenes in this
oration strives to check the arrogance of the people; reminds them of
the necessity of defensive rather than offensive measures, and especially
He
of the importance of preserving their allies.
this time more boldly) to the law of Eubulus,
again adverts (and
which he intimates ought
to be repealed; and he exhorts the Athenians generally to make
strenuous exertions against Philip.
Not
when
the same ideas,
I
men
of Athens, are presented to
look at our condition, and
The
are delivered.
when
me,
at the speeches which
speeches, I find, are about punishing
is come to this, that we must mind
damaged ourselves. Therefore, it seems to
me, these orators commit the simple error of not laying
before you the true subject of debate. That once we might
safely have held our own and punished Philip too, I know
Philip; but our condition
we
are not
first
both have been possible in my own time, not
But now, I am persuaded, it is sufficient in
the first instance to effect the preservation of our allies.
When this has been secured, one may look out for revenge
well enough;
very long ago.
on Philip; but before we lay the foundation
idle to talk about the end.
The present
crisis,
much thought and
O
Athenians, requires,
Not that
counsel.
I
right, I
if
am
deem
any ever
it
did,
puzzled what
I am only doubtful in what
way, Athenians, to address you thereupon. For I have been
taught, both by hearsay and experience, that most of your
advice to give in the matter;
J
34
The Third Olynthiac
135
advantages have escaped you from unwillingness to do your
duty not from ignorance. I request you, if I speak my mind,
and consider only, whether I speak the truth,
and with a view to future amendment. You see to what
wretched plight we are reduced by some men haranguing for
to be patient,
popularity.
I
think
it
necessary, however,
came
first to recall
You remember,
a few past events.
memory
when news
to your
Athenians,
three or four years ago that Philip was in Thrace
2
It was then the fifth month, and after
and tumult in the assembly you resolved
to launch forty galleys, that every citizen under forty-five
should embark, and a tax be raised of sixty talents. That
besieging Herseum. 1
much
discussion
year passed; the
first,
second, third
month
arrived;
in that
month, reluctantly, after the mysteries, 3 you despatched
Charidemus with ten empty ships and five talents in money;
for as Philip was reported to be sick or dead (both rumours
came) you thought there was no longer any occasion for
But that was
succours, and discontinued the armament.
the very occasion; if we had then sent our succours quickly,
as we resolved, Philip would not have been saved to trouble
us now.
Those events cannot be altered. But here is the crisis of
another war, the cause why I mentioned the past, that you
not repeat your error. How shall we deal with it, men
Athens? If you lend not the utmost possible aid, see how
you will have manoeuvred everything for Philip's benefit.
There were the Olynthians, possessed of some power; and
matters stood thus Philip distrusted them, and they Philip.
We negotiated for peace with them; this hampered (as it
were) and annoyed Philip, that a great city, reconciled to us,
may
of
:
1
A fortress on the Propontis (now Sea of Marmora), near Perinthus.
This was a post of importance to the Athenians, who received large
supplies of corn from that district.
2
Corresponding nearly to our November. The Attic year began in
July, and continued twelve lunar months, of alternately 29 and 30 days.
3
The Eleusinian Mysteries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine, called
The Mysteries from their peculiar sanctity.
The
136
Orations of Demosthenes
should be watching opportunities against him.
We
thought
means to make that people his enemies;
and lo, what erewhile you clamoured for, has somehow or
other been accomplished. Then what remains, Athenians,
but to assist them vigorously and promptly? I know not.
For besides the disgrace that would fall upon us, if we
sacrificed any of our interests, I am alarmed for the consequences, seeing how the Thebans are affected towards us,
it
necessary by
all
the Phocian treasury exhausted, nothing to prevent Philip
when he has subdued what lies before him, from turning to
matters here. Whoever postpones until then the performance of his duty, wishes to see the peril at hand, when he
may
hear of
it
elsewhere,
and
to seek auxiliaries for himself,
when he may be auxiliary to others for that this will be the
issue, if we throw away our present advantage, we all know
;
pretty well.
But,
it
necessary,
may
be said, we have resolved that succours are
will send them
tell us only how.
Marvel
and we
not then, Athenians,
;
if
I
say something to astonish the mul-
Appoint law-revisors
at their session enact no
you have enough, but repeal those which are at
present injurious; I mean, just plainly, the laws concerning
our theatrical fund, and some concerning the troops, whereof
the former divide the military fund among stayers-at-home
for theatrical amusement, the latter indemnify deserters, and
When you
so dishearten men well inclined to the service.
have repealed these, and made the road to good counsel safe,
then find a man to propose what you all know to be desirable.
But before doing so, look not for one who will advise good
measures and be destroyed by you for his pains. Such a
person you will not find, especially as the only result would
be, for the adviser and mover to suffer wrongfully, and, without forwarding matters, to render good counsel still more
dangerous in future. Besides, Athenians, you should require
the same men to repeal these laws who have introduced
them. It is unjust that their authors should enjoy a poputitude.
statutes, for
:
The Third Olynthiac
137
which has injured the commonwealth, while the
by a displeasure that
may lead to general improvement. Till this is set right,
Athenians, look not that any one should be so powerful with
you as to transgress these laws with impunity, or so senseless
larity
adviser of salutary measures suffers
as to plunge into ruin right before him.
Another thing, too, you should observe, Athenians, that a
is worth nothing, without a readiness on your part to
do what you determine. Could decrees of themselves compel
you to perform your duty, or execute what they prescribe,
neither would you with many decrees have accomplished
little or nothing, nor would Philip have insulted you so long.
Had it depended on decrees, he would have been chastised
decree
long ago.
But the course
of things
is
otherwise.
efficacy prior
and
superior.
Action,
and voting,
This requisite you want;
posterior in order of time to speaking
is
in
the
others you possess. There are among you, Athenians, men
competent to advise what is needful, and you are exceedingly
quick at understanding it; aye, and you will be able now
to perform it, if you act rightly.
For what time or season
would you have better than the present ? When will you do
your duty, if not now? Has not the man got possession
of all
our strongholds?
country, shall
we not
And
if
he become master of this
Are not they to
incur foul disgrace?
whom we
promised sure protection in case of war at this
Is he not an enemy, holding our
possessions a barbarian * anything you like to call him ?
But,
heavens! after permitting, almost helping him to
accomplish these things, shall we inquire who were to blame
moment
in hostilities?
—
for
them ?
For so
I
—
know we
in battles,
shall not take the blame to ourselves.
no runaway accuses himself, but his general,
1
Barbarians (among the Greeks) designates persons who were not of
Hellenic origin.
Alexander, an ancestor of Philip, had obtained admission to the Olympic games by proving himself to be of Argive descent.
But the Macedonian people were scarcely considered as Greeks till a
much later period; and Demosthenes speaks rather with reference to
the nation than to Philip personally.
The
138
Orations of Demosthenes
any one rather; though, sure enough, the
owing to all the runaways; for each who accuses
the rest might have stood his ground, and had each done so,
they would have conquered. Now then, does any man not
give the best advice?
Let another rise and give it, but not
censure the last speaker. Does a second give better advice?
Follow it, and success attend you Perhaps it is not pleasant:
but that is not the speaker's fault, unless he omits some
needful prayer. 1 To pray is simple enough, Athenians, collecting all that one desires in a short petition: but to decide,
when measures are the subject of consideration, is not quite
so easy; for we must choose the profitable rather than the
pleasant, where both are not compatible.
But if any one can let alone our theatrical fund, and sughis neighbour,
defeat
is
!
gest other supplies for the military,
may
if
be asked.
I
grant
any man ever was or
it, if
will
in useless expenses, to find
men
is he not cleverer?
it
were possible: but I wonder
be able, after wasting his means
this
means
for useful.
The wishes
of
are indeed a great help to such arguments, and there-
fore the easiest thing in the world
man
is
self-deceit, for
every
what he wishes, though the reality is often
different.
See then, Athenians, what the realities allow, and
you will be able to serve and have pay. It becomes not a
wise or magnanimous people to neglect military operations
for want of money, and bear disgraces like these; or, while
you snatch up arms to march against Corinthians and
believes
Megarians, to
let
Philip enslave Greek cities for lack of
provisions for your troops.
I
am
have not spoken
for the idle
purpose of giving offence
:
I
not so foolish or perverse as to provoke your displeasure
without intending your good: but I think an upright citizen
should prefer the advancement of the commonwealth to the
gratification of his audience.
And I hear, as perhaps you do,
1
Demosthenes sneers at the custom of introducing into the debate
sententious professions of good-will, and prayers for prosperity; a poor
substitute (he would say) for good counsel.
;
The Third Olynthiac
that the speakers in our ancestors' time,
139
whom
all
that
address you praise, but not exactly imitate, were politicians
after this
form and fashion;
—Aristides, Nicias, my namesake,
1
have appeared who ask,
What is your pleasure? what shall I move ? how can I oblige
you ? the public welfare is complimented away for a moment's
popularity, and these are the results; the orators thrive, you
are disgraced. Mark, O Athenians, what a summary contrast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and
in yours.
It is a tale brief and familiar to all; for the
examples by which you may still be happy are found not
abroad, men of Athens, but at home. Our forefathers,
whom the speakers humoured not nor caressed, as these men
Pericles.
But
since these orators
caress you, for five-and-forty years took the leadership of
the Greeks by general consent, and brought above ten thou-
sand talents into the citadel; and the king of this country
was submissive to them, as a barbarian should be to Greeks
and many glorious trophies they erected for victories won
by their own fighting on land and sea, and they are the sole
people in the world who have bequeathed a renown superior
to envy.
Such were their merits in the affairs of Greece:
see what they were at home, both as citizens and as men.
Their public works are edifices and ornaments of such beauty
and grandeur in temples and consecrated furniture, that
posterity have no power to surpass them.
In private they
were so modest and attached to the principle of our constitution, that whoever knows the style of house which
Aristides had, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of that day,
perceives
it
to be
no grander than those
of the neighbours.
Their politics were not for money-making; each
felt
it
his
duty to exalt the commonwealth. By a conduct honourable
towards the Greeks, pious to the gods, brotherlike among
themselves, they justly attained a high prosperity.
1
Demosthenes, the general so distinguished in the Peloponnesian
who defeated the Spartans at Pylus, and afterwards lost his life in
war,
Sicily.
The
140
Orations of Demosthenes
So fared matters with them under the statesmen I have
How fare they with you under the worthies of
our time? Is there any likeness or resemblance? I pass
over other topics on which I could expatiate; but observe:
mentioned.
in this utter absence of competitors
(Lacedaemonians de-
Thebans employed, none of the rest capable of disputing the supremacy with us) when we might hold our own
securely and arbitrate the claims of others, we have been
deprived of our rightful territory, and spent above fifteen
hundred talents to no purpose; the allies, whom we gained
in war, these persons have lost in peace, and we have trained
up against ourselves an enemy thus formidable. Or let any
one come forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but
ours Philip has grown strong. Well, sir, this looks bad, but
things at home are better. What proof can be adduced?
The parapets that are whitewashed? The roads that are
repaired? fountains, and fooleries? Look at the men of
whose statesmanship these are the fruits. They have risen
from beggary to opulence, or from obscurity to honour;
some have made their private houses more splendid than
the public buildings; and in proportion as the state has
declined, their fortunes have been exalted.
pressed,
What has produced these results? How is it that all
went prosperously then, and now goes wrong? Because
anciently the people, having the courage to be soldiers,
controlled the statesmen,
any
of the rest
of honour,
was happy
office,
and disposed
to receive
or advantage.
of all emoluments;
from the people his share
Now,
contrariwise,
the
statesmen dispose of emoluments; through them everything
is done; you the people, enervated, stripped of treasure and
become as underlings and hangers-on, happy if
show-money or send you paltry
beeves; and, the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful for
receiving your own. They, cooping you in the city, lead you
to your pleasures, and make you tame and submissive to their
hands. It is impossible, I say, to have a high and noble
allies,
are
these persons dole you out
The Third Olynthiac
141
spirit, while you are engaged in petty and mean employments
whatever be the pursuits of men, their characters must be
similar.
By Ceres, I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning
these things, suffered more from your resentment than the
men who have brought them to pass. For even liberty of
speech you allow not on all subjects; I marvel indeed you
have allowed it here.
Would you but even now, renouncing these practices,
perform military service and act worthily of yourselves;
would you employ these domestic superfluities as a means to
gain advantage abroad; perhaps, Athenians, perhaps you
might gain some solid and important advantage, and be rid
of these perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by
:
As that neither imparts strength,
physicians for the sick.
your allowances are not
permit you to
Thus do they
reject them and turn to something else.
increase the general apathy?
What? I shall be asked:
nor suffers the patient to
enough to be
mean you
die, so
of substantial benefit, nor yet
stipendiary
same arrangement
service?
Yes, and
forthwith the
for all, Athenians, that each, taking his
may be what the state requires.
You are better at home, under no
dividend from the public,
peace to be had?
Is
compulsion to act dishonourably from indigence. Is there
such an emergency as the present? Better to be a soldier,
as you ought, in your country's cause, maintained by those
Is any one of you beyond the military age?
he now irregularly takes without doing service, let him
by just regulation, superintending and transacting
very allowances.
What
take
needful business.
Thus, without derogating from or adding
to our political system, only
I
bring
it
removing some
irregularity,
into order, establishing a uniform rule for receiving
money, for serving in war, for sitting on juries, for doing
what each according to his age can do, and what occasion
requires.
I never advise we should give to idlers the wages
of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and helpless, to hear
that such a one's mercenaries are victorious; as we now do.
142
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Not that I blame any one who does you a service: I only
call upon you, Athenians, to perform on your own account
those duties for which you honour strangers, and not to
won through many
have bequeathed.
have said nearly all that I think necessary. I trust you
adopt that course which is best for the country and
surrender that post of dignity which,
glorious dangers, your ancestors
I
will
yourselves.
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC
ARGUMENT
Philip, after the defeat of Onomarchus, had marched towards the
pass of Thermopylae, which, however, he found occupied by the
Athenians, who had sent a force for the purpose of preventing his
advance. Being baffled there, he directed his march into Thrace, and
alarmed the Athenians for the safety of their dominions in the Chersonese.
At the same time he sent a fleet to attack the islands of
Lemnos and Imbrus, infested the commerce of Athens with his cruisers,
and even insulted her coast. In Thrace he became involved in the
disputes between the rival kings Amadocus and Cersobleptes, espousing
the cause of the former; and for some time he was engaged in the
interior of the country, either at war with Cersobleptes, or extending
his own influence over other parts of Thrace, where he established or
It was iust at that time that
expelled the rulers, as it suited him.
Demosthenes spoke the following oration, the first on which he called
the attention of his countrymen to the dangerous increase of Philip's
power. He had become convinced by the course of events, and by
observing the restless activity of Philip, that Athens had more to fear
from him than from Thebes, or from any new combination of the
Grecian republics. The orator himself, perhaps, hardly appreciated
the extent of Philip's resources, strengthened as he was now by the
friendship of Thessaly, possessed of a navy and maritime towns, and
What were
relieved from the presence of any powerful neighbours.
the precise views of Demosthenes as to the extent of the impending
It was not for him to frighten the Athenians
danger, we cannot say.
too much, but to awaken them from their lethargy. This he does in
a speech, which, without idle declamation or useless ornament, is
essentially practical.
He alarms, but encourages, his countrymen;
rouses them to a
points out both their weakness and their strength
sense of danger, and shows the way to meet it; recommends not any
extraordinary efforts, for which at the moment there was no urgent
necessity, and to make which would have exceeded their power, but
unfolds a scheme, simple and feasible, suiting the occasion, and calculated (if Athenians had not been too degenerate) to lay the foundation
of better things.
;
Had
the question for debate been anything new, Athenians,
I should
have waited
till
most
of the usual speakers 1
had
ancient ordinance of Solon, those who were above fifty years
of age were first called on to deliver their opinion.
The law had ceased
to be in force; but, as a decent custom, the older men usually commenced the debate. There would be frequent occasions for departing
1
By an
from such a custom, and Demosthenes, who was now thirty-three,
assigns his reason for speaking
first.
143
*
^ ne Orations of Demosthenes
144
been heard; if any of their counsels had been to my liking,
I had remained silent, else proceeded to impart my own.
But
as the subject of discussion
spoken oft before,
entitled
to
I
is
one upon which they have
imagine, though
I rise
the
first,
I
am
For if these men had advised
there would be no necessity for deliber-
indulgence.
properly in time past,
ating now.
you must not despond, Athenians, under your
for that which
is worst in them as regards the past, is best for the future.
What do I mean? That your affairs are amiss, men of
Athens, because you do nothing which is needful; if, notwithstanding you performed your duties, it were the same,
there would be no hope of amendment.
Consider next, what you know by report, and men of
experience remember; how vast a power the Lacedaemonians
had not long ago, yet how nobly and becomingly you consulted the dignity of Athens, and undertook the war
against them for the rights of Greece. Why do I mention
this?
To show and convince you, Athenians, that nothing,
if you take precaution, is to be feared, nothing, if you are
negligent, goes as you desire.
Take for examples the strength
of the Lacedaemonians then, which you overcame by attention
to your duties, and the insolence of this man now, by which
First I say,
present circumstances, wretched as they are
;
through neglect of our interests we are confounded. But
if any among you, Athenians, deem Philip hard to be conquered, looking at the magnitude of his existing power, and
the loss by us of all our strongholds, they reason rightly, but
should
many
that once
reflect,
Methone and
all
we
held
Pydna and
Potidasa and
the region round about as our own, and
now leagued with him were independent
and preferred our friendship to his. Had Philip
then taken it into his head, that it was difficult to contend
and
1
of the nations
free,
He
refers to the
Laceda;mon, and
in
war
in which Athens assisted the Thebans against
which Chabrias won the naval battle of Naxos.
That war commenced twenty-six years before the speaking of the
Philippic, and would be well remembered by many of the hearers.
first
The
First Philippic
many
with Athens, when she had so
country, and he was destitute of
145
fortresses to infest his
nothing that he has
allies,
accomplished would he have undertaken, and never would
But he saw
he have acquired so large a dominion.
Athenians, that
all
well,
these places are the open prizes of war,
that the possessions of the absent naturally belong to the
present, those of the remiss to
them that
Acting on such principle, he has
either
it,
by way
alliance;
for all
of conquest, or
men
will side
won
by
will
venture and
toil.
everything and keeps
friendly
attachment and
whom
with and respect those
they see prepared and willing to make proper exertion.
If
you, Athenians, will adopt this principle now, though you
did not before, and every
man, where he can and ought
give his service to the state, be ready to give
it
to
without
excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist;
in
a word, plainly,
if
you
will
become your own masters, and
cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neigh-
bour does everything for him, you
shall
then with heaven's
permission recover your own, and get back what has been
away, and chastise
frittered
his
empire
are
who
is
him
not imagine that
men
belong,
now they
and
we may assume,
There
as a god.
hate and fear and envy him, Athenians, even
those that seem most friendly;
other
Do
Philip.
everlastingly secured to
all feelings
among
that are in
to his confederates.
But
are all cowed, having no refuge through your
and indolence, which I say you must abandon forthFor you see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of
arrogance the man has advanced who leaves you not even
the choice of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (they
tardiness
with.
say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession of
his conquests, continually
dally
Athenians,
when will
In that of necessity,
the
events
widens their
and, whilst
we
I
his net all
suppose.
happening now?
strongest necessity
circle,
around us. When then,
ye act as becomes you ? In what event ?
and delay, throws
is
And how
Methinks,
should
we regard
freemen
the
the disgrace of their condition.
Or
to
—
146
The
Orations of Demosthenes
me, do ye like walking about and asking one another:
any news ? Why, could there be greater news than
a man of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the
No, but he is sick. And
Is Philip dead?
affairs of Greece ?
what matters it to you? Should anything befall this man,
you will soon create another Philip, if you attend to business
For even he has been exalted not so much by his own
thus.
strength as by our negligence. And again should anything
happen to him; should fortune, which still takes better care
of us than we of ourselves, be good enough to accomplish
this; observe that, being on the spot, you would step in
while things were in confusion, and manage them as you
pleased; but as you now are, though occasion offered Amphipolis, you would not be in a position to accept it, with
neither forces nor counsels at hand.
However, as to the importance of a general zeal in the
discharge of duty, believing you are convinced and satisfied,
I say no more.
As to the kind of force which I think may extricate you
from your difficulties, the amount, the supplies of money,
the best and speediest method (in my judgment) of providing all the necessaries, I shall endeavour to inform you
forthwith, making only one request, men of Athens. When
you have heard all, determine; prejudge not before. And
let none think I delay our operations, because I recommend
tell
Is there
;
an
entirely
new
force.
Not
those that cry, quickly
!
to-day!
speak most to the purpose (for what has already happened
we shall not be able to prevent by our present armament);
but he that shows what and how great and whence procured
must be the force capable of enduring, till either we have
advisedly terminated the war, or overcome our enemies for
This I think I am
so shall we escape annoyance in future.
:
able to show, without offence to
plan to
offer.
My
promise indeed
by the performance; and you
any other man who has a
is
shall
First, then, Athenians, I say
large ;
be
my
it
shall be tested
judges.
we must provide
fifty
war-
The
First Philippic
147
ships/ and hold ourselves prepared, in case of emergency, to
embark and sail. I require also an equipment of transports
2
and sufficient boats. This we must
for half the cavalry
have ready against his sudden marches from his own country
to Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and anywhere he
likes.
For he should entertain the belief, that possibly you
may rouse from this over-carelessness, and start off, as you
did to Eubcea, 3 and formerly (they say) to Haliartus, 4 and
very lately to Thermopylae. And although you should not
pursue just the course I would advise, it is no slight matter
that Philip, knowing you to be in readiness know it he will
—
for certain;
many among our own people who
him may either keep quiet from appre-
there are too
report everything to
—
hension, or, not heeding your arrangements, be taken off his
guard, there being nothing to prevent your sailing,
if
he give
Such an armament,
But
I say, ought instantly to be agreed upon and provided.
besides, men of Athens, you should keep in hand some force
that will incessantly make war and annoy him: none of
your ten or twenty thousand mercenaries, not your forces
on paper, but one that shall belong to the state, and, whether
you appoint one or more generals, or this or that man or any
other, shall obey and follow him.
Subsistence too I require
for it.
What the force shall be, how large, from what source
maintained, how rendered efficient, I will show you, stating
every particular. Mercenaries I recommend and beware of
you a chance,
to attack his territories.
—
The Athenian
this time was the Trireme, or galley
with three ranks of oars.
at the prow a beak with a sharp iron
head, which, in a charge (generally made at the broadside), was able
planks
of
to shatter the
the enemy's vessel. An ordinary trireme
carried two hundred men, including the crew and marines.
These last
were usually ten for each ship, but the number was often increased.
2
The total number was one thousand, each tribe furnishing one
1
ship of
war at
It had
hundred.
3
The expedition about five years before, when the Thebans had sent
an army to Eubcea, and Timotheus roused his countrymen to expel
them from the island. Of this, Demosthenes gives an animated account at the close of the oration on the Chersonese.
* b.c.
395, when the war between Thebes and Sparta had begun, and
Lysander besieged Haliartus. He was slain in a sally by the Thebans
and Athenians.
The
148
Orations of Demosthenes
doing what has often been injurious
—
thinking all measures
below the occasion, adopting the strongest in your decrees,
you fail to accomplish the least rather, I say, perform and
—
add to it afterwards, if it prove insufficient.
I advise then two thousand soldiers in all, five hundred to be
Athenians, of whatever age you think right, serving a limited
time, not long, but such time as you think right, so as to
procure a
relieve
little,
one another:
And
the rest should be mercenaries.
with them two hundred horse,
Athenians, like
fifty at least
the foot, on the same terms of service;
them.
Philip
and transports for
what besides? Ten swift galleys: for, as
has a navy, we must have swift galleys also, to conWell;
How
voy our power.
provided?
you why
why
I
I
I
shall subsistence for these troops
will state
and explain;
consider a force of this
wish the
men
but
first let
amount
me
sufficient,
be
tell
and
to be citizens.
Of that amount, Athenians, because
it is
impossible for us
now to raise an army capable of meeting him in the
we must plunder and adopt such kind of warfare at
field:
first:
our force, therefore, must not be over-large (for there is not
pay or subsistence) nor altogether mean. Citizens I wish to
attend and go on board, because
I
hear that formerly the
mercenary troops at Corinth, 1 commanded
Polystratus
and Iphicrates and Chabrias and some others,
by
and that you served with them yourselves; and I am told
that these mercenaries fighting by your side and you by
theirs defeated the Lacedaemonians.
But ever since your
hirelings have served by themselves, they have been vanquishing your friends and allies, while your enemies have
become unduly great. Just glancing at the war of our state,
they go off to Artabazus 2 or anywhere rather, and the
state maintained
He
1
were
The
and
alludes to the time
when
Corinth, Athens, Thebes, and Argos
allied against Sparta, and held a congress at Corinth, b.c. 394.
were at first defeated, but Iphicrates gained some successes,
acquired considerable reputation by cutting off a small division of
allies
Spartan infantry.
2
Diodorus relates that Chares,
in the Social War, having no money
to pay his troops, was forced to lend them to Artabazus, then in
The
First Philippic
general follows, naturally;
for
What
without giving pay.
it is
impossible to
therefore ask I?
the excuses both of general and soldiers,
and attaching native
149
command
To remove
by supplying pay,
soldiers, as inspectors of the general's
The way we manage things now is a mockery.
you were asked Are you at peace, Athenians ? No,
indeed, you would say; we are at war with Philip. Did you
not choose from yourselves ten captains and generals, and
also captains and two generals x of horse ?
How are they
employed? Except one man, whom you commission on
service abroad, the rest conduct your processions with the
sacrificers.
Like puppet-makers, you elect your infantry
and cavalry officers for the market-place, not for war. Consider, Athenians, should there not be native captains, a
native general of horse, your own commanders, that the
force might really be the state's?
Or should your general
of horse sail to Lemnos, 2 while Menelaus commands the
cavalry fighting for your possessions? I speak not as objecting to the man, but he ought to be elected by you, whoever
conduct.
For
if
:
the person be.
Perhaps you admit the justice of these statements, but
wish principally to hear about the supplies, what they must
be and whence procured.
for maintenance,
I will satisfy
mere rations
you.
for these
Supplies, then,
troops,
come
to
rebellion against the king of Persia.
Chares gained a victory for the
satrap, and received a supply of money.
But this led to a complaint
and menace of war by the king, which brought serious consequences.
1
There were chosen at Athens every year
Ten generals
Ten captains
(one for each tribe),
(one for each tribe),
Two generals of cavalry,
Ten cavalry officers (one for each tribe).
In a regular army of citizens, when each tribe formed its own diviboth of horse and foot, all these generals and officers would be
Thus, there were ten generals at Marathon. A change took
present.
Three
place in later times when the armies were more miscellaneous.
Athenian generals were frequently employed, and at a still later period
important
matter,
touches
on
a
very
only one. Demosthenes here
which we can well understand, viz., the necessity of officering the foreign
sion,
mercenaries from home.
2
To
assist at a religious
many Athenians
resided.
ceremony held annually
at
Lemnos, where
The
150
Orations of Demosthenes
ninety talents and a
little more: for ten swift galleys forty
twenty minas a month to every ship for two thousand soldiers forty more, that each soldier may receive for
rations ten drachms a month and for two hundred horsemen,
each receiving thirty drachms a month, twelve talents. 1
Should any one think rations for the men a small provision,
he judges erroneously. Furnish that, and I am sure the
army itself will, without injuring any Greek or ally, procure
everything else from the war, so as to make out their full pay.
I am ready to joint the fleet as a volunteer, and submit to
anything, if this be not so. Now for the ways and means of
the supply which I demand from you.
talents,
;
;
[Statement
This, Athenians,
is
When you vote upon
that you may oppose
but by action
I
think
it
2
of
ways and means]
what we have been able to devise.
what you approve
Philip, not only by decrees and letters
the resolutions, pass
also.
will assist
your deliberations about the war and
the whole arrangements, to regard the position, Athenians,
and consider that Philip by the winds
most of his operathe trade-winds 3 or the winter to com-
of the hostile country,
and seasons
tions,
of the year gets the start in
watching for
mence them, when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the
spot.
On this account, we must carry on the war not with
hasty levies (or we shall be too late for everything) but with
a permanent force and power. You may use as winter
quarters for your troops Lemnos, and Thasus, and Sciathus,
and the islands
4
in that
neighbourhood, which have harbours
to Athenian money, see Appendix I.
2
Here the clerk or secretary reads the scheme drawn up by Demosthenes, in the preparing of which he was probably assisted by the
financial officers of the state.
What follows was, according to Dionysius, spoken at a different time.
3
The Etesian winds blowing from the north-west in July, which
would impede a voyage from Athens to Macedonia and Thrace.
1
As Scopelus, Halonnesus, Peparethus, which were then subject to
1
As
Athens.
The
and corn and
all
when
First Philippic
necessaries for
an army.
151
In the season of
easy to put ashore and there
is no danger
from the winds, they will easily take their station off the
coast itself and at the entrances of the seaports.
How and when to employ the troops, the commander
appointed by you will determine as occasion requires. What
you must find is stated in my bill.
If, men of Athens, you
will furnish the supplies which I mention, and then, after
completing your preparations of soldiers, ships, cavalry, will
oblige the entire force by law to remain in the service, and,
while you become your own paymasters and commissaries,
demand from your general an account of his conduct, you
will cease to be always discussing the same questions without
forwarding them in the least, and besides, Athenians, not
only will you cut off his greatest revenue What is this?
He maintains war against you through the resources of your
allies, by his piracies on their navigation
But what next?
You will be out of the reach of injury yourselves: he will
not do as in time past, when falling upon Lemnos and Imbrus
he carried off your citizens captive, seizing the vessels at
Gerasstus he levied an incalculable sum, and lastly, made
a descent at Marathon and carried off the sacred galley 1
from our coast, and }'ou could neither prevent these things
nor send succours by the appointed time. But how is it,
think you, Athenians, that the Panathenaic and Dionysian
festivals 2 take place always at the appointed time, whether
expert or unqualified persons be chosen to conduct either
of them, whereon you expend larger sums than upon any
armament, and which are more numerously attended and
the year,
it is
—
—
1
A ship called Paralus, generally used on religious missions or to
carry public despatches.
2
The Panathenaic festivals were in honour of Pallas or Athene, the
protectress of Athens, and commemorated also the union of the old
Attic towns under one government.
There were two, the greater held
every fourth year, the lesser annually. They were celebrated with
sacrifices, races, gymnastic and musical contests, and various other
amusements and solemnities, among which was the carrying the
pictured robe of Pallas to her temple. The Dionysian festival was in
honour of Bacchus.
:
The
152
Orations of Demosthenes
magnificent than almost anything in the world;
whilst
all
your armaments are after the time, as that to Methone, to
Because in the former case everything
Pagasae, to Potidsea?
is ordered by law, and each of you knows long beforehand,
who
is
the choir-master
master, when, from
what
to do.
whereas
1
of his tribe,
who
whom, and what he
Nothing there
in the business of
is left
to receive,
2
and
unascertained or undefined
war and
irregular, unsettled, indefinite.
is
the gymnastic
its
preparations
all is
Therefore, no sooner have
we heard anything than we appoint ship-captains, dispute
with them on the exchanges, 3 and consider about ways and
means; then
holders
4
resolved that resident aliens and houseembark, then to put yourselves on board
it is
shall
instead: but during these delays the objects of our expedition
we waste in preparation, and
moments wait not our evasions and delays. The
forces that we imagine we possess in the meantime are
found, when the crisis comes, utterly insufficient. And
are lost; for the time of action
favourable
1
The choregus, or choir-master, of each tribe, had to defray the
expense of the choruses, whether dramatic, lyric, or musical, which
formed part of the entertainment on solemn occasions. This was one
of the burdensome offices to which men of property were liable at
Athens.
2
The gymnasiarch, like the choregus, had a burden imposed on him
his tribe, to make certain provisions for the gymnasium, public
Some of the contests at the festivals being
place or school of exercise.
of a gymnastic nature, such as the Torch-race, it was his duty to make
arrangements for them, and more particularly to select the ablest
youths of the school for performers.
by
3
For every ship of war a captain, or trierarch, was appointed, whose
duty it was, not merely to command, but take charge of the vessel, keep
it in repair, and bear the expense (partly or wholly) of equipping it.
In the Peloponnesian war we find the charge laid upon two joint
captains, and afterwards it was borne by an association formed like the
Symmorias of the Property Tax.
Demosthenes, when he came to
the head of affairs, introduced some useful reforms in the system of the
Trierarchy.
The exchange was a clumsy contrivance to enforce the
performance of these public duties by persons capable of bearing them.
A party charged might call upon any other person to take the office,
or exchange estates with him.
If he refused, complaint was made to
the magistrate who had cognisance of the business, and the dispute
was judicially heard and decided.
* Freedman, who
had quitted their masters' house, and lived
independently.
The
First Philippic
153
Philip has arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, as to send
the following letter to the Eubceans:
[The
letter is
read]
Of that which has been read, Athenians, most is true,
unhappily true perhaps not agreeable to hear. And if what
one passes over in speaking, to avoid offence, one could pass
;
over in reality,
it is
right to
graciousness of speech, where
action, shameful
putting
off
is it,
humour
it is
the audience:
but
if
out of place, does harm in
Athenians, to delude ourselves, and by
everything unpleasant to miss the time for
all
and be unable even to understand, that skilful
makers of war should not follow circumstances, but be in
advance of them that just as a general may be expected to
operations,
;
lead his armies, so are
men
of prudent counsel to guide
circumstances, in order that their resolutions
may
be accom-
by the event. Yet
you, Athenians, with larger means than any people, ships,
infantry, cavalry, and revenue
have never up to this day
made proper use of any of them and your war with Philip
differs in no respect from the boxing of barbarians.
For
among them the party struck feels always for the blow;
strike him somewhere else, there go his hands again
ward or
look in the face he cannot nor will. So you, if you hear of
plished, not their motions determined
—
—
;
;
Philip in the Chersonese, vote to send relief there,
anywhere
if
at
you run after his
heels up and down, and are commanded by him; no plan
have you devised for the war, no circumstance do you see
beforehand, only when you learn that something is done, or
about to be done. Formerly perhaps this was allowable:
now it is come to a crisis, to be tolerable no longer. And it
seems, men of Athens, as if some god, ashamed for us at our
proceedings, has put this activity into Philip. For had he
Thermopylae, the same;
if
else,
been willing to remain quiet in possession of his conquests
prizes, and attempted nothing further, some of you,
I think, would be satisfied with a state of things, which
and
"
The
154
Orations of Demosthenes
brands our nation with the shame of cowardice and the
But by continually encroaching and graspfoulest disgrace.
ing after more, he
may
altogether despaired.
possibly rouse you,
I
if
you have not
marvel, indeed, that none of you,
Athenians, notices with concern and anger, that the begin-
ning of this war was to chastise Philip, the end
ourselves against his attacks.
One
thing
some one oppose him.
And if you despatch empty
stop, unless
this?
And
is
shall
galleys
to protect
he
will
not
we wait
for
clear:
is
and hopes from
is well?
Shall we not
we not sail with at least a part of our national
Shall we not make a descent
forces, now though not before ?
upon his coast? Where, then, shall we land ? some one asks.
The war itself, men of Athens, will discover the rotten parts
of his empire, if we make a trial; but if we sit at home,
this
or that person, think ye all
embark ?
Shall
hearing the orators accuse and malign one another, no good
can ever be achieved. Methinks, where a portion of our
citizens, though not all, are commissioned with the rest,
Heaven blesses, and Fortune aids the struggle: but where
you send out a general and an empty decree and hopes from
the hustings, nothing that you desire is done; your enemies
scoff,
is
it
all
and your
allies die for fear of
impossible
your wishes:
persons
vote at
such an armament.
impossible, for one
to promise, 1
and
assert,
man
For
to execute
and accuse
this or
The
commands wretched unpaid hirelings; here are
easily found, who tell you lies of his conduct; you
random from what you hear: what then can be
that person,
general
—aye,
is
possible ; but so your affairs are ruined.
expected ?
How is this to cease, Athenians? When you make the
same persons soldiers, and witnesses of the general's conduct,
and judges when they return home at his audit 2 so that you
;
Chares is particularly alluded to. The " promises of Chares
passed into a proverb.
2
The audit or scrutiny of his conduct which every officer of the
republic had to undergo, before a jury, if necessary, at the end of his
administration.
In the case of a general, the scrutiny would be like a
court-martial.
The Athenian people (says Demosthenes), as repre1
;
The
may
First Philippic
not only hear of your
them.
So disgraceful
is
own
affairs,
155
but be present to see
our condition now, that every
1
before you for his life, though
none dares even once to hazard his life against the enemy:
they prefer the death of kidnappers and thieves to that which
becomes them; for it is a malefactor's part to die by sentence
general
is
twice or thrice tried
of the law, a general's to die in battle.
Among
ourselves,
some go about and say that Philip is concerting with the
Lacedaemonians the destruction of Thebes and the dissolution
of republics
;
some, that he has sent envoys to the king
others, that he
is
fortifying cities in Illyria:
the gods I believe, that Philip
tude of his exploits, and has
tion, seeing the
my
For
about, each inventing stories.
is
so
we wander
part, Athenians,
the
people
silliest
by
intoxicated with the magni-
many such dreams in
his
imagina-
absence of opponents, and elated by success;
but most certainly he has no such plan of action as to
silliest
2
among
us
know what
are these newsmongers.
let
his intentions are;
Let us dismiss such
the
for
talk,
and remember only that Philip is an enemy who robs us of
our own and has long insulted us; that wherever we have
expected aid from any quarter, it has been found hostile, and
that the future depends on ourselves, and unless we are
willing to fight him there, we shall perhaps be compelled to
fight here.
This let us remember, and then we shall have
determined wisely, and have done with idle conjectures.
You need not pry into the future, but assure yourselves it
will be disastrous, unless you attend to your duty, and are
willing to act as becomes you.
As for me, never before have I courted favour, by speaking
what I am not convinced is for your good, and now I have
spoken my whole mind frankly and unreservedly. I could
sented by the citizen soldiers, would themselves be witnesses of the
general's conduct.
These same soldiers, when they came home, or at
least a portion of them, might serve on the jury; and so the people
would be both witnesses and judges.
1
Chares was tried several times. Capital charges were preferred also
against Autocles, Cephisodotus, Leosthenes, Callisthenes.
8
The king of Persia, generally called the king by the Greeks.
156
The
Orations of Demosthenes
have wished, knowing the advantage of good counsel to you,
I were equally certain of its advantage to the counsellor: so
should I have spoken with more satisfaction. Now, with an
uncertainty of the consequence to myself, but with a conviction that you will benefit by adopting it, I proffer my advice.
I trust only that what is most for the common benefit will
prevail.
THE ORATION ON THE PEACE
ARGUMENT
To understand as well the subject of
Demosthenes, who here recommends a
this oration, as the motives of
course of action different from
the vigorous measures counselled by him on other occasions, it is
necessary to take a short review of the preceding events, and observe
the position in which Athens stood at the time when the speech was
delivered.
Philip, after taking Olynthus, turned his thoughts to new objects, of
which the more immediate were, first, to get possession of the Greek
towns on the Hellespont and the Chersonese; secondly, to get a footing in southern Greece.
The first of these seemed comparatively easy
since the reduction of Olynthus; the second was more difficult, and
could only be accomplished by the aid or sufferance of certain Greek
states.
But the continuance of the Sacred war afforded Philip an
opportunity of which he skilfully availed himself.
Phalaecus, son of
Onomarchus, had maintained his ground against the enemy, and both
Thebans and Thessalians began to be desirous of Macedonian aid.
But Athens was in alliance with Phocis, and Philip had seen some
few years before, when the Athenians occupied the pass of Thermopylae,
that they were still capable of vigorous efforts, if under able direction
It became therefore his policy to conciliate
or any strong excitement.
Athens for the present. He caused it to be announced by means of
his agents and partisans, that he was desirous of peace, and reports
of various acts of kindness done by him to Athenian citizens in Macedonia were studiously disseminated. This seems to have been the
period at which Philip gained over to his interest, or even retained
in his service, divers active members of the Athenian assembly. Among
them was Philocrates, who first made a formal motion that Philip
should have leave to open a negotiation. Soon after he carried a
decree to send ambassadors to Philip, and ten were despatched, among
them Philocrates himself, ^Cschines, and Demosthenes. They returned
with a letter from Philip, and were soon followed by three Macedonian
envoys of high distinction, Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus.
The Athenians met in assembly; peace was determined on, and the
ambassadors were again ordered to sail to Macedonia to receive the
oath of Philip. In the meantime Philip had marched into Thrace,
where he defeated Cersobleptes, the king of that country, and took
possession of a part of his dominions.
From this expedition he had
not returned when the Athenian ambassadors arrived at Pella, the
Macedonian capital. Here they waited a month, and, on Philip's
return, were induced by that monarch, who had secretly prepared for
his invasion of Phocis, to accompany him as far as Pherae in Thessaly.
From PherjE they departed for Athens, and Philip marched straight
to Thermopylae.
The Athenians, deceived by his promises, were lulled
into security; Phalascus, seeing no hope of assistance, withdrew from
Phocis, while Philip, strengthened by the forces of Thessaly and Thebes,
overran the country, and took possession of Delphi. An Amphic-
157
158
The
Orations of Demosthenes
tyonic council was conveyed to sit in judgment on the sacrilegious
Phocians. Sentence was passed on them, which (besides other penalties) deprived them of their seat in the council of Amphictyons, and
transferred their privileges to the king of Macedonia.
The first intelligence of these transactions was received at Athens
with consternation. Measures were taken to put the city in a state of
Philip sent a calm letter
defence, as if an invasion were threatened.
of remonstrance, which allayed the fears of the people, but did not
ill-humour.
A
feeling
of disappointment was
abate their anger and
mingled with shame for their own credulity, and alarm at the increase
They saw too, with deep vexation, that
of Macedonian influence.
Philip, instead of conferring any benefit upon Athens, as they had
fondly hoped he would, had excited himself to promote the advantage
of Thebes, which, by his assistance, recovered her subject Boeotian
towns, and even obtained some of the Phocian territory for herself.
Nothing more strongly marked the state of public feeling at Athens
than her refusal at this time to attend the Pythian games, at which
The
Philip had been chosen to preside by the Amphictyonic decree.
Athenians by absenting themselves made a sort of protest against his
election.
It was in this state of things that Macedonian ambassadors, accompanied by Thessalian and Boeotian, arrived at Athens, to demand from
her a formal sanction of the decree by which Philip had become a
member of the Amphictyonic council. An assembly was held to conThe people were exceedingly clamorous, and
sider the question.
applauded those orators who opposed the claim of Philip. jEschines,
who supported it, could scarcely obtain a hearing. Demosthenes at
length addressed the assembly, and, without advising any dishonourable submission, or even direct concession to what the envoys required,
strongly dissuaded his countrymen from taking any course which
might draw Athens into a war. It was not that Philip was less to be
dreaded now than he was before; on the contrary, his power had
greatly increased; but this was not the time to provoke his hostility,
backed as he was by Thessaly and Thebes; and even if Athens could
stand alone against such a combination, a mere Amphictyonic title was
not a proper subject of quarrel.
It appears that the Athenians came to no formal vote on this matter,
but their anger was so far calmed by the arguments of Demosthenes,
that the envoys departed with full confidence that the peace would
not be broken.
men
and
have been sacrificed, and it is useless to make fine speeches about them, but
because, for preserving what remains, you cannot agree upon
any single expedient, some holding one opinion, and some
another. And besides, perplexing and difficult as deliberation of itself is, you, Athenians, have rendered it far more so.
For other men usually hold counsel before action, you hold it
after: the result of which during all the time of my remembrance has been, that the censurer of your errors gets repute
I see,
of Athens, our affairs are in great perplexity
confusion, not only because
many
interests
On
the Peace
i
59
good speaker, while your interests and objects
Yet, even under these circumstances, I believe, and I have risen with the persuasion, that
if you will desist from wrangling and tumult, and listen as
becomes men on a political consultation of such importance,
I shall be able to suggest and advise measures by which our
affairs may be improved and our losses retrieved.
Well as I know, Athenians, that to talk before you of
oneself and one's own counsels is a successful artifice with
unscrupulous men, I think it so vulgar and offensive that
However, I
I shrink from it even in a case of necessity.
think you will better appreciate what I shall say now, by
calling to mind a little that I said on former occasions.
For
example, Athenians, when they were advising you in the
troubles of Eubcea to assist Plutarch, 1 and undertake a discreditable and expensive war, I, and I alone, stood forward
to oppose it, and was nearly torn to pieces by the men who
for petty lucre have seduced you into many grievous errors.
A short time later, when you incurred disgrace, and suffered
what no mortals ever did from parties whom they assisted,
you all acknowledged the worthlessness of their counsels
who misled you, and the soundness of mine. Again, Athenians, when I saw that Neoptolemus 2 the actor, privileged
under colour of his profession, was doing serious mischief to
the state, managing and directing things at Athens on Philip's
behalf, I came and informed you, not from any private
enmity or malice, as subsequent occurrences have shown.
And herein I shall not blame the advocates of Neoptolemus
(for there were none) but you yourselves; for had you been
and
of
credit as a
deliberation are lost.
1
Callias, sovereign of Chalcis, had invited Philip into Euboea, to
assist him against Plutarch, sovereign of Eretria: Plutarch applied to
for assistance, and Phocion was sent with an army into Eubcea,
where, by the carelessness or treachery of Plutarch, he was exposed in a
defile at Tamynaj, and attacked by Callias with a superior force of
Chalcidians and Macedonians.
He gained the victory, but to punish
Plutarch expelled him from Eretria.
Athens
2
Neoptolemus on some professional engagement at Pella had probably been bribed by Philip. He was active in promoting the peace
and afterwards abandoned his country for Macedonia.
The
160
Orations of Demosthenes
seeing a tragedy in the temple of Bacchus, instead of it being
a debate on the public weal and safety, you could not have
heard him with more partiality, or me with more intolerance.
But
I
suppose you
all
journey to the enemy,
there owing to him,
at
home
;
reproach
now understand
in
that he
made
his
order (as he said) to get the debts
and defray thereout
his public charges
and, after urging this argument, that
men who brought
it
was hard
to
over their effects from abroad, as
soon as he obtained security through the peace, he converted
into
money
has gone
justly
all
off
and
the real estate which he possessed here, and
with
it
to Philip.
rightfully
truth, testify in
my
Thus two
pronounced
in
of
my
warnings,
accordance with the
favour as a counsellor.
A
third,
men
of
Athens, I will mention, this one only, and straight proceed to
the subject of
my
address.
When we
ambassadors, after
receiving the oath on the peace,
had returned, and certain
men were promising that Thespia? and Platasa 1 would be
repeopled that Philip, if he got the mastery, would save the
Phocians, and disperse the population of Thebes; that
Oropus 2 would be yours, and Eubcea given as compensation
for Amphipolis, with more of the like hopes and delusions,
which led you on, against policy, equity, and honour, to
abandon the Phocians; you will find, I neither aided in any
of these deceits, nor held my tongue.
I warned you, as you
surely remember, that I knew not of these things nor expected
them, and deemed it all idle gossip.
These instances, wherein I have shown greater foresight
than others, I mention not by way of boast, nor ascribe,
Athenians, to any sagacity of my own, nor will I pretend to
discover or discern the future from any but two causes, which
first, men of Athens, through good fortune,
I will state:
which I observe beats all the craft and cleverness of man;
;
1
Thespiae and Plataaa were taken and rased to the ground by the
Thebans under Epaminondas, B.C. 373.
2
Oropus was a border town, for the possession of which Thebes and
Athens had long contended. Themison of Eretria had taken it from
Athens, and put it in the hands of the Thebans.
1
On
the Peace
1
6
secondly, because I judge and estimate things disinterestedly,
and no one can show that any lucre is attached to my politics
or my speeches. Therefore, whatever be your true policy, as
indicated by the circumstances, I have a correct view of it;
but when you put money on one side as in a balance, it
carries away and pulls down the judgment with it, and he
that does so can no longer reason upon anything justly or
soundly.
The first thing which I maintain to be necessary is this.
Whether you seek to obtain allies, or contribution, 1 or aught
do it without disturbing the present peace;
very glorious or worthy of you, but, whatever
be its character, it had better suited our interests never to
have made peace, than to break it ourselves: for we have
else for the state,
not that
it is
thrown away many advantages, which would have rendered
the war then safer and easier for us than it can be now.
Secondly, Athenians,
we must take
care that these people
2
are not by
make a common
assembled and calling themselves Amphictyons
us necessitated, or furnished with a plea, to
war against us. I grant, if we renewed the war with Philip
on account of Amphipolis, or any such private quarrel, in
which Thessalians, Argives and Thebans are not concerned,
I.e., money contributed by allies.
When the Athenians re-estab1
lished their confederacy,
which had been dissolved by the Pelopon-
nesian war, the payments received from the
allies received the name of
contributions as less obnoxious than tribute.
2
The Amphictyonic league, at the head of which Philip was now
placed, was a federal union of Hellenic (or Greek) tribes, having for its
object the maintenance of a common religion and nationality. The
various deputies met twice a year, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn
They met, not only to celebrate games
at Anthela near Thermopylae.
and festivals, but to transact the business of the league, to determine
questions of international law and religion. The oracular sanctity of
Delphi gave a dignity to these meetings, but the rivalry and jealousies
of the more powerful Greek states did not permit them (in general) to
be controlled by Amphictyonic decrees. The three Sacred wars are
instances in which their decrees were enforced by combination; but in
the two last, for which Philip's aid was invited, there was but little
enthusiasm in the cause from any motive of religion or patriotism.
The meeting at which Philip had been chosen president was so tumultuous and irregular, that the Athenians would not allow it to be a
legal convocation of the Amphictyonic body.
Philip greatly resented
this, because his election was considered to establish the title of his
countrymen to rank among the Greek nations.
L
1
The
62
none
of
Orations of Demosthenes
them would
before you cry out
join in
it,
and
—the Thebans:
least of all
—hear
me
not that they are kindly
disposed to us, or would not gratify Philip, but they see
1
clearly, stupid as one may think them, that, if they had
a war with you, the hardships would all be theirs, while
another sat waiting for the advantages. Therefore they
would not throw themselves into it, unless the ground and
So if we again went to war
origin of the war were common.
with the Thebans for Oropus or any private cause, 1 should
fear no disaster, because our respective auxiliaries would assist
us or them, if either country were invaded, but would join
with neither in aggression. Such is the spirit of alliances
that are worth regard, and so the thing naturally is. People
are not friendly either to us or the Thebans, to the extent of
equally desiring our safety and our predominance. Safe they
would all have us for their own sakes; dominant, so as to
become their masters, they would not have either of us.
What then, say I, is the danger ? what to be guarded against ?
Lest in the coming war there be found a common plea, a
common grievance for all. If Argives, and Messenians, and
Megalopolitans, and some of the other Peloponnesians,
who
are in league with them, are hostile to us on account of our
negotiating with the Lacedaemonians and seeming to take
some
of their enterprises;
if
up
the Thebans are (as they say)
our enemies, and will be more so, because we harbour their
exiles and in every way manifest our aversion to them;
Thessalians again, because we harbour the Phocian exiles,
and
Philip, because
tyonic body;
they
will
we oppose
I fear that,
his
admission to the Amphic-
each incensed on a private quarrel,
combine to bring war upon you, setting up the
drawn on (beyond what
decrees of the Amphictyons, and be
their single interests require) to battle
it
with us, as they did
For you are surely aware that now the
Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians have co-operated,
without having each exactly the same views. For example,
with the Phocians.
1
Boeotian stupidity was proverbial.
On
the Peace
163
the Thebans could not hinder Philip from advancing and
occupying the passes, nor yet from coming
the credit of their labours.
last
and having
True, in respect of territorial
done for them but in regard
and reputation, they have fared wretchedly; since,
had Philip not stept in, they would (it seems) have got
nothing. This was not agreeable to them, but having the
wish without the power to obtain Orchomenos and Coronea,
they submitted to it all. Of Philip, you know, some persons
venture to say, that he would not have given Orchomenos
and Coronea to the Thebans, but was compelled to do so.
I wish them joy of their opinion, but thus far I believe that
he cared not so much about that business, as he desired to
occupy the passes, and have the glory of the war, as being
determined by his agency, and the direction of the Pythian
games. Such were the objects of his ambition. The Thessalians wished not either Philip or Thebes to be aggrandised,
since in both they saw danger to themselves; but sought to
obtain these two advantages, the synod at Thermopylae, and
the privileges at Delphi; 1 for which objects they aided the
confederacy. Thus you will find that each party has been
led into many acts unwillingly:
and against this danger,
being such as I describe, you must take precautions.
Must we then do as we are bidden, for fear of the consequences? and do you recommend this? Far from it. I
advise you so to act, as not to compromise your dignity, to
acquisition, something has been
;
to honour
avoid war, to prove yourselves right-thinking, just-speaking
1
The Thessalians were peculiarly aggrieved by their exclusion
(during the Sacred war) from the national synod, and from the oracle
and festivities of Delphi. Their country had been the cradle of the
Hellenic race, their deputies were the most numerous in the council,
and their vicinity to the places of meeting gave them a greater interest
in the proceedings.
Hence they most eagerly pressed for punishment
of the Phocians.
The tribes of Mount (Eta proposed that the male
population of Phocis should be precipitated from the Delphian rock;
which cruelty was not permitted by Philip. To gratify the Thessalians,
Philip put them in possession of Nicasa, one of the towns near the pass
of Thermopylae, but even there he kept a Macedonian garrison.
The
Thebans had expected to have that town themselves, and were disappointed.
The
164
men.
Orations of Demosthenes
With those who think we should boldly
suffer
any-
and do not foresee the war, I would reason thus. We
permit the Thebans to have Oropus and if one asked us why,
and required a true answer, we should say, To avoid war.
And to Philip now we have ceded Amphipolis by treaty, and
allow the Cardians 1 to be excepted from the other people of
2
the Chersonese; and the Carian to seize the islands Chios,
3
Cos, and Rhodes, and the Byzantines to detain our vessels;
tranquillity
think
the
of
peace more
we
evidently because
It
beneficial than strife and contest about such questions.
were folly then and utter absurdity, after dealing thus with
each party singly on matters of vital moment to ourselves,
to battle now with them all for a shadow at Delphi.
thing,
;
Cardia was a city at the north-western extremity of the Chersonese,
its position on the isthmus was considered the key of the
Among the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes, Cardia
peninsula.
included but the Athenians afterwards laid claim to it,
been
not
had
and Philip supported the Caridans in resisting that claim.
2
Idrieus, king of Caria, who was now in possession of these islands,
which had revolted from Athens in the Social war.
3
Compel them to go into their port to pay harbour duties.
1
and from
;
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC
ARGUMENT
Soon
after the close of the Phocian war, the attention of Philip was
called to Peloponnesus, where the dissensions between Sparta and her
old enemies afforded him an occasion of interference.
The Spartans
had never abandoned their right to the province of Messenia, which
had been wrested from them by Epaminondas; and since Thebes was
no longer to be feared, they seem to have conceived hopes of regaining
their lost power.
The Argives and the Arcadians of Megalopolis were
in league with Messenia, but Sparta had her allies in the Peloponnesus,
and even Athens was suspected of favouring her cause. It does not
appear that any open hostilities had taken place; but about this time
the fears of the Messenians induced them to solicit the alliance of Philip.
He willingly promised them his protection, and sent a body of troops
into the Peninsula.
The progress which Macedonian influence was
making there having alarmed the Athenians, they sent Demosthenes
with an embassy to counteract it. He went to Messene and to Argos,
addressed the people, and pointed out the dangers to which all Greece
was exposed by Philip's ambition. It seems that he failed in rousing
their suspicions, or they were too much occupied by an immediate
peril to heed one that appeared remote.
Philip however resented this
proceeding on the part of the Athenians, and sent an embassy to
expostulate with them, especially on the charge of bad faith and
treachery which had been preferred against him by Demosthenes.
Ambassadors from Argos and Messene accompanied those of Macedon,
and complained of the connection that appeared to subsist between
Athens and Lacedaemon, hostile (they thought) to the liberties of
Peloponnesus.
In answer to these complaints, Demosthenes addressed
his second Philippic to the Popular Assembly; repeating the substance
of what he had said to the Peloponnesians, vindicating his own conduct, and denouncing the Macedonian party at Athens.
The embassy
led to no immediate result
but the influence of Demosthenes at home
was increased.
;
In
all
the speeches,
men
who
I
observe that statements
just
and generous, 1 and
all
accuse Philip are heard with approbation; yet nothing
may
(I
about Philip's measures
of Athens,
and infringements of the peace,
made on our behalf are thought
say) that
is
proper, or for the sake of which the
speeches are worth hearing,
is
done.
1
To
this point are the
Generous, as regards the Greek states, whose independence the
Athenians stand up for. This praise Demosthenes frequently claims
for his countrymen, and, compared with the rest of the Greeks, they
deserved
it.
165
i
The
66
Orations of Demosthenes
Athens brought, that the more
affairs of
fully
and
clearly
one convicts Philip of violating the peace with you, and
plotting against the whole of Greece, the more difficult it
becomes to advise you how to act. The cause lies in all of
when we ought to oppose an ambitious
power by deeds and actions, not by words, we men of the
hustings shrink from our duty, of moving and advising,
for fear of your displeasure, and only declaim on the heinousness and atrocity of Philip's conduct; you of the assembly,
though better instructed than Philip to argue justly, or
comprehend the argument of another, to check him in the
us, Athenians, that,
execution of his designs are totally unprepared.
The
result
and perhaps just. You each succeed
better in what you are busy and earnest about; Philip in
If you are still satisfied with using
actions, you in words.
the better arguments, it is an easy matter, and there is no
is
inevitable, I imagine,
but
trouble:
if
we
are to take measures for the correction
of these evils, to prevent their insensible progress,
and the
a mighty power, against which we could have no
defence, then our course of deliberation is not the same as
formerly; the orators, and you that hear them, must prefer
rising
up
of
good and salutary counsels to those which are easy and
agreeable.
First,
men
of Athens,
if
any one regards without uneasiness
the might and dominion of Philip, and imagines that
threatens no danger to the state, or that
all his
it
preparations
are not against you, I marvel, and would entreat you every
one to hear briefly from me the reasons why I am led to
form a contrary expectation, and wherefore I deem Philip an
enemy; that, if I appear to have the clearer foresight, you
may hearken to me; if they, who have such confidence and
trust in Philip, you may give your adherence to them.
Thus then
I
reason, Athenians.
What
did Philip
first
Thermopylae and
the Phocian state. Well, and how used he his power? He
chose to act for the benefit of Thebes, not of Athens. Why
make
himself master of after the peace?
The Second
167
Philippic
Because, I conceive, measuring his calculations by
ambition, by his desire of universal empire, without regard
to peace, quiet, or justice, he saw plainly that to a people of
so?
our character and principles nothing could he offer or give,
that would induce you for self-interest to sacrifice any of the
Greeks to him. He sees that you, having respect for justice,
dreading the infamy of the thing, and exercising proper forethought, would oppose him in any such attempt as much as
if
you were at war:
but the Thebans he expected (and
events prove him right) would, in return for the services
done them, allow him in everything else to have his way, and,
so far from thwarting or impeding him, would fight on
From the same persuasion he
his side if he required it.
befriended lately the Messenians and Argives, which is the
highest panegyric upon you, Athenians for you are adjudged
;
by these proceedings
to be the only people incapable of
betraying for lucre the national rights of Greece, or bartering
your attachment to her for any obligation or benefit. And
Argives and
Thebans, he has naturally formed, not only from a view
this opinion of you, that (so different) of the
of present times,
but by
reflection
on the past.
suredly he finds and hears that your ancestors,
For
as-
who might
have governed the rest of Greece on terms of submitting to
1
Persia, not only spurned the proposal, when Alexander, this
preferred
to
negotiate,
but
man's ancestor, came as herald to
abandon their country and endure any suffering, and thereafter achieved such exploits as all the world loves to mention,
though none could ever speak them worthily, and therefore
for their deeds are too mighty to be uttered
I must be silent
in words.
But the forefathers of the Argives and Thebans,
they either joined the barbarian's army, or did not oppose
it; and therefore he knows that both will selfishly embrace
;
1
Alexander of Macedon, son of Arayntas, was sent by Mardonius,
the Persian commander, to offer the most favourable terms to the
Athenians, if they would desert the cause of the Greeks. The Spartans
at the same time sent an embassy, to remind them of their duty.
The spirited reply which the Athenians made to both embassies is
related by Herodotus.
1
The
68
Orations of Demosthenes
their advantage, without considering the
of the Greeks.
He thought
then,
if
common
interest
he chose your friendship,
it must be on just principles; if he attached himself to them,
he should find auxiliaries of his ambition. This is the
reason of his preferring them to you both then and now.
For certainly he does not see them with a larger navy than
you, nor has he acquired an inland empire and renounced
that of the sea and the ports, nor does he forget the professions
and promises on which he obtained the peace.
it may be said, he knew all this, yet he so acted, not
from ambition or the motives which I charge, but because
the demands of the Thebans were more equitable than yours.
Of all pleas, this now is the least open to him. He that bids
the Lacedaemonians resign Messene, how can he pretend,
when he delivered Orchomenos and Coronea to the Thebans,
to have acted on a conviction of justice?
But, forsooth, he was compelled this plea remains he
made concessions against his will, being surrounded by ThesExcellent! So of his
salian horse and Theban infantry.
intentions they talk; he will mistrust the Thebans; and
some carry news about, that he will fortify Elatea. All
this he intends and will intend, I dare say; but to attack
the Lacedsemonians on behalf of Messene and Argos he does
not intend; he actually sends mercenaries and money into
Well,
—
—
expected himself with a great force.
the country, and
is
Lacedaemonians,
who
the Phocians,
whom
The
are enemies of Thebes, he overthrows;
he himself before destroyed,
will
he
now
preserve ?
And who
can believe this? I cannot think that Philip
he was forced into his former measures, or if he
were now giving up the Thebans, would pertinaciously oppose
their enemies; his present conduct rather shows that he
adopted those measures by choice. All things prove to a
either
if
correct observer that his whole plan of action
is
against our
And this has now become to him a sort of
Consider. He desires empire: he conceives you
state.
necessity.
to be his
The Second
only opponents.
as his
own
He
Philippic
169
has been for some time wronging you,
conscience best informs him, since, by retaining
what belongs to you, he secures the rest of his dominion:
had he given up Amphipolis and Potidae, he deemed himself
unsafe at home. He knows therefore, both that he is
plotting against you, and that you are aware of it; and,
supposing you to have intelligence, he thinks you must hate
him; he is alarmed, expecting some disaster, if you get the
chance, unless he hastes to prevent you.
Therefore he
is
awake, and on the watch against us ; he courts certain people,
Thebans, and people in Peloponnesus of the like views, who
from cupidity, he thinks, will be satisfied with the present,
and from dullness of understanding will foresee none of the
consequences. And yet men of even moderate sense might
notice striking facts, which had occasion to quote to the
Messenians and Argives, and perhaps it is better they should
be repeated to you.
Ye men of Messene, said I, how do ye think the Olynthians
would have brooked to hear anything against Philip at those
times, when he surrendered to them Anthemus, which all
former kings of Macedonia claimed, when he cast out the
Athenian colonists and gave them Potidsea, taking on himself
your enmity, and giving them the land to enjoy? Think ye
they expected such treatment as they got, or would have
believed
it if
they had been told ?
Nevertheless, said
I,
they,
after enjoying for a short time the land of others, are for a
long time deprived by him of their own, shamefully expelled,
not only vanquished, but betrayed by one another and sold.
In truth, these too close connections with despots are not safe
for republics.
The
Thessalians, again, think ye, said
I,
when
he ejected their tyrants, and gave back Nicsea and Magnesia,
they expected to have the decemvirate * which is now estab1
Thessaly was anciently divided into four
districts, each called a
learn from the third Philippic, was restored soon
after the termination of the Sacred war.
The object of Philip in
effecting this arrangement was, no doubt, to weaken the influence
of the great Thessalian families by a division of power; otherwise
tetras,
and
this, as
we
the Pheraean tyranny might have been exchanged for an oligarchy
The
170
Orations of Demosthenes
or that he
lished
?
take
away
their
who
restored the meeting at Pylae
things have occurred, as
Surely not.
all
would
these
You
a dispenser of gifts and promises: pray,
you are wise, that you may never know him for a cheat
behold Philip,
if
*
And yet
mankind may know.
revenues?
I said,
and a deceiver.
By
Jupiter,
said,
I
are manifold
there
contrivances for the guarding and defending of
ramparts, walls, trenches, and the
with hands, and require expense; but there
is
one
safeguard in the nature of prudent men, which
security for
What do
all,
I
titles
all
made
common
is
a good
but especially for democracies against despots.
mean?
Mistrust.
Keep
this,
hold
to
Then
Freedom.
this;
What do
preserve this only, and you can never be injured.
ye desire?
as
cities,
these are
like:
see ye not that Philip's very
are at variance therewith?
Every king and despot
is
a foe to freedom, an antagonist to laws. Will ye not beware,
I said, lest, seeking deliverance from war, you find a master ?
They heard me with a tumult
and many
of approbation;
other speeches they heard from the ambassadors, both in
presence and afterwards; yet none the more, as
it
my
appears,
they keep aloof from Philip's friendship and promises.
that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians
should act contrary to what their reason approves ; but you,
will
And no wonder,
who understand yourselves, and by us orators are told, how
you are plotted against, how you are inclosed! you, I fear,
to escape present exertion, will come to ruin ere you are
aware. So doth the moment's ease and indulgence prevail
over distant advantage.
As
to your measures,
consult hereafter
by
such an answer as
it
you
will in
yourselves.
I
prudence,
will
I
furnish
presume,
you with
becomes the assembly to decide upon.
powerful enough to be independent of Macedonia. The decemvirate
here spoken of was a further contrivance to forward Philip's views.
1
Pylce, which signifies gates, was a name applied by the Greeks to
divers passes, or defiles, but especially to the pass of Thermopylae,
which opened through the ridges of Mont CEta into the country of the
Epicnemidian Locrians, and was so called from the hot sulphureous
springs that gushed from the foot of the mountain.
The Second
Philippic
171
[Here the proposed answer was read]
It were just, men of Athens, to call the persons who
brought those promises, on the faith whereof you concluded
For I should never have submitted to go as ambaspeace.
sador, and you would certainly not have discontinued the
war, had you supposed that Philip, on obtaining peace, would
act thus but the statements then made were very different.
;
Aye, and others you should
declared
—after
the peace,
call.
when
I
Whom? The men who
had returned from my
second mission, that for the oaths, when, perceiving your
delusion, I gave warning, and protested, and opposed the
abandonment
of
Thermopylae and the Phocians— that
I,
being a water-drinker, 1 was naturally a churlish and morose
fellow, that Philip,
you
if
he passed the
desired, fortify Thespiae
cut through the Chersonese
and
2
would do just as
humble the Thebans,
own expense, and give
straits,
Platse,
at his
you Oropus and Eubcea in exchange for Amphipolis. All
these declarations on the hustings I am sure you remember,
though you are not famous for remembering injuries. And,
the most disgraceful thing of all, you voted in your confidence,
that this same peace should descend to your posperity, so
completely were you misled. Why mention I this now, and
desire these men to be called?
By the gods, I will tell you
the truth frankly and without reserve. Not that I may fall
a-wrangling, to provoke recrimination before you, and afford
my old adversaries a fresh pretext for getting more from
Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulity.
But
I
imagine
you hereafter more than
it does now.
I see the thing progressing, and would that my
surmises were false; but I doubt it is too near already. So
when you are able no longer to disregard events, when,
that
what
Philip
is
doing
will grieve
1
It was Philocrates who said this.
There were many jokes against
Demosthenes as a water-drinker.
- This peninsula being exposed to incursions from Thrace, a plan
was conceived of cutting through the isthmus from Pteleon to Leuce
Acte, to protect the Athenian settlements.
172
The
Orations of Demosthenes
instead of hearing from
me
or others that these measures
it yourselves, and know it
you will be wrathful and exasperated.
I fear then, as your ambassadors have concealed the purpose
for which they know they were corrupted, those who
endeavour to repair what the others have lost may chance
to encounter your resentment; for I see it is a practice with
many to vent their anger, not upon the guilty, but on persons
most in their power. Whilst therefore the mischief is only
coming and preparing, whilst we hear one another speak,
I wish every man, though he knows it well, to be reminded,
who it was * persuaded you to abandon Phocis and Thermopylae, but the command of which Philip commands the road
to Attica and Peloponnesus, and has brought it to this,
that your deliberation must be, not about claims and interests
abroad, but concerning the defence of your home and a war
in Attica, which will grieve every citizen when it comes, and
indeed it has commenced from that day. Had you not been
are against Athens, you
all
see
for certain, I expect
then deceived, there would be nothing to distress the state.
Philip would certainly never have prevailed at sea and come
to Attica with a fleet, nor would he have marched with a
land-force
by Phocis and Thermopylae: he must
either
have
acted honourably, observing the peace and keeping quiet,
or been immediately in a war similar to that which made him
Enough has been said to awaken recolI
ye gods, it be not all fully confirmed
would have no man punished, though death he may deserve,
to the damage and danger of the country.
desire the peace.
lection.
Grant,
!
1
He means ^schines.
THE ORATION ON THE CHERSONESE
ARGUMENT
sent a body of citizens, commanded by Diopithes,
to receive allotments of land in the Chersonese, and at the same time
of Athens by acting as an army of observation.
the
interests
to protect
They soon fell into disputes with the Cardians about the limits of their
territory.
Philip, who at this time was engaged in a Thracian war,
sent assistance to the Cardians; but Diopithes, having collected a
mercenaries,
kept the field successfully, and, not content with
troop of
acting on the defensive, carried the war into Thrace, assisted the
enemies of Philip, and wrested from him some of his conquests. Philip,
who, as we have seen in the last oration, had written before to the
Athenians on the subject of Cardia, now wrote them a letter complaining of the conduct of Diopithes, charging them with an infringement of the peace. This letter arrived early in the summer of the
year B.C. 342, and an assembly was immediately called to consider
what measures should be taken. The Macedonian party were vehement
in denouncing Diopithes, and urging his recall.
Demosthenes, seeing
that Athens, though nominally at peace with Philip, was really defending herself against his aggressions, rose to justify Diopithes,
insisted on the necessity, which he had so strongly urged in the first
Philippic, of keeping a permanent force on the northern coast, and
contended that the army of Diopithes should rather be reinforced
than recalled at a time when its presence was peculiarly necessary.
He again warns his countrymen of impending danger, and points out
the measures which, as men of spirit and prudence, they ought to
pursue.
This oration is full of good sense and manly eloquence. It had the
Diopithes was continued in his command;
success which it deserved.
and the exertions of Athens in the next few years had the effect of
preserving the Chersonese and the Bosphorus.
Diopithes was father to Menander, the celebrated comic poet, whose
plays have been copied by Terence.
The Athenians had
men of Athens,
make no speeches
It were just,
that the orators in your assembly
should
to
gratify either
friendship or
what he considers for the best,,
especially when you are deliberating on public measures of
importance. However, since there are persons who are
impelled to address you from factious motives, or others
which I cannot name, it becomes you, Athenians, the majority
laying all else aside, to determine and to do what you find
malice, but every one declare
173
174
The
Orations of Demosthenes
which Philip
The serious question here is, the
and the campaign in Thrace,
has now for upwards of ten months been
carrying on;
yet most of the speeches have been about
beneficial to the state.
position of the Chersonese,
Diopithes, his conduct and designs.
It
seems to me, that on
a charge against any of these men, whom according to the
laws you may punish when you please, it is in your option
either to proceed immediately or at a later time, and needless for me, or for any one, to argue the point strongly: but
for the defence of our dominions, which Philip, our standing
enemy, and now in great force about the Hellespont, is
making haste to conquer, and, if we are once too late, we
shall never recover, our duty is to consult and prepare with
the utmost speed, and not for clamours and charges about
other matters to run off from this.
I wonder at many things which are commonly said here,
but I have been particularly surprised, Athenians, at what
I lately heard a man declare in the Council, 1 that a statesman's advice should be, either to make war decidedly, or to
observe the peace.
True;
if
Philip keeps quiet, neither
holding any of our territories contrary to the treaty, nor
packing a world of enemies against us, there is nothing to
say: peace we must absolutely observe, and I see every
readiness on your part.
But if the conditions of the peace,
which we swore to, are recorded and open to inspection ; if it
appears that from the beginning (before Diopithes and the
2
settlers, who are accused as authors of the war, ever sailed
from Athens) Philip has robbed us of divers territories, of
which you still complain in these unrepealed resolutions,
and has been all along incessantly gathering the spoil of other
nations, Greek and barbarian, for the materials of an attack
upon you, what mean they by saying we must have war or
1
The Council or Senate of Five Hundred, of which Demosthenes
became a member when he was thirty-six years of age.
2
The settlers were citizens sent out to receive parcels of land in
:some country dependent on Athens, but who still retained rights of
Athenian citizenship, whether or not they permanently resided abroad.
The word signifies " allotment-holders," or " allottees of lands."
On
the Chersonese
175
We have no choice in the matter: there remains
but one most just and necessary course, which these men
purposely overlook. What is it ? To defend ourselves against
an aggressor. Unless indeed they mean, that, so long as
Philip keeps aloof from Attica and Piraeus, he neither wrongs
peace?
you nor commits hostility. 1 But if they put our rights on
this principle, and so define the peace, besides that the
argument is iniquitous, monstrous, and perilous for Athens,
as I imagine is evident to all, it happens also to be inconFor why, I
sistent with their complaint against Diopithes.
wonder, should we give Philip licence to do what he pleases,
provided he abstain from Attica, while Diopithes
is
not
suffered even to assist the Thracians, without our saying
that he makes war?
Here, it will be granted, they are shown
wrong: but the mercenaries make sad work ravaging
the Hellespontine coast, and Diopithes has no right to detain
vessels, and we must not allow him
Well be it so
I am
content. Yet I think, if they really give this counsel in
good faith, as their object is to disband a force in your
service, while they denounce the general who maintains it,
they ought likewise to show that Philip's army will be disbanded if you follow their advice. Otherwise, observe, they
just bring the country into the same way, through which all
our past measures have miscarried. For you surely know
that by nothing in the world has Philip beaten us so much as
by being earlier in his operations. He with an army always
attending him, knowing his own designs, pounces on whom
he pleases in a moment: we, when we hear that something
is going on, begin to bustle and prepare.
Methinks the
result is that he very quietly secures what he goes for; we
arrive too late, and have incurred all the expense for nothing.
Our enmity and our hostile intention we manifest, and get
the disgrace of missing the time for action.
in the
!
;
!
1
Philip sought to conquer Athens in Thrace, as Napoleon to conquer
England in Egypt or Portugal. And we shall find that precisely the
same arguments were used in our Parliament, to show the necessity of
continuing the French war, which Demosthenes here urges to alarm
the Athenians against Philip.
!
The
176
Then be
Orations of Demosthenes
now, that all the rest is talk and
aim and contrivance is, that while you
remain at home, and the country has no force abroad, Philip
may accomplish what he pleases without interruption. First,
consider what is actually going on. Philip is staying with
a large army in Thrace, and sending for reinforcements, as
eye-witnesses report, from Macedonia and Thessaly. Now,
should he wait for the trade-winds, and then march to the
siege of Byzantium, 1 think ye the Byzantines would persist
in their present folly, and would not invite you and implore
your assistance? I don't believe it. No; they will receive
any people, even those they distrust more than us, sooner
sure, Athenians,
pretence, the real
than surrender their city to Philip; unless indeed he is beforehand with them and captures it. If then we are unable to
sail northwards, and there be no help at hand, nothing can
Well! the men are infatuated
prevent their destruction.
and besotted. Very likely; yet they must be rescued for all
that, because
it
is
good
for Athens.
And
this also
clear to us, that he will not attack the Chersonese:
we may judge from
will
not
if
the letter which he sent us, he says he
chastise the people in the Chersonese.
present
is
nay,
army be kept on
foot,
it
will
Then
if
the
be able to defend that
country, and attack some of Philip's dominions; but
once disbanded, what shall we do
if
if it be
he march against the
Try Diopithes, I suppose. And how will our
?
But we shall send succour from Athens.
And suppose the winds prevent us ? Oh, but he won't come
And who will insure that? Do you mark and consider, men
Chersonese?
affairs
be bettered
of Athens, the approaching season of the year, against
which
and
certain persons desire to get the Hellespont clear of you,
Suppose he should leave Thrace,
it up to Philip?
and without going near Chersonesus or Byzantium (I beg
deliver
Athens and Byzantium had not been on good terms since the Social
Even at this period the Byzantines looked with more suspicion
upon the Athenians than upon Philip. Yet less than a year elapsed
Athens was in
before the predictions of Demosthenes were fulfilled.
alliance with Byzantium, and defending her successfully against Philip.
1
war.
!
On
you
the Chersonese
177
Megara,
also to consider this) he should invade Chalcis or
as he lately did Oreus, 1 think
you it is better to resist him
approach Attica, or to find employ-
here and suffer the war to
ment for him yonder? I think the last.
With such facts and arguments before you,
so far from dis-
paraging and seeking to disband this army, which Diopithes
is
endeavouring to organise for Athens, you ought yourselves
him with money
to provide an additional one, to support
and other friendly co-operation. For if Philip were asked,
" Which would you prefer, that these soldiers of Diopithes,
whatever be their character (I dispute not about that) should
thrive and have credit at Athens, and be reinforced with
the assistance of the state, or that they should be dispersed
and destroyed at the instance of calumniators and accusers? "
—
I think he would say, the latter.
And what Philip would
pray to the gods for, certain persons among us are bringing
about; and after this you ask how the state is ruined
I wish, therefore, to examine with freedom our present
consider how we are dealing with them, and what
we are ourselves about. We like not to contribute money,
we dare not take the field, we cannot abstain from the public
funds, we neither give supplies to Diopithes nor approve
what he finds for himself, but grumble and inquire how he
got them, and what he intends to do, and the like and yet,
though thus disposed, we are not willing to mind our own
business, but with our mouths applaud those who speak
worthily of the state, whilst in action we co-operate with their
affairs, to
;
adversaries.
You
like
—What
always to ask the speaker
—
must we do? I will ask you this What must I say? For
if you will neither contribute, nor take the field, nor abstain
from the public funds, nor give supplies to Diopithes, nor let
mind your
own business, I have nothing to say. If to these men, so
prompt to accuse and calumniate, you already give such a
alone what he finds for himself, nor be content to
1
Oreus of Eubcea was betrayed to Philip not long before this time,
as explained in the third Philippic.
The designs of Philip on Megara
were bafSed.
M
The
178
Orations of Demosthenes
them complain by anticipation of projects
which they impute to Diopithes, what can one say?
But the probable effect of such conduct some of you should
licence, as to hear
speak frankly
hear.
I will
wise.
All the generals
(or let
me
who
indeed, I could not speak other-
ever sailed from Athens
any penalty) take money from Chians, from
suffer
whom
Erythrseans, 1 from
the people
;
who have
I mean from
Those who have one or two
those who have a greater fleet, more. And
they severally can,
dwell in Asia.
galleys take less,
the givers give not, either the small or the larger sums, for
way
nothing (they are not so mad), but by
who
the merchants
leave their harbours
or plundered, that their vessels
They say they
like.
of the presents.
may
not be wronged
be convoyed, or the
give benevolences:
And
of bargain, that
may
2
that
is
the
so Diopithes, having an army,
name
is
well
aware that all these people will give money: for how else
do you suppose that a man who has received nothing from
you, and has nothing of his own to pay withal, can maintain
his troops?
From the skies? Impossible. He goes on
with what he collects, begs, or borrows.
who
accuse him before you, in effect warn
Therefore they,
all
people to give
him nothing, as being sure to be punished for his intentions,
much more for his acts, either as principal or auxiliary.
Hence their clamours he is preparing a siege! he is giving
up the Greeks
So concerned are many of these persons for
—
!
the Asiatic Greeks:
perhaps quicker to
feel for strangers
than for their country. And this is the meaning of our sendWhy, if Diopithes
ing another general to the Hellespont.
commits outrage and detains vessels, a small, very small
summons, men
of Athens, can stop
it
all;
and the laws
prescribe this, to impeach the guilty parties, but not to
watch them ourselves at a great expense and with a large
1
Erythras is a city of Asia Minor.
It is singular that the same name should be given so many centuries after to the illegal contributions which were extorted by some of
our English kings from their subjects, under the pretence of their being
voluntary gifts. Edward IV. and Henry VII. were most oppressive
2
in this
way.
On
the Chersonese
179
navy, for that were the extreme of madness. Against our
enemies, whom we cannot bring under the laws, it is right
and despatch a fleet, and
ourselves a decree, an
impeachment, the state-galley, 1 are sufficient. Thus would
men of discretion act; malignant and mischievous politicians
would proceed as these do. And that certain of these men
For
are thus disposed, bad though it be, is not the worst.
you of the assembly are so minded now that if any one comes
forward and says that Diopithes is the author of all your
misfortunes, or Chares, or Aristophon, or what citizen he
likes to name, you instantly assent and shout approbation;
but if one rises to speak the truth Athenians, you are trifling;
of all these misfortunes and troubles Philip is the cause
had
he only kept quiet, the state would have had no trouble you
are unable to contradict these statements, yet, methinks, you
are annoyed, and feel as if something were lost. The reason
is
and pray allow me, when I speak for the best, to speak
freely
certain statesmen have long since got you to be
severe and terrible in the assemblies, in warlike preparations
feeble and contemptible.
If the party blamed be one whom
you are certain to find within your reach, you say aye, and
are content: but if one be accused, whom you cannot punish
without vanquishing him by arms, you appear confounded
and pained at the exposure. It ought, Athenians, to have
been the reverse; your statesmen should have accustomed
you to be mild and merciful in the assembly, since there
your dealings are with citizens and allies in warlike preparations they should have shown you to be terrible and severe,
since in them the contest is with adversaries and foes.
But
by excessive coaxing and humouring they have brought you
to such a condition, that in the assembly you give yourselves
airs and are flattered at hearing nothing but compliments,
and needful
contribute
to maintain troops,
money;
but
against
—
;
—
—
—
;
The Paralus, or the Salaminia, which were employed for state purand sometimes to fetch home criminals to be tried or punished.
Thus the Salaminia was despatched to bring Alcibiades back from
1
poses,
Sicily.
;
The
180
Orations of Demosthenes
whilst in your measures
and proceedings you are putting
everything to hazard.
By
Jupiter
!
suppose the Greeks called you to account for
lost, and asked
the opportunities which you have indolently
you, saying, "
Men
of Athens,
you send us ambassadors on
every occasion, and assert that Philip
and
the Greeks, and that
all
against the
man, and more
is
plotting against us
we should take
to the
precautions
same effect" (we must
admit and acknowledge it; for so we do); "and yet,
ye
wretchedest of mankind, though Philip has been ten months
away, and by illness and winter and wars prevented from
returning home, you have neither liberated Eubcea, nor
recovered any of your dominions. He, on the contrary,
whilst you were staying at home, at leisure, in health (if men
so acting may be called in health), established two rulers in
Eubcea, one like a hostile fortress opposite Attica, one
threatening Sciathus x and these nuisances you have never
got rid of; not even this would ye attempt; you have
submitted, left the road open to him clearly, and made it
manifest that, if he died a hundred times, you would stir
never a step the more. Then wherefore send embassies and
make accusations and give us trouble? " If they asked this,
what could we answer or say, men of Athens? I really
cannot tell.
There are some persons indeed, who imagine they confute
the speaker by asking, What must we do? I can give them
a perfectly just and true answer Do not what you are now
doing: however, I will enter into more full detail; and I
First,
trust they will be as ready to act as to interrogate.
men of Athens, you must be satisfied in your minds that
Philip is at war with the republic, and has broken the peace
(pray cease reproaching one another about this); that he is
—
1
Clitarchus
Athens;
was established
Philistides in Oreus,
in Eretria, which is opposite the coast of
which is in the north of Eubcea. The
is a little above Eubcea, and off the Magnesian coast
of Thessaly.
As the group of islands, of which Sciathus was one,
belonged to Athens, Oreus was a dangerous position to be occupied by
island of Sciathus
an enemy.
1
On
ill-disposed
(I
may
oblige
and
say) to
the Chersonese
hostile to all Athens, to her
all
very ground, and
her inhabitants, even those
Or
him most.
8
1
who
think they
them look at Euthycrates and
let
1
Lasthenes the Olynthians, who fancied themselves on the
most friendly footing with him, but, since they betrayed their
country, are sunk to the most abject state. But there is
nothing that his wars and his schemes are directed against so
much as our constitution; nothing in the world is he so
And
earnest to destroy.
He knows
for him.
thing else
subsists;
this policy
is
in
some
sort natural
he conquer everyhe can hold nothing secure while your democracy
but on the occurrence of any reverse (and many
may happen
perfectly that even
to a man), all
who
are
if
now under
constraint will
come and seek refuge with you. For you are not inclined
yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion; you are famous
for checking the usurper or depriving him of his conquest;
ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and vindicate
the liberties of
He
people.
all
likes
not that a free
spirit
moments of his
reasoning weak or idle.
should proceed from Athens, to watch the
peril:
nor
far otherwise;
is
his
you must assume him
for this reason to be an
our constitution and democracy:
without such conviction upon your minds you will have no
First then,
enemy
irreconcilable
zeal for public duty.
his
of
Secondly, you must be assured that
country, and, wherever he
for
all
operations and contrivances are planned against our
is
None of you
our benefit.
resisted, the resistance will
surely
is
be
so foolish as to suppose
that Philip covets those miseries in Thrace (for what else
can one
call
Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira, and the
places which he
them endures
is
taking and conquering now?) and to get
and winters and the extreme of danger,
but covets not the Athenian harbours, and docks, and galleys,
and silver-mines, 2 and revenues of such value; and that he
1
They betrayed Olynthus to Philip, and went to reside afterwards at
toils
But they were universally scouted as traitors, and on their
complaining to Philip, he said, the Macedonians were a plain-spoken
people, who called a spade a spade.
2
The mines of Laurium in Attica.
his court.
—
I
The
82
you to keep them, while
will suffer
and
Orations of Demosthenes
for the sake of the barley
millet in Thracian caverns he winters in the midst of
The object of that and every other
become master here. What then is the duty
With these assurances and convictions, to lay
of wise men?
aside an indolence which is becoming outrageous and incurable, to pay contributions and to call upon your allies, see
to and provide for the continuance of the present force,
that, as Philip has a power ready to injure and enslave all
the Greeks, so you may have one ready to save and to succour all. It is not possible with hasty levies to perform any
effective service.
You must have an army on foot, provide
maintenance for it, and paymasters and commissaries, so
horrors. 1
Impossible.
enterprise
is
ordering
it
funds, and
to
that the strictest care shall be taken of your
demand from
those officers an account of the
expenditure, from your general an account of the campaign.
ye so act and so resolve in earnest, you
and abide in his
If
to observe a just peace
greatest of all blessings), or
It
may
of great
you
compel Philip
will
own country
(the
him on equal terms.
will fight
be thought, and truly enough, that these are affairs
expense and toil and trouble: yet only consider
what the consequences to us must be, if we decline these
measures, and you will find it is our interest to perform our
duties cheerfully.
Suppose some god would be your surety
for certainly no mortal could guarantee such an event
that, notwithstanding you kept quiet and abandoned everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by Jupiter
and all the gods, it were disgraceful, unworthy of yourselves,
of the character of Athens and the deeds of your ancestors,
for the sake of selfish ease to abandon the rest of Greece to
—
servitude.
For
my own
part, I
given such counsel; though,
you are
satisfied, well
if
and good
;
would rather
another
man
make no
die
than have
it, and
abandon
advises
resistance,
1
The original signifies a pit, into which condemned criminals were
thrown at Athens. It is pretty much the same as if we were to speak
of the black hole: and the horrors of Thrace would convey to an
Athenian the same sort of idea as the horrors of Siberia to an English-
man
!
On
all.
If,
however, no
the Chersonese
man
holds this opinion,
183
if,
on the con-
we let Philip conquer
the more ruthless and powerful an enemy we shall find him,
what subterfuge remains ? what excuse for delay ? Or when,
O Athenians, shall we be willing to perform our duty?
Peradventure, when there is some necessity. But what may
be called the necessity of freemen is not only come but past
long ago; and surely you must deprecate that of slaves.
What is the difference ? To a freeman, the greatest necessity
is shame for his proceedings; I know not what greater you
trary,
we
all foresee,
that the more
can suggest: to a slave, stripes and bodily chastisement;
abominable things too shocking to mention
I would gladly enter into every particular, and show how
certain politicians abuse you; but I confine myself to one.
When any question about Philip arises, people start up and
cry, What a blessing it is to be at peace
what a burden to
maintain a large army certain persons wish to plunder our
treasury! and more to the same effect; by which they
amuse you, and leave him at leisure to do what he pleases.
The result is to you, Athenians, ease and idleness for the
present, which, I fear, you may hereafter think dearly purchased; to these men, popularity and payment for their
speeches.
Methinks it is not you that need persuading to
peace, who sit here pacifically disposed, but the person who
commits hostilities: let him be persuaded, and all is ready on
your part. Burdensome we should deem, not what we expend for our deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of
our refusal to do so. Plunder of the treasury should be
prevented by a plan for its safe keeping, not by abandonment of our interests. But this very thing makes me
!
!
!
—
indignant, that
some
of you, Athenians, are grieved at the
thought of your treasury being robbed, though it depends on
yourselves to keep it safe and to chastise the peculator, yet
are not grieved at Philip's conduct, seizing thus successively
on every country
upon you.
in Greece,
and
seizing
them
for his designs
The
184
What
is
then
is
Orations of Demosthenes
the reason,
men
of Athens, that while Philip
thus openly in arms, committing aggressions, capturing
none of these persons ever say that he is making war;
but they denounce as authors of the war whoever advises
you to oppose him and prevent these losses? I will explain.
Their desire is that any anger, which may be naturally excities,
by your
cited
may be turned upon your
may try them instead of
sufferings in the war,
honest counsellors, so that you
and they themselves be accusers instead of
paying the penalty of their conduct. Such is the meaning
of their assertion that there is a war-party among you
and
resisting Philip,
;
such
is
the object of this present debate.
I
am
indeed sure,
any Athenian moved a declaration of war, Philip
had taken many of our possessions, and recently sent succour
If however we choose to assume that he is not at
to Cardia.
war with us, it were extreme folly in him to convince us of
our mistake. But when he marches to attack us, what shall
we say? He will assure us that he is not making war, as he
that, before
assured the people of Oreus
when
were in their
his troops
country, as he assured the Pheraeans before he assaulted their
walls,
and the Olynthians at
their territories with his
first,
army.
until he
Shall
was actually
we then
in
declare that
men who
bid us defend ourselves make war?
If so, we must
be slaves: nothing else remains, if we neither resist nor are
suffered to be at peace.
And remember, you have more at
stake than other people Philip seeks not to subdue, but to
extirpate our city.
He knows for certain you will not submit to servitude; you could not if you would, being accustomed to empire; and if you get the opportunity, you will
:
be able to give him more annoyance than
all
the rest of the
world.
You must
for existence
therefore be convinced that this
:
these
men who have
is
a struggle
sold themselves to Philip
you must execrate and cudgel to death; for it is impossible,
impossible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have
punished your enemies (his ministers) at home. They will be
On
the Chersonese
185
the stumbling-blocks that prevent your reaching the others.
Why do you suppose Philip now insults you (for to this, in
my opinion, his conduct amounts), and while to other people,
though he deceives them, he at least renders services, he is
already threatening you ? For example, the Thessalians by
many
benefits he seduced into their present servitude:
how
he cheated the wretched Olynthians, first giving them Potidsea
and divers other things, no man can describe: now he is
Thebans by giving up to them Boeotia, and
them from a toilsome and vexatious war. Thus
did each of these people grasp a certain advantage, but some
of them have suffered what all the world know, others will
From you all that
suffer what may hereafter befall them.
has been taken I recount not but in the very making of the
peace, how have you been abused! how despoiled! Of
enticing the
delivering
—
:
Phocis, Thermopylae, places in Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium,
Cersobleptes himself!
Does he not now possess the
Cardia and avow it?
Wherefore,
I say, deals
other people, and not in the same manner with you
yours
is
the only state in which a privilege
city of
he thus with
?
Because
allowed of
is
speaking for the enemy, and an individual taking a bribe
may
safely address the assembly, though you have been
robbed of your dominions. It was not safe at Olynthus to
be Philip's advocate, unless the Olynthian commonly had
shared the advantage by possession of Potidaea: it was not
safe in Thessaly to be Philip's advocate, unless the people of
Thessaly had shared the advantage, by Philip's expelling
their tyrants and restoring the Pylaean synod it was not safe
in Thebes, until he gave up Boeotia to them and destroyed
:
Yet at Athens, though Philip has deprived
Amphipolis and the Cardian territory, nay, is even
making Eubcea a fortress to curb us, and advancing to attack
Byzantium, it is safe to speak on Philip's behalf. Therefore
of these men, some, from being poor, have become rapidly
rich, from nameless and obscure, have become honoured and
the Phocians.
you
of
distinguished;
you
have done the reverse,
fallen
from
i
86
The
Orations of Demosthenes
honour to obscurity, from wealth to poverty;
the riches of a state,
allies,
for I
deem
confidence, attachment, of
all
which you are destitute. And from your neglecting these
matters and suffering them to be lost, Philip has grown
prosperous and mighty, formidable to all the Greeks and
barbarians, whilst you are abject and forlorn, magnificent
in the abundance of your market, but in provision for actual
need ridiculous. I observe, however, that some of our orators
take different thought for you and for themselves. You,
they say, should be quiet even under injustice; they cannot
live in quiet among you themselves, though no man injures
them.
Then some one steps forward and says, " Why, you won't
move any resolution, or run any risk you are cowardly and
;
Let me say this bold, brutal, and impudent
I neither am nor wish to be; yet, methinks, I possess far
more courage than your headstrong politicians. For a man
faint-hearted."
:
who, neglecting the interest of the state, tries, confiscates,
bribes, accuses, does not act from any courage, Athenians;
the popularity of his speeches and his measures serves for a
pledge of security, and he is bold without danger. But one
who acting for the best frequently opposes your wishes, who
never speaks to flatter but always to benefit you, and adopts
a line of policy in which more depends on fortune than on
calculations, while he makes himself responsible to you for
both, this is a courageous man, aye, and a useful citizen is he;
not they who for ephemeral pleasure have thrown away the
main resources of the country; whom I am so far from emulating or esteeming as worthy citizens of Athens, that if I were
asked to declare, what service I had done the state, although,
ye men of Athens, I could mention services as ship-captain
and choir-master, payment of contributions, ransom of
prisoners, and similar acts of liberality, I would mention none
of them; I would say that I espouse a different course of
politics from these, that although I might perhaps, like
others, accuse and bribe and confiscate and do everything
:
On
the Chersonese
187
which these men do, I have never engaged myself in such a
task, never been induced either by avarice or ambition; I
continue to offer counsel, by which I sink below others in
your regard; but you, if you followed it, would be exalted.
So perhaps might one speak without offence. I consider it
not the part of an honest citizen to devise measures by which
I shall speedily become the first among you, and you the last
among nations: with the measures of good citizens the
advancement of their country should keep pace; their
counsel should still be the salutary, rather than the agreeable
to the latter will nature herself incline ; to the former a good
citizen must direct by argument and instruction.
I have ere now heard an objection of this kind, that true
it is I always advise for the best, yet my services are only
words, and you want deeds and something practical. Upon
which I will tell you my sentiments without reserve. I do
not think a counsellor has any other business but to give the
best advice: and that this is so I can easily demonstrate.
You are aware, doubtless, that the brave Timotheus once
harangued the people, urging them to send troops and save
the Eubceans, when the Thebans were attempting their conquest; and to this effect he spake:
" What? do you deliberate," said he, " when you have Thebans in the island, how to
deal with them, how to proceed?
Will you not cover the
sea, Athenians, with your galleys?
Will you not start up
and march to Piraeus?
will you not launch your vessels?
Thus Timotheus spake and you acted, 1 and through both
together success was obtained. But had his advice been ever
so good, as it was, and you shrunk from exertion and disregarded it, would any of those results have accrued to
—
Athens?
Impossible.
Then do
likewise in regard to
my
this expedition, which took place
357, aQd which, after various combats in the island of Eubcea,
in the expulsion of the Thebans.
Just at that time the finances
of the Athenians were exceedingly low, and the generosity of the
wealthier citizens was largely taxed to provide necessaries for the
armament. Demosthenes himself came forward as a liberal contributor.
Diodes and Chares conducted
1
B c
-
-
ended
i
88
The
Orations of Demosthenes
counsels or any other man's;
for action look to yourselves,
to the orator for the best instruction in his power.
I will sum up my advice, and quit the platform.
I say,
you must contribute money, maintain the existing troops,
rectifying what abuses you may discover, but not on the
first accusation disbanding the force.
Send out ambassadors
everywhere, to instruct, to warn, to effect what they can for
Athens. Yet further I say, punish your corrupt statesmen,
execrate them at all times and places to prove that men of
virtue and honourable conduct have consulted wisely both for
others and themselves. If you thus attend to your affairs,
and cease entirely neglecting them, perhaps, perhaps even yet,
they may improve. But while ye sit here, zealous as far as
clamour and applause, laggards when any action is required,
I see not how any talking, unaided by your needful exertions,
can possibly save the country.
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC
ARGUMENT
This speech was delivered about three months after the last, while
Philip was advancing into Thrace, and threatening both the CherNo new event had happened, which
sonese and the Propontine coast.
called for any special consultation; but Demosthenes, alarmed by the
formidable character of Philip's enterprise and vast military preparations, felt the necessity of rousing the Athenians to exertion.
He
repeats in substance the arguments which he had used in the Oration
on the Chersonese; points out the danger to be apprehended from the
disunion among the Greek states, from their general apathy and lack
of patriotism, which he contrasts with the high and noble spirit of
ancient times.
From the past conduct of Philip he shows what is to
be expected in future; explains the difference between Philip's new
method of warfare and that adopted in the Peloponnesian war, and
urges the necessity of corresponding measures for defence. The peaceful professions of Philip were not to be trusted; he was never more
dangerous than when he made overtures of peace and friendship.
The most powerful instruments that he employed for gaining ascendancy were the venal orators, who were to be found in every Grecian
city, and on whom it was necessary to inflict signal punishment before
they had a chance of opposing foreign enemies. The advice of Demosthenes now is, to despatch reinforcements to the Chersonese, to stir
up the people of Greece, and even to solicit the assistance of the Persian
king, who had no less reason than themselves to dread the ambition of
Philip.
The events of the following year, when Philip attacked the Propontine cities, fully justified the warnings of Demosthenes. And the
extraordinary activity which the Athenians displayed in resisting him
shows that the exertions of the orator had their due effect.
Many
speeches,
men
assembly about the
of Athens, are
hostilities
made
in
almost every
of Philip, hostilities
which
ever since the treaty of peace he has been committing as well
against you as against the rest of the Greeks; and
all (I
am
avow, though they forbear to do so, that
our counsels and our measures should be directed to his
humiliation and chastisement: nevertheless, so low have our
affairs been brought by inattention and negligence, I fear it
is a harsh truth to say, that if all the orators had sought to
suggest, and you to pass resolutions for the utter ruining of
sure) are ready to
The
190
Orations of Demosthenes
the commonwealth;,
we
A variety
we
could not, methinks, be worse
off
than
may have
brought us to
this state; our affairs have not declined from one or two
causes only: but, if you rightly examine, you will find it
chiefly owing to the orators, who study to please you rather
are.
of circumstances
than advise for the best. Some of whom, Athenians, seeking
to maintain the basis of their own power and repute, have no
forethought for the future, and therefore think you also
ought to have none;
accusing and calumniating
others,
practical statesmen, labour only to
make Athens punish
Athens, and in such occupation to engage her, that Philip
may have
liberty to say
of this kind are
failures
will
common
and do what he
and embarrassment.
pleases.
but are the causes
here,
I
your
you
Only consider.
beg, Athenians, that
not resent my plain speaking of the truth.
You
Politics
of
hold liberty of speech in other matters to be the general
insomuch that you allow a
even to foreigners and slaves, and many servants
may be seen among you speaking their thoughts more freely
than citizens in some other states; and yet you have altogether banished it from your councils. The result has been
right of all residents in Athens,
measure
of
it
that in the assembly you give yourselves airs and are flattered
at hearing nothing but compliments, in your measures and
proceedings you are brought to the utmost
If such be
peril.
your disposition now, I must be silent: if you will listen to
good advice without flattery, I am ready to speak. For
though our affairs are in a deplorable condition, though
many sacrifices have been made, still, if you will choose to
perform your duty, it is possible to repair it all. A paradox,
and yet a truth, am I about to state. That which is the
most lamentable in the past is best for the future. How is
this ?
Because you performed no part of your duty, great or
small, and therefore you fared ill:
had you done all that
became you, and your situation were the same, there would
be no hope of amendment. Philip has indeed prevailed
over your sloth and negligence, but not over the country:
The Third
Philippic
191
you have not been worsted; you have not even bestirred
yourselves.
now we were
If
and
all
is at war with Athens
would a speaker need to
agreed that Philip
infringing the peace, nothing
urge or advise but the safest and easiest
way
of resisting him.
But since, at the very time when Philip is capturing cities
and retaining divers of our dominions and assailing all people,
there are
men
so unreasonable as to listen to repeated declara-
some of us are kindling war, one
must be cautious and set this matter right: for whoever
moves or advises a measure of defence is in danger of being
tions in the assembly, that
accused afterwards as author of the war.
I will first
be
it
in
then examine and determine this point, whether
our power to deliberate on peace or war.
may
If the
depends on us (to begin with
this), I say we ought to maintain peace, and I call upon the
affirmant to move a resolution, to take some measure, and
country
be at peace,
if it
But
if another, having arms in his
around him, amuses you with the
name of peace, while he carries on the operations of war,
what is left but to defend yourselves? You may profess to
be at peace, if you like, as he does ; I quarrel not with that.
But if any man supposes this to be a peace, which will enable
Philip to master all else and attack you last, he is a madman,
or he talks of a peace observed towards him by you, not
towards you by him. This it is that Philip purchases by all
his expenditure, the privilege of assailing you without being
not to palter with
hand and a
us.
large force
assailed in turn.
If
we
we
really wait until
is at war with us,
he would not declare
he avows that he
are the simplest of mortals:
for
though he marched even against Attica and Piraeus, at
if we may judge from his conduct to others.
For
example, to the Olynthians he declared, when he was forty
furlongs from their city, that there was no alternative, but
either they must quit Olynthus or he Macedonia; though
before that time, whenever he was accused of such an intent,
that,
least
192
The
Orations of Demosthenes
he took it ill and sent ambassadors to justify himself. Again,
he marched towards the Phocians as if they were allies, and
there were Phocian envoys who accompanied his march, and
many among you contended that his advance would not
And he came into Thessaly of late as
benefit the Thebans.
a friend and ally, yet he has taken possession of Pherae: and
1
lastly he told these wretched people of Oreus, that he had
sent his soldiers out of good-will to visit them, as he heard
in trouble and dissension, and it was the part of
and true friends to lend assistance on such occasions.
People who would never have harmed him, though they
might have adopted measures of defence, he chose to deceive
rather than warn them of his attack and think ye he would
declare war against you before he began it, and that while
you are willing to be deceived? Impossible. He would be
the silliest of mankind, if, whilst you the injured parties
make no complaint against him, but are accusing your own
countrymen, he should terminate your intestine strife and
jealousies, warn you to turn against him, and remove the
pretexts of his hirelings for asserting, to amuse you, that
he makes no war upon Athens. O heavens! would any
rational being judge by words rather than by actions, who is
at peace with him and who at war? Surely none. Well
they were
allies
;
then;
Philip immediately after the peace, before Diopithes
was
command
in
or the settlers in the Chersonese had been
sent out, took Serrium and Doriscus, and expelled from
Senium and
the Sacred
had stationed there. 2
1
When he established
Mount
the troops
What do you
call
whom
your general
such conduct?
He
his creature Philistides in the government of
Oreus, as mentioned in the last oration and at the end of this.
2
This general was Chares, to
Cersobleptes had entrusted the
defence of those places. The Sacred Mount was a fortified position on
It was here that Miltocythes
the northern coast of the Hellespont.
intrenched himself, when he rebelled against Cotys; and Philip took
possession of it just before the peace with Athens was concluded, as
being important to his operations against Cersobleptes. The statement of Demosthenes, that the oaths had then been taken, is incorrect,
for they were sworn afterwards in Thessaly.
But the argument is
substantially the same; for the peace had been agreed to, and the
was
ratification
purposely delayed by Philip, to gain time for the completion of his designs.
whom
The Third
had sworn the peace.
is
Philippic
—what does
—Whether be a
Don't say
the state concerned?
193
it
signify?
trifling
it
how
matter, or
no concernment to you, is a different question: religion
justice have the same obligation, be the subject of the
offence great or small. Tell me now when he sends mercenaries into Chersonesus, which the king and all the Greeks
have acknowledged to be yours, when he avows himself an
auxiliary and writes us word so, what are such proceedings ?
He says he is not at war; I cannot however admit such conduct to be an observance of the peace far otherwise I say,
by his attempt on Megara, 1 by his setting up despotism in
Eubcea, by his present advance into Thrace, by his intrigues
in Peloponnesus, by the whole course of operations with his
army, he has been breaking the peace and making war upon
you; unless indeed you will say that those who establish
batteries are not at war until they apply them to the walls.
But that you will not say: for whoever contrives and prepares the means for my conquest is at war with me before
he darts or draws the bow. What, if anything should happen,
is the risk you run?
The alienation of the Hellespont, the
subjection of Megara and Eubcea to your enemy, the siding
of the Peloponnesians with him.
Then can I allow that one
who sets such an engine at work against Athens is at peace
with her? Quite the contrary. From the day that he
destroyed the Phocians I date his commencement of hostilities.
Defend yourselves instantly, and I say you will be wise:
delay it, and you may wish in vain to do so hereafter. So
much do I dissent from your other counsellors, men of Athens,
that I deem any discussion about Chersonesus or Byzantium
out of place. Succour them I advise that watch that no
harm befalls them, send all necessary supplies to your troops
in that quarter; but let your deliberations be for the safety
of all Greece, as being in the utmost peril.
I must tell you
why I am so alarmed at the state of our affairs that, if my
of
and
;
;
—
:
—
:
Not long before this oration
a design to seize Megara.
1
was
delivered, Philip
was suspected
N
of
;
i
The
94
Orations of Demosthenes
reasonings are correct, you
may
share them, and
make some
provision at least for yourselves, however disinclined to do
so for others:
but
absurdity, you
may
either
now
if,
in
your judgment,
treat
me
as crazed,
I
talk nonsense
and not
listen to
and
me,
or in future.
That Philip from a mean and humble origin has grown
mighty, that the Greeks are jealous and quarrelling among
themselves, that it was far more wonderful for him to rise
from that insignificance than it would now be, after so many
acquisitions, to conquer what is left; these and similar
matters, which I might dwell upon, I pass over.
But I
observe that all people, beginning with you, have conceded to
him a right, which in former times has been the subject of
contest in every Grecian war. And what is this ? The right
of doing what he pleases, openly fleecing and pillaging the
Greeks, one after another, attacking and enslaving their
cities.
You were at the head of the Greeks for seventy-three
1
years,
the Lacedaemonians for twenty-nine 2 and the
Thebans had some power in these latter times after the
battle of Leuctra.
Yet neither you, my countrymen, nor
Thebans, nor Lacedaemonians, were ever licensed by the
Greeks to act as you pleased; far otherwise. When you, or
rather the Athenians of that time, appeared to be dealing
all the rest, even such as had
no complaint against Athens, thought proper to side with
the injured parties in a war against her. So, when the
Lacedaemonians became masters and succeeded to your
empire, on their attempting to encroach and make oppressive
innovations, 3 a general war was declared against them, even
harshly with certain people,
1
This would be from about the end of the Persian war to the end of
the Peloponnesian, B.C. 405.
2
From the end of the Peloponnesian war to the battle of Naxos,
B.C. 376.
3
The Spartans, whose severe military discipline rendered them far
the best soldiers of Greece, were totally unfit to manage the empire, at
the head of which they found themselves after the humiliation of
Athens. Their attempt to force an oligarchy upon every dependent
The
state was an unwise policy, which made them generally odious.
decemvirates of Lysander, and the governors established in various
The Third
Philippic
195
But wherefore
as had no cause of complaint.
mention other people? We ourselves and the Lacedae-
by such
monians, although at the outset we could not allege any
injuries, thought proper to make war for the injustice
mutual
we saw done to our neighbours. Yet all the faults committed by the Spartans in those thirty years, and by our
ancestors in the seventy, are less, men of Athens, than the
that
wrongs which, in thirteen incomplete years that Philip has
been uppermost, he has inflicted on the Greeks: nay they
are scarcely a fraction of these, as may easily be shown in
a few words. Olynthus and Methone and Apollonia, and
thirty- two cities 1 on the borders of Thrace, I pass over; all
which he has so cruelly destroyed that a visitor could hardly
and of the Phocians, so
tell if they were ever inhabited:
considerable a people exterminated, I say nothing. But
what is the condition of Thessaly? Has he not taken away
her constitutions and her cities, and established tetrarchies,
to parcel her out, not only by cities, but also by provinces,
for subjection?
Are not the Eubcean states governed now
by despots, and that in an island near to Thebes and Athens ?
Does he not expressly write in his epistles, " I am at peace
with those who are willing to obey me? " Nor does he write
so and not act accordingly.
He is gone to the Hellespont;
he marched formerly against Ambracia; Elis, such an
important city in Peloponnesus, he possesses; he plotted
lately to get Megara: neither Hellenic nor Barbaric land
contains the man's ambition. And we, the Greek community,
seeing and hearing this, instead of sending embassies to one
another about it and expressing indignation, are in such a
miserable state, so intrenched in our separate towns, that to
Greek
cities to maintain Lacedaemonian influence, were regarded as
instruments of tyranny. It was found that Spartan governors and
generals, when away from home, gave loose to their vicious inclinations,
as if to indemnify themselves for the strictness of domestic discipline.
It became a maxim in their politics that the end justified the means.
The most flagrant proof was given by the seizure of the Cadmea at
Thebes; a measure which led to a formidable confederacy against
Sparta, and brought her to the verge of destruction.
1 The Chalcidian cities.
196
The
Orations of Demosthenes
day we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity
we cannot combine, or form any association for
succour and alliance; we look unconcernedly on the man's
growing power, each resolving (methinks) to enjoy the
this
requires;
interval that another
is
destroyed
for the salvation of Greece:
for
in,
not caring or striving
none can be ignorant that
some course or attack of fever or other disease,
coming even on those that yet seem very far removed.
And you must be sensible that whatever wrong the Greeks
sustained from Lacedaemonians or from us, was at least
inflicted by genuine people of Greece; and it might be felt in
the same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune,
committed some fault or error in the management of it; on
that ground one would consider him open to censure and
reproach, yet it could not be said that he was an alien, and
not heir to the property which he so dealt with. But if a
slave or a spurious child wasted and spoiled what he had no
Heavens! how much more heinous and hateful
interest in
And yet in regard to Philip
would all have pronounced it
and his conduct they feel not this, although he is not only no
Greek and noway akin to Greeks, but not even a barbarian
Philip, like
is
—
!
of a place honourable to mention;
of
in fact,
a
vile
fellow
Macedon, from which a respectable slave could not be
purchased formerly.
What is wanting to make his insolence complete ?
Besides
he not hold the Pythian
festival of Greece, and, if he comes not
his destruction of Grecian cities, does
games, the
common
Is he not master of
Thermopylae and the passes into Greece, and holds he not
those places by garrisons and mercenaries? Has he not
thrust aside Thessalians, ourselves, Dorians, the whole
Amphictyonic body, and got preaudience of the oracle, 1 to
himself, send his vassals to preside?
1
This privilege, which had belonged to the Phocians, was transferred
to Philip.
It was considered an advantage as well as an honour in
ancient times, for there were only certain days appointed in every
month when the oracle could be consulted, and the order of consultaThe Delphians used to
tion was determined by lot in common cases.
confer the right of pre-consultation on particular states or persons as a
—
;!
The Third
Philippic
197
which even the Greeks do not all pretend? Does he not
write to the Thessalians what form of government to adopt ?
1
send mercenaries to Porthmus, to expel the Eretrian commonalty; others to Oreus, to set up Philistides as ruler?
Yet the Greeks endure to see all this methinks they view it
as they would a hailstorm, each praying that it may not fall
;
on himself, none trying to prevent it. And not only are the
outrages which he does to Greece submitted to, but even the
private wrongs of every people nothing can go beyond this
Has he not wronged the Corinthians by attacking Ambracia 2
and Leucas ? the Achaians, by swearing to give Naupactus 3
4
Is he
to the iEtolians ? from the Thebans taken Echinus ?
:
not marching against the Byzantines his allies?
I
From
us
—but keeps he not Cardia, the greatest city of
omit the rest
the Chersonese?
Still
under these indignities we are
all
and disheartened, and look towards our neighbours, distrusting one another, instead of the common enemy. And
how think ye a man, who behaves so insolently to all, how
will he act when he gets each separately under his control ?
But what has caused the mischief? There must be some
cause, some good reason, why the Greeks were so eager for
There was
liberty then, and now are eager for servitude.
slack
reward for some service or act of piety. Thus the Spartans received it
and Croesus, king of Lydia, for the magnificent presents which he sent
tc the temple.
1
Porthmus was the port of Eretria, on the strait, opposite Athens.
The circumstances are stated by Demosthenes at the latter end of the
speech.
2
Divers colonies were planted on the north-western coast of Greece
the Corinthians, and also by the Corcyraeans, who were themselves
from Corinth. Among them were Leucas, Ambracia, Anactorium, Epidamnus, and Apollonia.
Leucas afterwards became insular,
by cutting through the isthmus. Philip's meditated attack was in
B.c. 343, after the conquest of Cassopia.
Leucas, by its insular position,
would have been convenient for a descent on Peloponnesus.
have seen that this design of Philip was baffled by the exertions of
bj'
colonists
We
Demosthenes.
3
Naupactus, now Lepanto, lay on the northern coast of the Corinthian gulf. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it came into the hands
of the Achians, from whom it was taken by Epaminondas, but after
The ^Etolians got possession of the town
his death they regained it.
some time after, perhaps by Macedonian assistance.
4
The Echinus here mentioned was a city on the northern coast of the
Maliac gulf in Thessaly.
The
198
something,
Orations of Demosthenes
men
of Athens,
multitude then, which there
something
is
in the hearts of the
not now, which overcame the
wealth of Persia and maintained the freedom of Greece, and
quailed not under any battle by land or sea; the loss whereof
has ruined all, and thrown the affairs of Greece into confu-
What was
Nothing subtle or clever: simply
the aspirants for power or the
corruptors of Greece were universally detested it was dreadful to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was
inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession or
pardon. The favourable moments for enterprise, which
sion.
that whoever took
this?
money from
:
fortune frequently offers to the careless against the vigilant,
them that
do nothing against those that discharge all
bought from orators or generals;
no more could mutual concord, nor distrust of tyrants and
barbarians, nor anything of the kind.
But now all such
principles have been sold as in open market, and those imported in exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased.
What are they? Envy where a man gets a bribe; laughter
if he confesses it;
mercy to the convicted; hatred of those
that denounce the crime: all the usual attendants upon
corruption. 1 For as to ships and men and revenues and
abundance of other materials, all that may be reckoned as
constituting national strength assuredly the Greeks of our
day are more fully and perfectly supplied with such advanBut they are all
tages than Greeks of the olden time.
rendered useless, unavailable, unprofitable, by the agency of
to
will
their duty, could not be
—
these traffickers.
That such is the present state of things, you must see,
without requiring my testimony: that it was different in
former times I will demonstrate, not by speaking my own
words, but by showing an inscription of your ancestors,
which they graved on a brazen column and deposited in the
citadel, not for their own benefit (they were right-minded
enough without such records), but for a memorial and ex1
He glances more particularly at Philocrates, Demades, and
/Eschines.
The Third
Philippic
199
ample to instruct you, how seriously such conduct should be
What
taken up.
says the inscription then ?
It says:
"Let
Arthmius, son of Pythonax the Zelite, 1 be declared an outlaw and an enemy of the Athenian people and their allies,
him and his family." Then the cause is written why this
was done: because he brought the Median gold into Peloponnesus. That is the inscription. By the gods only consider and reflect among yourselves, what must have been the
spirit, what the dignity of those Athenians who acted so.
One Arthmius a Zelite, subject of the king (for Zelea is in
!
Asia), because in his master's service he brought gold into
enemy of
him and his family, and outnot the outlawry commonly spoken of: for
Peloponnesus, not to Athens, they proclaimed an
the Athenians and their
allies,
That is,
what would a Zelite care, to be excluded from Athenian
franchises?
It means not that; but in the statutes of homicide it is written, in cases where a prosecution for murder is
not allowed, but killing is sanctioned, " and let him die an
outlaw," says the legislator: by which he means, that who-
lawed.
ever
kills
such a person shall be unpolluted.
considered that the preservation of
all
Therefore they
Greece was their
own
concern (but for such opinion, they would not have cared,
in Peloponnesus were bought and corrupted),
and whomsoever they discovered taking bribes, they chastised
and punished so severely as to record their names in brass.
The natural result was that Greece was formidable to the
Barbarian, not the Barbarian to Greece. 'Tis not so now:
whether people
since neither in this nor in other respects are
your sentiments
But what are they? You know yourselves:
why am I to upbraid you with everything? The Greeks in
general are alike and no better than you. Therefore I say,
our present affairs demand earnest attention and wholesome
counsel.
Shall I say what ?
Do you bid me, and won't you
the same.
be angry ?
1
Zelea is a town in Mysia.
Arthmius was sent by Artaxerxes into
Peloponnesus, to stir up a war against the Athenians, who had irritated
him by the assistance which they lent to Egypt.
The
200
[Here
is
Orations of Demosthenes
read the public document which Demosthenes produces,
ajler
which he resumes his address
x
]
a foolish saying of persons who wish to make us
is not yet as powerful as the Lacedaemonians were formerly, who ruled everywhere by land and
There
is
easy, that Philip
sea, and had the king for their ally, and nothing withstood
them; yet Athens resisted even that nation, and was not
destroyed.
I
myself believe that,
while everything
has
received great improvement, and the present bears no resem-
blance to the past, nothing has been so changed and improved
as the practice of war. For anciently, as I am informed, the
Lacedaemonians and all Grecian people would for four or five
months, during the season 2 only, invade and ravage the land
of their enemies with heavy-armed and national troops, and
return home again: and their ideas were so old-fashioned, or
rather national, they never purchased an advantage from any;
theirs was a legitimate and open warfare.
But now you
doubtless perceive that the majority of disasters have been
effected by treason; nothing is done in fair field or combat.
You hear of Philip marching where he pleases, not because
he commands troops of the line, but because he has attached
to him a host
and the like.
of skirmishers, cavalry, archers, mercenaries,
When
civil dissension,
with these he
and none
falls
upon a people in
march out to
(for mistrust) will
defend the country, he applies engines and besieges them. I
need not mention that he makes no difference between winter
and summer, that he has no stated season of repose. You,
knowing these things, reflecting on them, must not let the
1
The Secretary of the Assembly stood by the side of the orator, and
read any public documents, such as statutes, decrees, bills and the
like, which the orator desired to refer to or to verify.
It does not
appear what the document was which Demosthenes caused to be read
If we may judge from the argument, it was some energetic
here.
resolution of the people, such as he would propose for an example on
the present occasion.
The campaigning season, during the summer and fine time of the
The Peloponnesians generally invaded Attica when the corn was
burning and plundering all in their route. Thucydides in his
history divides the year into two parts, summer and winter.
2
year.
ripe,
—
The Third
war approach your
territories,
Philippic
201
nor get your necks broken,
relying on the simplicity of the old
war with the Lacedaemo-
nians, but take the longest time beforehand for defensive
measures and preparations, see that he stirs not from home,
For a war, if we choose,
men of Athens, to pursue a right course, we have many
natural advantages; such as the position of his kingdom,
avoid any decisive engagement.
which we may extensively plunder and ravage, and a thousand
more; but for a battle he is better trained than we are. 1
Nor is it enough to adopt these resolutions and oppose him
by warlike measures: you must on calculation and on principle abhor his advocates here, remembering that it is impossible to overcome your enemies abroad, until you have
chastised those who are his ministers within the city. Which,
by Jupiter and all the gods, you cannot and will not do!
You have arrived at such a pitch of folly or madness or
I know not what to call it: I am tempted often to think, that
some evil genius is driving you to ruin for the sake of scandal
or envy or jest or any other cause, you command hirelings to
speak (some of whom would not deny themselves to be
hirelings), and laugh when they abuse people.
And this,
bad as it is, is not the worst you have allowed these persons
more liberty for their political conduct than your faithful
counsellors and see what evils are caused by listening to such
men with indulgence. I will mention facts that you will all
remember.
In Olynthus some of the statesmen were in Philip's interest,
doing everything for him; some were on the honest side,
aiming to preserve their fellow-citizens from slavery. Which
party now destroyed their country? or which betrayed the
cavalry, 2 by whose betrayal Olynthus fell? The creatures
—
:
:
1
Chaeronea proved the wisdom of this advice. Similar counsel was
given by Pericles in the Peloponnesian war. Had the Athenians
attempted to meet the invading army in the field, they must inevitably
have been defeated in the early period of the war.
3
After Olynthus was besieged by Philip, various sallies were made
from the city, some of which were successful. But the treachery of
Lasthenes and his accomplices ruined all. A body of five hundred
The
202
of Philip;
Orations of Demosthenes
they that, while the city stood, slandered and
calumniated the honest counsellors so effectually that the
Olynthian people were induced to banish Apollonides.
Nor
is it there only, and nowhere else, that such practice
been ruinous. In Eretria, when, after riddance of
Plutarch 1 and his mercenaries, the people got possession of
has
and of Porthmus, some were for bringing the
government over to you, others to Philip. His partisans
were generally, rather exclusively, attended to by the wetched
and unfortunate Eretrians, who at length were persuaded to
expel their faithful advisers. Philip, their ally and friend,
sent Hipponicus and a thousand mercenaries, demolished the
walls of Porthmus, and established three rulers, Hipparchus,
Automedon, Clitarchus. Since that he has driven them out
their city
of the country, twice attempting their deliverance:
once
he sent the troops with Eurylochus, afterwards those of
Parmenio.
What
need of many words? In Oreus Philip's agents were
Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapseus, who
Philistides,
now
hold the government:
Euphraeus, a
man
that was quite notorious:
that formerly dwelt here
among
one
you, was
How this man was
and trampled on by the people of
Oreus were long to tell: but a year before the capture, discovering what Philistides and his accomplices were about, he
A multitude
laid an information against them for treason.
then combining, having Philip for their paymaster, and acting
under his direction, take Euphraeus off to prison as a dislabouring for freedom and independence.
in other respects insulted
turber of the public peace.
Seeing which, the people of
Oreus, instead of assisting the one and beating the others to
them were not angry, but said his punishment
and rejoiced at it. So the conspirators, having full
of action, laid their schemes and took their measures
death, with
was
just,
liberty
horses were led
by him
into an ambuscade,
and captured by the
besiegers.
1
When
B.C. 354.
he was expelled by Phocion after the battle of Tamynae,
The Third
Philippic
203
if any of the people observed
and intimidated, remembering the treatment of Euphneus; and so wretched was their condition that
on the approach of such a calamity none dared to utter a
word, until the enemy drew up before the walls then some
were for defence, others for betrayal. Since the city was
thus basely and wickedly taken, the traitors have held
despotic rule; people who formerly rescued them, and were
ready for any maltreatment of Euphraeus, they have either
for the surrender of the city;
it,
they were
silent
:
banished or put to death; Euphrseus killed himself, proving
by deed that he had
resisted Philip honestly
and purely
for
the good of his countrymen.
—
—
What can be the reason perhaps you wonder why the
Olynthians and Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to
Philip's advocates
than to their own?
operates with you.
They who advise
The same which
for the best
always gratify their audience, though they would;
safety of the state
must be attended
the very counsel which
to
:
their
cannot
for the
opponents by
agreeable advance Philip's interest.
is
One party required contribution; the other said there was
no necessity; one were for war and mistrust; the other for
peace, until they were ensnared. And so on for everything
else (not to dwell on particulars); the one made speeches to
please for the moment, and gave no annoyance; the other
offered salutary counsel that was offensive.
Many rights did
the people surrender at last, not from any such motive of
indulgence or ignorance, but submitting in the belief that all
was lost. Which, by Jupiter and Apollo, I fear will be your
case, when on calculation you see that nothing can be done.
men of Athens, it may never come to this! Better
thousand deaths than render homage to Philip, or sacrifice any of your faithful counsellors.
A fine recompense have
the people of Oreus got for trusting themselves to Philip's
friends and spurning Euphraeus!
Finely are the Eretrian
commons rewarded, for having driven away your ambassadors
and yielded to Clitarchus
Yes ; they are slaves, exposed to
I
pray,
die a
!
The
204
Orations of Demosthenes
the lash and the torture.
Finely he spared the Olynthians,
who appointed Lasthenes
command
their horse, and
and cowardice to cherish
such hopes, and, while you take evil counsel and shirk every
duty, and even listen to those who plead for your enemies, to
think you inhabit a city of such magnitude that you cannot
Yea, and it is disgraceful to
surfer any serious misfortune.
exclaim on any occurrence, when it is too late, " Who would
have expected it ? However this or that should have been
done, the other left undone." Many things could the Olynthians mention now, which, if foreseen at the time, would
have prevented their destruction. Many could the Orites
mention, many the Phocians, and each of the ruined states.
But what would it avail them ? As long as the vessel is safe,
whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every
man in turn should exert himself, and prevent its being overturned either by accident or design: but when the sea hath
expelled Apollonides!
It
to
is
folly
—
over
rolled
their
it,
efforts
we
Athenians, whilst
plentiful
Many
we, likewise,
—
what must we do?
have been longing to ask. Well
pass it if you
will move a resolution
lofty reputation
resources,
And
are vain.
are safe, with a magnificent city,
of you, I dare say,
then, I will
tell
you
;
I
:
please.
First, let us prepare for
1
mean, with
ships,
our
own
defence; provide ourselves,
money, and troops
—
other people consented to be slaves,
for surely,
we
though
all
at least ought to
When we have completed our own
made them apparent to the Greeks, then let
struggle for freedom.
preparations and
us invite the rest, and send our ambassadors everywhere with
the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, to the
king,
I
say (for
it
concerns his interests, not to
let Philip
you may
have partners of your dangers and expenses, in case of necesFor,
sity, or at all events that you may delay the operations.
since the war is against an individual, not against the collected power of a state, even this may be useful; as were the
make
universal conquest);
that,
if
you
prevail,
The Third
Philippic
205
embassies last year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances
I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hegeand Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other envoys
went round, and arrested Philip's progress, so that he neither
attacked Ambracia nor started for Peloponnesus. I say not,
however, that you should invite the rest without adopting
measures to protect yourselves: it would be folly, while you
sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard for that of
strangers, or to alarm others about the future, whilst for the
present you are Unconcerned. I advise not this: I bid you
send supplies to the troops in Chersonesus, and do what else
they require prepare yourselves and make every effort first,
then summon, gather, instruct the rest of the Greeks. That
is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such as yours.
If
you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians will save Greece,
while you run away from the contest, you imagine wrong.
Well for any of those people, if they are safe themselves.
This work belongs to you: this privilege your ancestors
bequeathed to you, the prize of many perilous exertions.
But if every one will sit seeking his pleasure, and studying to
be idle himself, never will he find others to do his work, and
more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of
with which
sippus,
;
doing
all
we
that
like
not at one time.
Were
proxies to be
had, our inactivity would have found them long ago;
but
they are not.
Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose:
adopt them, and even yet, I believe, our prosperity may be
re-established.
communicate
all
it
the gods for
any man has better advice to offer, let him
Whatever you determine, I pray to
a happy result
If
openly.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC
ARGUMENT
The
subject of this oration is the same as the last, viz., the necessity
The time of its delivery would appear to have
of resistance to Philip.
been a little later, whilst Philip was yet in Thrace, and before he
commenced the siege' of the Propontine towns. No new event is
alluded to, except the seizure of Hermias by the satrap Mentor, the
exact date of which is uncertain. The orator urges here, still more
strongly than he had done in the third Philippic, the necessity of
applying to Persia for assistance. His advice was followed, and a
negotiation was opened with that monarchy which led to the effective
relief of Perinthus.
There is a remarkable passage in this speech on
the importance of general unanimity which seems to imply that disputes had arisen between the richer and poorer classes, chiefly in regard
The view which is here taken
to the application of the public revenue.
on the subject of the Theoric distributions is so different from the
argument in the Olynthiacs, that modern critics have generally conAnother ground for such opinion
sidered this Oration to be spurious.
is, that it contains various passages borrowed from other speeches,
and not very skilfully put together. Yet the genuineness seems not
to have been doubted by any of the ancient grammarians.
men
your consulendeavour
to advise what I think important. Many have been the
faults, accumulated for some time past, which have brought
us to this wretched condition; but none is under the circumstances so distressing as this, men of Athens; that your
minds are alienated from public business; you are attentive
Believing,
tation
is
of Athens, that the subject of
serious
and momentous
you
listening to
just while
sit
to the state, I will
some news, afterwards you
all
go away, and, so far from caring for what you heard, you
forget
it
altogether.
Well; of the extent of Philip's arrogance and ambition, as
evinced in his dealings with every people, you have been
informed.
That
it
is
not possible to restrain him in such
course by speeches and harangues, no
or,
if
other reasons
fail
Whenever we have had
man
can be ignorant:
on this.
on no occasion
to convince you, reflect
to discuss our claims,
206
The Fourth
207
Philippic
have we been worsted or judged in the wrong; we have still
beaten and got the better of all in argument. But do his
By no means.
affairs go badly on this account, or ours well ?
For as Philip immediately proceeds, with arms in his hand,
to put all he possesses boldly at stake, whilst we with our
equities, the speakers as well as the hearers, are sitting
still,
actions (naturally enough) outstrip words, and people attend
not to what
we
do.
And
we have argued
or
may
argue, but to
what
our doings are not likely to protect any of our
injured neighbours:
I
need not say more upon the subject.
Therefore, as the states are divided into two parties, one
that would neither hold arbitrary government nor submit to
another desiring to
it, but live under free and equal laws;
govern their follow-citizens, and be subject to some third
power, by whose assistance they hope to accomplish that
object; the partisans of Philip, who desire tyranny and
despotism, have everywhere prevailed, and I know not
whether there is any state left, besides our own, with a
popular constitution firmly established.
And
those that
hold the government through him have prevailed by
all
the
means efficacious in worldly affairs; principally and mainly
by having a person to bribe the corruptible; secondly, a
point no less important, by having at their command, at
whatever season they required, an army to put down their
opponents. We, men of Athens, are not only in these
respects behindhand; we cannot even be awaked; like men
that have drunk mandrake 1 or some other sleeping potion;
and methinks for I judge the truth must be spoken we
are by reason thereof held in such disrepute and contempt,
that, among the states in imminent danger, some dispute
with us for the lead, some for the place of congress; others
—
—
have resolved to defend themselves separately rather than
in union with us.
Why am I so particular in mentioning these things? I
1
Used for a powerful opiate by the ancients.
gora also in English.
It is called
Mandra-
The
208
Orations of Demosthenes
seek not to give offence; so help
I wish,
all
men
make
of Athens, to
me
it
all
the powers of heaven
clear
and manifest
to
you
that habitual sloth and indolence, the same in public
matters as in private
life, is
not immediately
occasion of neglect, but shows
felt
on every
the general result.
itself in
Look at Serrium and Doriscus; which were first disregarded
Their names perhaps are unknown to many
yet your careless abandonment of these lost Thrace
of you
and Cersobleptes your ally. Again, seeing these places neglected and unsupported by you, he demolished Porthmus, and
after the peace.
:
raised a tyrant in
Eubcea
like
a fortress against Attica.
being disregarded, Megara was very nearly taken.
insensible, indifferent to all his aggressions;
tion
This
You were
gave no intima-
that you would not permit their continuance.
He
purchased Antrones, 1 and not long after had got Oreus into
Many transactions I omit; Pherse, the march
his power.
against Ambracia, the massacres at Elis, 2 and numberless
for I have not entered upon these details to enumeothers
:
whom Philip has oppressed and wronged, but
show you that Philip will not desist from wronging all
people and pursuing his conquests, until an effort is made
rate the people
to
to prevent him.
There are persons whose custom
it is,
before they hear any
— " What must we
speech in the debate, to ask immediately
do? "
—not with the
(or they
intention of doing
would be the most serviceable
what they are
of men),
but
told
in order
Nevertheless you
should be
countrymen, you must be
firmly convinced in your minds that Philip is at war with
to
get rid of the speaker.
advised what to do.
First,
my
1
A town in Thessaly. We do not know all the details of Philip's
proceedings in that country, but we have seen enough to show that
under the guise of a protector he was not far short of being the master
of the Thessalian people.
Some of their towns were actually in his
possession, as Pherae and PagasaB.
2
The Elean exiles, having engaged in their service a body of the
Phocian mercenaries, made an irruption into Elis, but were defeated.
A large number of prisoners were taken and put to death. This
happened b.c. 343. The government of Elis was at that time in the
hands of a Macedonian party.
:
The Fourth
Philippic
209
our state, and has broken the peace that, while he is inimical
and hostile to the whole of Athens, to the ground of Athens,
;
and I may add, to the gods in Athens (may they exterminate
him !), there is nothing which he strives and plots against so
much
as our constitution, nothing in the world that he
is
so
And thereunto he is driven
Consider. He wishes for empire
in some sort by necessity.
he believes you to be his only opponents. He has been a
long time injuring you, as his own conscience best informs
anxious about, as
him;
for
its
by means
destruction.
of
your possessions, which he
is
able to
had he given
up Amphipolis and Potidsea, he would not have deemed himself safe even in Macedonia.
He knows therefore, both that
he is plotting against you, and that you are aware of it; and,
supposing you to have common sense, he judges that you
Besides these important condetest him as you ought.
siderations, he is assured that, though he became master of
everything else, nothing can be safe for him while you are
under popular government: should any reverse ever befall
him (and many may happen to a man), all who are now under
constraint will come for refuge to you. For you are not
inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion; but
famous rather for checking the usurper or depriving him of
enjoy, he secures
all
his conquests, ever
and vindicate the
the rest of his kingdom:
ready to molest the aspirants for empire,
liberty of all nations.
He would
not like
that a free spirit should proceed from Athens, to watch the
occasions of his weakness; nor
is
such reasoning foolish or
you must assume that he is an irreconcileable enemy of our constitution and democracy; secondly,
you must be convinced that all his operations and contrivances are designed for the injury of our state. None of you
idle.
First then
can be so silly as to suppose that Philip covets those miseries
in Thrace (for what else can one call Drongilus and Cabyle
and Mastiraand the places which he is said now to occupy?),
and that to get possession of them he endures hardships and
winters and the utmost peril, but covets not the harbours
o
The
210
Orations of Demosthenes
of Athens,
the docks, the galleys, the silver mines, the
revenues of such value, the place and the glory never may
he or any other man obtain these by the conquest of our city
or that he will suffer you to keep these things, while for the
—
sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns he winters
in the
midst of horrors.
Impossible.
and every other enterprise
of
Philip
The
object of that
to
become master
is
here.
So should every
man
right counsellor to
part of
men
upon your
faithful
move a resolution for
enemy to fight with, not men
seeking an
ing the interests of the state.
first
and
and upwar: such were the
be persuaded and convinced;
therefore, I say, should not call
Only
see.
forward-
Suppose
for the
breach of the treaty by Philip, or for the second or third
is a series of breaches), any one had made a motion
war with him, and Philip, just as he has now without such
motion, had aided the Cardians, would not the mover have
been sacrificed? would not all have imputed Philip's aid of
(for there
for
the Cardians to that cause ? Don't then look for a person to
vent your anger on for Philip's trespasses, to throw to Philip's
Do not, after yourselves voting
hirelings to be torn in pieces.
for war, dispute with each other whether you ought or ought
so.
As Philip conducts the war, so resist
him furnish those who are resisting him now x with money
and what else they demand pay your contributions, men of
not to have done
:
;
Athens, provide an army, swift-sailing galleys, horses, trans-
Our present mode of operaand by the gods I believe that Philip
could not wish our republic to take any other course than
what ye now pursue. You miss your time, waste your
money, look for a person to manage your affairs, are disconHow all this comes about I will
tented, accuse one another.
explain, and how it may cease I will inform you.
Nothing, O men of Athens, have you ever set on foot or
contrived rightly in the beginning: you always follow the
ports, all the materials of war.
tion
is
ridiculous;
Referring to Diopithes and his troops in the Chersonese.
;
The Fourth
event, stop
when you
are too late, on
prepare and bustle again.
ceeding.
It
is
211
Philippic
But that
is
any new occurrence
not the
way
of pro-
never possible with sudden levies to perform
You must establish an army, provide
and paymasters, and commissaries, so
ordering it that the strictest care be taken of your funds;
demand from those officers an account of the expenditure,
from your general an account of the campaign and leave not
the general any excuse for sailing elsewhere or prosecuting
another enterprise. If ye so act and so resolve in earnest,
you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and remain
in his own country, or will contend with him on equal terms
and perhaps, Athenians, perhaps, as you now inquire what
Philip is doing, and whither marching, so he may be anxious
to learn whither the troops of Athens are bound, and where
any
essential service.
maintenance
for
it,
;
they
will
make
their appearance.
Should any man think that these are affairs of great expense
and toil and difficulty, he thinks rightly enough but let him
consider what the consequences to Athens must be, if she
refuse so to act, and he will find it is our interest to perform
our duties cheerfully. Suppose you had some god for your
surety— for certainly no mortal could guarantee a thing so
fortunate that, although you kept quiet and sacrificed
everything, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by
Jupiter and all the gods, it would be disgraceful, unworthy
of yourselves, of the dignity of your state, and the deeds of
your ancestors, for the sake of selfish indolence to abandon
the rest of Greece to servitude. For my part, I would rather
die than have advised such a course: however, if any other
man advises it, and can prevail on you, be it so; make no
defence, abandon all.
But if no man holds such an opinion,
if on the contrary we all foresee that the more we permit
Philip to conquer, the more fierce and formidable an enemy
we shall find him, what subterfuge remains ? what excuse for
delay ? Or when,
Athenians, shall we be willing to act as
becomes us? Peradventure, when there is some necessity.
:
—
Orations of Demosthenes
The
212
called the necessity of freemen is not only
come, but past long ago; and that of slaves you must surely
deprecate. What is the difference? To a freeman shame
But what may be
what
for
is
occurring
is
the strongest necessity;
I
know
of
none stronger that can be mentioned to a slave, stripes and
bodily chastisement; abominable things! too shocking to
:
name!
To be backward, men
of
Athens, in performing those
which the person and property of every one are
excuse:
liable, is wrong, very wrong, and yet it admits of some
and
heard,
be
to
necessary
is
but refusing even to hear what
services to
fit
Your
to be considered, this calls for the severest censure.
however is neither to attend until the business
practice
does now, nor to deliberate about anyWhen Philip is preparing, you, instead of
actually presses, as
thing at leisure.
it
doing the like and making counter-preparation, remain listand, if any one speaks a word, clamour him down: when
you receive news that any place is lost or besieged, then you
less,
and prepare. But the time to have heard and consulted
was then when you declined; the time to act and employ
your preparations is now that you are hearing. Such being
your habits, you are the only people who adopt this singular
course: others deliberate usually before action, you deliberate
listen
after action.
One thing 1 remains, which should have been done long
Nothing
I will mention it.
is not too late
the world does Athens need so much as money for
approaching exigencies. Lucky events have occurred, and,
ago, but even yet
:
in
if
we
done.
rightly improve them, perhaps
In the
first place,
those
2
good service may be
the king trusts and
whom
regards as his benefactors are at enmity and war with Philip.
3
Secondly, the agent and confidant of all Philip's prepara1
2
He means negotiation with Persia, to obtain pecuniary assistance.
The Thracians, who had always been regarded as benefactors of the
of bcythia.
Persian king since they assisted Darius on his invasian
subjected a
Philip was making war in Thrace at this time, and had
considerable part of the country.
.
3 Hermias, governor of Atarneus of Mysia, who for his treasonable
The Fourth
tions against the king has been snatched off,
will
hear
all
213
Philippic
and the king
the proceedings, not from Athenian accusers,
whom he might consider to be speaking for their own interests,
but from the acting minister himself; the charges therefore
be credible, and the only remaining argument for our
ambassadors will be, one which the Persian monarch will
rejoice to hear, that we should take common vengeance on
will
the injurer of both, and that Philip
to the king
if
lurch and suffer
without
fear.
is
much more formidable
we be left in the
first;
for,
should
any mishap, he
will
march against the king
he attack us
On
all
these matters then I advise that you
despatch an embassy to confer with the king, and put aside
that nonsense which has so often damaged you " the bar-
—
barian," forsooth, " the
common enemy
man alarmed at a
"
—and the
like.
I
and
Ecbatana, and declaring him to be an enemy of Athens, him
1
that formerly assisted in re-establishing her power, and lately
2
made overtures
if you did not accept them, but voted
while the same man speaks a
refusal, the fault is not his
different language of one who is close at our doors, and
growing up in the centre of Greece to be the plunderer of her
people; I marvel, I dread this man, whoever he is, because
confess,
when
I see
—
a
prince in Susa
—
he dreads not Philip.
There is another thing too, the attacking of which by
unjust reproach and improper language hurts the state, and
affords an excuse to men who are unwilling to perform any
public duty:
indeed you will find that every failure to dis-
charge the obligation of a citizen is attributable to this. I
am really afraid to discuss the matter; however, I will speak
out.
practices against Artaxerxes was seized by Mentor and sent in chains
He was a friend of Aristotle, who
to Susa, where he was put to death.
was at his court when he was taken prisoner.
1
In the confederate war, when the Persian fleet enabled Conon to
defeat the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus, b.c. 394.
2
Artaxerxes had applied both to Athens and Lacedasmon to aid him
in the recovery of Egypt, which for many years had been held in a
Both these states refused to assist him. He then
state of revolt.
applied to Thebes and Argos, each of which sent an auxiliary force.
214
The
I believe I
Orations of Demosthenes
can suggest,
for the
advantage of the
plea for the poor against the rich, and for
men
state,
a
of property
we remove the clamour which
about the theatric fund, and the
No
fear that it cannot stand without some signal mischief.
greater help to our affairs could we introduce; none that
against the indigent;
some persons unfairly
could
raise
would more strengthen the whole community. Look at it
thus.
I will commence on behalf of those who are considered the needy class.
There was a time with us, not long
ago, when only a hundred and thirty talents came into the
state; and among the persons qualified to command ships
or pay property-tax, there was not one who claimed exemption from his duty because no surplus existed: galleys sailed,
money was forthcoming, everything needful was done.
Since that time fortune happily has increased the revenue,
and four hundred talents come in instead of one, without loss
to any men of property, but with gain to them; for all the
wealthy come for their share of the fund, and they are
welcome to it. Why then do we reproach one another on
this account, and make it an excuse for declining our duties,
unless we grudge the relief given by fortune to the poor?
I
would be sorry to blame them myself, and I think it not
right.
In private families I never see a young man behaving
so to his elders, so unfeeling or so unreasonable, as to refuse
to do anything himself, unless all the rest will do
what he
Such a person would certainly be amenable to the
laws against undutiful conduct for I ween there is a tribute
assigned to parents both by nature and by law, which ought
to be cheerfully offered and amply paid.
Accordingly, as
does.
:
each individual
among
us hath a parent, so should
we regard
the whole people as parents of the state, and, so far from
depriving them of what the state bestows,
we ought, in the
absence of such bounty, to find other means to keep them
from destitution. If the rich will adopt this principle, I
think they will act both justly and wisely; for to deprive
any
class of
a necessary provision
affection to the
commonwealth.
is
to unite
them
in dis-
The Fourth
Philippic
2
1
5
recommend that they remove the
makes men of property discontented with the
present system, and excites their just complaints. I shall
take the same course on behalf of the wealthy as I did just
now, and not hesitate to speak the truth. There cannot, I
To
the poor I would
cause, which
believe, be
found a wretch so hard-hearted
—
I will
not say
—
among Athenians, but among any other people who would
be sorry to see poor men, men without the necessaries of life,
receiving these bounties.
Where then is the pinch of the
matter ? where the
difficulty ?
When they see certain persons
transferring the usage established for the public revenue to
private
and the orator becoming immediately
property,
powerful with you, yea (so far as privilege can
make
him),
immortal, and your secret vote contradicting your public
Hence
clamour.
ye
ought,
men
political rights;
hence indignation. We
have a just communion of
mistrust,
arises
of Athens, to
the opulent holding themselves secure in
and without
fear of losing them, yet in time
danger imparting their substance freely for the defence of
their country; while the rest consider the public revenue as
their fortunes,
of
public,
and receive
their share,
but look on private property
Thus it is that a small
and a great one is preserved.
as belonging to the individual owner.
commonwealth becomes
To speak
class;
great,
generally then, such are the obligations of each
to ensure their performance according to law,
some
regulation should be made.
The
causes of our present troubles and embarrassment are
many and
of ancient date:
declare them.
You have
if
you are
quitted,
willing to hear, I will
Athenians, the position
which your ancestors left you; you have been persuaded
by these politicians that to stand foremost of the Greeks, to
keep a permanent force and redress injured nations, is all
vanity and idle expense you imagine that to live in quiet, to
perform no duty, to abandon one thing after another and let
strangers seize on all, brings with it marvellous welfare and
abundant security. By such means a stranger has advanced
in
;
The
216
Orations of Demosthenes
to the post which you ought to have occupied, has
prosperous and great, and
made
large conquests;
become
naturally
A prize there was, noble, great, and glorious, one
which the mightiest states were contending all along; but
as the Lacedaemonians were humbled, the Thebans had their
hands full through the Phocian war, and we took no regard,
he carried it off without competition. The result has been,
to others terror, to him a vast alliance and extended power;
while difficulties so many and so distressing surround the
Greeks that even advice is not easy to be found.
enough.
for
Yet, perilous as I conceive the present
no people are
in
such danger as you,
crisis to
men
be for
of Athens;
all,
not
only because Philip's designs are especially aimed at you, but
because of all people you are the most remiss. If, seeing the
abundance of commodities and cheapness in your market,
you are beguiled into a belief that the state is in no danger,
your judgment is neither becoming nor correct. A market
or a fair one may, from such appearances, judge to be well or
ill supplied:
but for a state, which every aspirant for the
empire of Greece has deemed to be alone capable of opposing
him, and defending the liberty of all for such a state!
—
verily her marketable commodities are not the test of pros-
—
whether she can depend on the goodwill of
whether she is puissant in arms. On behalf of
such a state these are the things to be considered; and in
these respects your condition is wretched and deplorable.
You will understand it by a simple reflection. When have
perity, but this
her
allies;
the affairs of Greece been in the greatest confusion?
other time could any
man
point out but the present.
No
In
former times Greece was divided into two parties, that of the
Lacedaemonians and ours: some of the Greeks were subject
Persian, on his own account, was
but he used to make friends of the
vanquished parties, and retain their confidence, until he put
them on an equality with the other side; after which those
that he succoured would hate him as much as his original
to us,
some
to them.
mistrusted equally by
The
all,
—
The Fourth
Now
enemies.
all
however the king
is
on friendly terms with
we put
the Greeks though least friendly with us, unless
Now
matters right.
in
217
Philippic
too there are protectors
every quarter, and
all
x
springing
up
claim the precedency, though some
indeed have abandoned the cause, or envy and distrust each
—more
other
shame
for
them
—and
every state
is
isolated,
Argives, Thebans, Lacedaemonians, Corinthians, Arcadians,
and
But, divided as Greece
ourselves.
parties
and
so
many
is
among
so
many
must speak the truth
whose offices and halls of council
leaderships,
if
I
freely, there is no state
appear more deserted by Grecian politics than ours. And
no wonder; when neither friendship, nor confidence, nor fear
leads
any
to negotiate with us.
This, ye
men
of Athens, has
cause (or you might easily
mend
come not from any
single
but from a great variety
not stop to recount them,
it),
and long series of errors. I will
but will mention one, to which all may be referred, beseeching you not to be offended, if I boldly speak the truth.
Your interests are sold on every favourable opportunity:
you partake of the idleness and ease, under the charm
whereof you resent not your wrongs; while other persons
get the reward.
Into all these cases I could not enter now:
but when any question about Philip arises, some one starts up
directly and says, " We must have no trifling, no proposal of
war," and then goes on to say, " What a blessing it is to
"
be at peace what a grievance to maintain a large army
"
and again, Certain persons wish to plunder the treasury "
and other arguments they urge, no doubt, in the full conviction of their truth.
But surely there is no need of persuading
you to observe peace, you that sit there persuaded already.
It is Philip (who is making war) that needs persuasion:
We should
prevail on him, and all is ready on your part.
consider as grievous, not what we expend for our deliverance,
but what we shall suffer in case of refusal. Plunder of the
1
This is said with some irony: many states offer to come forward as
!
!
protectors, but only on condition of taking the lead: they will not join
the common cause on fair terms.
The
218
Orations of Demosthenes
by devising a plan for its safe
by abandoning our interests. Yet this very
thing makes me indignant, that some of you are pained at
treasury should be prevented
custody, not
the thought of your treasury being robbed, though
on yourselves to guard
and
it
depends
to punish the criminal,
but are
not pained to see Philip plundering Greece, plundering as he
does one people after another, to forward his designs upon
it
you.
How
comes
it,
ye
men
of Athens, that of this flagrant
aggressor, this capturer of cities, no one has ever declared
that he commits hostility or injustice, while those
who
counsel
against submission and sacrifice are charged as the authors of
The reason
war?
is,
that people wish to cast upon your
blame of any untoward events in the
war must necessarily be attended with many misfortunes.
They believe that, if you resist Philip with one
heart and mind, you will prevail against him, and they can
be hirelings no longer; but that if on the first outcry you
arraign certain persons and bring them to trial, they by
faithful counsellors the
war;
for
accusing such persons will gain a double advantage, repute
among
the Athenians and recompense from Philip; and that
you will punish your friendly advisers for a cause for which
you ought to punish the traitors. Such are the hopes, such
the contrivance of these charges, " that certain persons wish
I am sure however, that, without any
to kindle a war."
Athenian moving a declaration of war, Philip has taken
many of our possessions, and has recently sent succour to
Cardia.
If we choose to assume that he is not making war
against us, he would be the simplest of mankind to convince
us of our mistake for when the sufferers disclaim the injury,
what should the offenders do? But when he marches to
attack us, what shall we say then? He will assure us that
he is not making war, as he assured the Orites when his
troops were in their country, as he assured the Phera^ans
before he assaulted their walls, and the Olynthians in the
first instance, until he was in their territories with his army.
:
—
The Fourth
Shall
we then say
kindle a war?
Philippic
219
who bid us defend ourselves
we must be slaves; for nothing else
that persons
If so,
remains.
But remember: you have more at stake than some other
people.
Philip desires not to subjugate your city, but to
He is convinced you will not submit to
you were inclined, you would not know how,
having been accustomed to command: you will be able,
should occasion offer, to give him more trouble than any
people in the world. For this reason he will show us no
mercy if he get us into his power: and therefore you must
make up your minds that the struggle will be one for life and
death. These persons, who have openly sold themselves to
Philip, you must execrate, you must beat their brains out:
for it is impossible, I say impossible, to vanquish your foreign
enemies, until you have punished your enemies within the
city: these are the stumbling-blocks that must cripple your
destroy
it
be slaves;
utterly.
if
efforts against the foreigner.
From what
cause, do ye think, Philip insults
you now
(for
my
judgment, amounts to nothing less); and
while he deceives other people by doing them services
this at least is something
you he threatens already? For
his conduct, in
—
example, the Thessalians by many benefits he seduced into
their present servitude
no man can tell how he cheated the
:
poor Olynthians, giving them
places:
now he
is
first
Potidaea and
many
other
luring the Thebans, having delivered
up
Bceotia to them, and freed them from a tedious and harassing
Of these people, who each got a certain advantage,
some have suffered what is notorious to all, others have yet
As to yourselves, the amount
to suffer what may befall them.
of your losses I do not mention: but in the very making of
the peace how have you been deceived!
how plundered!
Lost you not the Phocians, Thermopylae, country towards
war.
Thrace,
Doriscus,
Serrium,
Cersobleptes
he not Cardia now, and avows it?
himself?
Holds
Why then does he behave
thus to other people, and in a different
way
to
you ?
Because
220
The
Orations of Demosthenes
is the only one where liberty is allowed to speak
enemy, where a man taking a bribe may safely address
the people, though they have been deprived of their possessions.
It was not safe at Olynthus to advocate Philip's
cause, without the Olynthian people sharing the benefit by
possession of Potidrea.
It was not safe to advocate Philip's
cause in Thessaly, without the people of Thessaly sharing the
benefit, by Philip's expelling their tyrants and restoring the
Pylasan Synod. It was not safe at Thebes, until he restored
Bceotia to them, and destroyed the Phocians. But at Athens,
though Philip has taken from you Amphipolis and the
Cardian territory, and is even turning Eubcea into a hostile
post, and advancing to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak
on Philip's behalf. Yea, among these men, some have risen
rapidly from poverty to wealth, from meanness and obscurity
to repute and honour, whilst you, on the contrary, have
fallen from honour to obscurity, from wealth to indigence
For the riches of a state I consider to be allies, confidence,
goodwill; of all which you are destitute. And by your
neglecting these things, and suffering your interests thus to
be swept away, Philip has grown prosperous and mighty,
formidable to all the Greeks and barbarians, whilst you are
forlorn and abject, in the abundance of your market magnificent, but in your national defences ridiculous. 1
Some of our orators, I observe, take not the same thought
They say that you should keep
for you as for themselves.
quiet, though you are injured; but they cannot themselves
keep quiet among you, though no one injures them. Come,
raillery apart, suppose you were thus questioned, Aristodemus, 2 " Tell me, as you know perfectly well, what every one
else knows, that the life of private men is secure and free
from trouble and danger, whilst that of statesmen is exposed
our city
for the
The whole of the foregoing passage is taken, with some little variafrom the speech on the Chersonese.
This man was a tragic actor, and charged by Demosthenes with
He was the first person who proposed
being a partisan of Philip.
peace with Macedonia, shortly before the embassy of ten. See the
Argument to the Oration on the Peace.
1
tion,
2
The Fourth
221
Philippic
and misfortune, full of trials and hardships every
it that you prefer, not the quiet and easy
"
life, but the one surrounded with peril?
what should you
say? If we admitted the truth of what would be your
best possible answer, namely, that all you do is for honour
and renown, I wonder what puts it into your head that you
ought from such motives to exert yourself and undergo toil
and danger whilst you advise the state to give up exertion
and remain idle. You cannot surely allege that Aristodemus ought to be of importance at Athens, and Athens to be
Nor again do I see that
of no account among the Greeks.
for the commonwealth it is safe to mind her own affairs only
and hazardous for you not to be a superlative busy-body.
On the contrary, to you I see the utmost peril from your
meddling and over-meddling, to the commonwealth peril
from her inactivity. But I suppose you inherit a reputation
from your father and grandfather, which it were disgraceful
to scandal
day,
how comes
—
in
your own person to extinguish, whereas the ancestry of
This again is not so. Your
he resembled you, whereas by the
ancestors of the commonwealth, as all men know, the Greeks
have twice been rescued from the brink of destruction.
Truly the behaviour of some persons, in private and in
the state was ignoble and mean.
father
public,
was a
is
thief,
if
neither equitable nor constitutional.
How
is
it
equitable that certain of these men, returned from prison,
should not
know
themselves, while the state, that once
Greece and held the foremost place,
is sunk
ignominy and humiliation ?
Much could I add on many points, but I will forbear. It
is not, I believe, to lack of words that our distresses have
been owing either now or heretofore. The mischief is when
you, after listening to sound arguments, and all agreeing in
their justice, sit to hear with equal favour those who try to
defeat and pervert them; not that you are ignorant of the
men (you are certain, at the first glance, who speak for hire
and arc Philip's political agents, and who speak sincerely for
protected
in
all
222
The
Orations of Demosthenes
your good); your object is to find fault with these, turn the
thing into laughter and raillery, and escape the performance
of your duty.
Such is the truth, spoken with perfect freedom, purely
from goodwill and for the best: not a speech fraught with
flattery and mischief and deceit, to earn money for the
speaker, and to put the commonwealth into the hands of our
enemies.
I say, you must either desist from these practices,
or blame none but yourselves for the wretched condition of
your
affairs.
THE ORATION ON THE LETTER
ARGUMENT
The Athenians had been persuaded by
the advice of Demosthenes to
the aid of Persia. This was accorded, and events had happened
on the Propontine coast which made it peculiarly needful.
Towards
the close of the year b.c 342 Philip commenced the siege of Selymbria,
following
city
having
early
in
the
year,
that
been
taken,
laid
and
siege
But here he met with an obstinate resistance Perinthus
to Perinthus.
was strong by nature and well fortified. The satraps of Western Asia
had supplied it with a stock of provisions and ammunition, and a
Byzantium also had sent assistlarge body of Greek mercenaries.
Philip, after making great efforts to take Perinthus by storm
ance.
turned the siege into a blockade, and marched northward against
Byzantium. Here he was no more successful than he had been at
Perinthus. The Byzantines had well prepared themselves to resist
his attack, and received powerful aid not only from their old allies of
Cos, Chios, and Rhodes, but also from other parts of Greece, and
In order to reconcile the Byzantines to his
especially from Athens.
countrymen, with whom they had been at variance ever since the
Social war, Demosthenes himself undertook a voyage to the Bosphorus.
By his exertions an alliance was concluded, and an Athenian fleet was
sent under the command of Chares; but Chares being feared and disliked by the Byzantines, they refused to admit him into the town;
and afterwards Phocion was despatched with a hundred and twenty
ships and a considerable body of troops.
The result of these effective
measures was, that Philip was baffled in his attempts on both cities,
and compelled to raise the siege.
In the meantime important operations had taken place elsewhere.
An expedition had been sent under the command of Phocion to Euboea,
of which we have no detailed account, but the result was, that the
Macedonian party was overpowered, and Citarchus and Philistides,
the partisans of Philip, were expelled from the island. A fleet was
then sent by the Athenians into the Pagassean bay, which took some
Thessalian towns, and seized Macedonian merchant-men on the coast.
The island of Halonnesus was recovered from Philip by a sudden
incursion of the Peparethians.
This was revenged by Philip, who
ravaged Peparethus, and compelled the islanders to restore their
conquest.
Philip saw that peace with Athens could no longer be preserved even
Under this conviction, and not, as Mitford says, in alarm at
in name.
the fourth Philippic, he wrote a letter to the Athenians (the letter
which precedes this Oration), in which he reproaches them with the
various acts of hostility which they had committed, and concludes
with a virtual declaration of war. An assembly was held, at which
this letter was read, and Demosthenes is supposed to have delivered
the following speech in reply to it. The exact time when the letter
was received is uncertain; but it would appear from the internal
evidence to have been after the siege of Perinthus had commenced,
and before that of Byzantium. The arguments of Philip produced
no effect; things had gone too far for reconciliation; and it was not
difficult for Demosthenes to obtain a decree for the vigorous prosecution of the war.
solicit
:
223
224
^ ne Orations of Demosthenes
be seen on a perusal of the letter and answer, that the orator
not attempt to meet the specific charges and complaints of Philip.
have nothing but the old arguments, showing the necessity of
succouring Perinthus and Byzantium, as formerly of succouring
Olynthus; the real weakness of Philip's empire, and the good chance
Mitford considers
that by vigorous measures it might be overturned.
that it was impossible to confute the reasoning of Philip, and therefore
that bold invective was the only thing that remained for the orator.
And even Leland says, it would have been difficult to answer the letter
particularly, because, though Athens had the better cause, she had
committed many irregularities. I cannot agree with this view of the
If Philip had been the good-natured easy person that Mitford
question.
represents, who was raised to the surface of Greek affairs by the merest
accidents, and rather had greatness thrust upon him by the opposition
of the Athenians, than either sought or desired it himself, then indeed
the acts of hostility which Philip complains of might justly be regarded
as breaches of good faith, and violations by Athens of the law of
But I read the history of the times very differently. Philip
nations.
had been for many years pursuing his career of conquest steadily and
It will
d( es
We
successfully.
The Chersonese, Euboea, all the
Athenians, their commerce and their corn-trade,
possessions
of
the
were at this time in
imminent danger. War between Athens and Macedonia, if not open,
was understood: argument was out of the question.
But why should Philip address a letter of complaint to a people so
bent on hostilities? Why did the wolf complain of the lamb? An
aggressive power has never lacked a pretext for making war in either
ancient times or modern.
It was a part of Philip's system, not only
in his dealings with Athens, but with other states, to make friendly
overtures and pacific professions, when he meditated some decisive
blow.
By this means he gained credit for moderation with neutral
states, and he created a party for himself within the state which he
had designs upon. He put colourable arguments into the mouths of
his adherents, distracted the efforts of the people, and at all events
gained time for the prosecution of his schemes. It is argued with
much force and justice in the exordium of the Oration on Halonnesus,
that the tendency of such correspondence was to deter the adversaries
of Philip from expressing their opinions freely.
But for motives of this kind, Philip would hardly have adopted the
strain of remonstrance which we read in the Letter.
He could never
seriously believe that the Athenians would resign their claims on
Amphipolis, because it belonged to Macedonia in very early times, or
would give up the Persian alliance because it was a disgraceful con-
nection.
It should be observed, however, that the Athenians afforded
him a handle for using such arguments, by declaiming in the same
style themselves when it suited them
and Philip perhaps was pleased
at the idea of beating them with their own weapons.
The language of
the epistle is simple and dignified, and may be regarded as a good
specimen of a diplomatic paper. The pith lies in the last clause,
which contains a threat of war.
For these reasons it could scarcely have been worth while for the
orator to answer every particular charge contained in the Letter.
;
Nor can such omission be deemed an argument against the genuineness of the Oration. This, however, has been doubted by many critics;
and it may be allowed that a good part of the speech is not very
suitable to the occasion upon which it purports to have been spoken.
—
The
Letter of Philip
225
THE LETTER OF PHILIP
Philip to the senate and people of Athens greeting:
Whereas I have frequently sent ambassadors, that we may
abide by our oaths and agreements, and you paid them no
regard, I thought proper to write to you concerning the
matters in which
I
of
complaint,
upon
it
is
Marvel not
consider myself aggrieved.
at the length of this epistle;
for,
there being
necessary to
explain
many
myself
articles
clearly
all.
First then; after Nicias the herald
was snatched from
my
dominions, you chastised not the culprits, but imprisoned the
and my letters, of which he
you read on the hustings. 1
Secondly, when the Thasians were receiving in their port
the Byzantine galleys and all pirates that chose to enter, you
injured party for ten months;
was the
bearer,
took no notice, although the treaty expressly declares that
whoever act thus shall be enemies.
Again, about the same time Diopithes made an irruption
into
my
and
and ravaged the adjacent parts of
territory, carried off the inhabitants of Crobyle
Tiristasis
2
Thrace;
proceeding to such
for slaves,
Amphilochus
seized
lawless
who came
to
that he
about the
extremities
negotiate
prisoners, and, after putting on him the hardest durance,
took from him a ransom of nine talents. And this he did
with the approbation of the people. Howbeit, to offer
violence to a herald and ambassadors is considered impious
by
all
nations,
and
especially
by you.
Certain
it is,
when the
mentioned by Plutarch that a letter from Philip to his Queen
Olympias, which fell into the hands of the Athenians, was returned
unopened. But whether it was on this or another occasion, does not
1
It is
appear.
2
Crobyle must have been in Thrace. Tiristasis is mentioned by
Probably then it was near Cardia,
Pliny as a place in the Chersonese.
not far from the isthmus.
P
The
22.6
Orations of Demosthenes
Megarians killed Anthemocritus, 1 your people went so far
as to exclude them from the mysteries, and erect a statue
before their gates for a
monument
of the crime.
Then
is it
not shameful that you are seen committing the same offence,
for which, when you were the sufferers, you so detested the
authors ?
Further, Callias
in the
2
your general took
the towns situate
all
Pagasaean bay, towns under treaty with you and in
me; and sold all people bound for Macedonia,
adjudging them enemies; and on this account you praised
him in your decrees. So that I am puzzled to think what
alliance with
worse could happen if you were confessedly at war with me:
for when we were in open hostility, you used to send out
privateers and sell people sailing to our coast, you assisted
my enemies, infested my country.
Yet more; you have carried your animosity and violence
you have even sent ambassadors to the Persian,
a thing which is
to persuade him to make war against me
most surprising: for before he gained Egypt and Phoenicia,
you resolved, 3 in case of any aggression on his part, to invite
me as well as the other Greeks to oppose him; but now you
have such an overflow of malice against me, as to negotiate
with him for an offensive alliance. Anciently, as I am
informed, your ancestors condemned the Pisistratids for
yet you are not
bringing the Persian to invade Greece:
so far that
:
1
The Athenians, having charged the people of Megara with profaning a piece of consecrated ground, sent Anthemocritus to admonish
them to desist from the sacrilege. The Megarians put him to death,
and drew upon themselves the wrath of their powerful neighbours, who
passed the decree of excommunication here referred to. The monument which recorded their impiety was to be seen in the time of
Pausanias on the sacred road leading from Athens to Eleusis.
2
This is the same Callias, ruler of Chalcis, whom we have seen
opposing the Athenians at the time when Phocion was sent to assist
Plutarch of Eretria.
3
The time referred to is b.c 354, when there was a rumour of a
Persian invasion, and a proposal at Athens to declare war against
Artaxerxes, upon which Demosthenes made the speech de Symmoriis.
Phoenicia and Egypt were recovered some years after that. The argument of Philip is, that since the recovery of those provinces Persia was
more dangerous than
before,
and therefore
it
was more
a Greek state to be connected with that monarchy.
disgraceful for
The
ashamed
Letter of Philip
of doing the
same
thing, for
227
which you continue
to reproach the tyrants.
In addition to other matters, you write in your decrees,
to let Teres * and Cersobleptes rule in Thrace,
commanding me
because they are Athenians.
I
know nothing
of
them
as
being included in the treaty of peace with you, or as inscribed
on the
pillars, or as
being Athenians ;
Teres took arms with
me
I
know however
that
against you, and that Cersobleptes
was anxious to take the oaths separately to my ambassadors,
but was prevented by your generals pronouncing him an
enemy
of Athens.
How
can
it
be equitable or
just,
when
it
your purpose, to call him an enemy of the state, and
when you desire to calumniate me, to declare the same person
your citizen- and on the death of Sitalces, 2 to whom you
imparted the freedom of your city, to make friendship
immediately with his murderer, but on behalf of Cersobleptes
knowing too as you must, that,
to espouse a war with me?
of the persons who receive such gifts, none have the least
regard for your laws or decrees ? However to omit all else
and be concise you bestowed citizenship on Evagoras of
suits
—
—
—
—
Cyprus, 3 and Dionysius of Syracuse, 4 and their descendants.
If
you can persuade the people who expelled each
of those
1
Of Teres nothing is known but from this passage: he must have
been a prince in the interior of Thrace.
2
It is impossible that this can refer to the Sitalces, King of the
Odrysre, and ally of the Athenians, whose wars and death are related
by Tbucydides. He fell in a battle with the Triballi, and was succeeded by his nephew Seuthes. It was his son Sadocus, and not he,
that was made a citizen of Athens.
3
Evagoras, the friend of Conon, who assisted the Athenians in the
re-establishment of their independence, was made a citizen of Athens,
and statues of him and of Conon were placed side by side in the CeramiHe aimed at becoming absolute master of Cyprus, and was
cus.
engaged in a long war against the Persian king, in which he was ultimately overpowered, but, on submission to Artaxerxes, was permitted
On his death, B.C. 374, he was succeeded by his
to rule in Salamis.
son Nicocles, who was father of the Evagoras here referred to.
4
This refers to the younger Dionysius, twice expelled from Syracuse,
first by Dion, b.c. 356, afterwards by Timoleon, b.c. 343.
He was in
alliance with Sparta, and sent troops to her assistance against EpamiHis connection with Athens began after she had made
nondas.
common cause with Sparta; from that time many Athenians resorted
to his court, and (among others) Plato is said to have visited him.
The
228
Orations of Demosthenes
princes to reinstate
them
Thrace from me,
that Teres and Cersobleptes reigned over.
But
if
all
in their
against the parties,
government, then recover
who mastered Evagoras and
Dionysius, you will not utter a word of complaint, and yet
continue to annoy me,
how can
I
be wrong
in
resisting
you?
On
I
this
head
I
have many arguments yet remaining, which
purposely omit.
their auxiliary;
But as to the Cardians, I avow myself
was allied to them before the peace,
come to an arbitration, although I made
for I
and you refused to
many offers, and they not a few. Surely I should be the
basest of men, if, deserting my allies, I paid more regard to
you, who have harassed me all along, than to those who have
always been my steadfast friends.
Another thing I must not leave unnoticed.
You have
arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, that, while formerly
you did but remonstrate with me on the matters aforesaid, in
the recent case, where the Peparethians complained of harsh
treatment, you ordered your general to obtain satisfaction
from me on their account. 1 Yet I punished them less severely
than they deserved. For they in time of peace seized Halonnesus, and would restore neither the place nor the garrison,
though I sent many times about them. You objected not
to the injury which the Peparethians had done me, but only
to their punishment, well knowing that I took the island
neither from them nor from you, but from the pirate Sostratus.
If now you declare that you gave it up to Sostratus,
you acknowledge to having commissioned pirates; but if he
got possession against your will, what hardship have you
suffered by my taking it and rendering the coast safe for
navigators ? I had such regard for your state that I offered
you the island yet your orators would not let you accept it,
but counselled you to obtain restitution, in order that, if I
submitted to your command, I might confess my occupation
;
1
Peparethus is in the same
Philip's ravaging of Peparethus
Crown.
group of islands with Halonnesus.
is spoken of in the Oration for the
The
229
Letter of Philip
if I refused to abandon the place, your commonalty might suspect me. Perceiving which, I challenged
you to a reference of the question, so that, if it were decided
to be mine, the place should be given by me to you, if it were
to be unlawful,
This
I should restore it to the people.
urged; you would not listen; and the Pepare-
adjudged yours, then
T frequently
thians seized the island.
Not
What
then became
to punish the violators of their oaths?
it
me
to
do?
not to avenge
If
myself on the perpetrators of these gross outrages?
the island belonged to the Peparethians, what business had
Athenians to demand
If it
it?
was yours, why resent you
not their unlawful seizure ?
To such a degree of enmity have we advanced, that, wishing
to pass with my ships into the Hellespont, I was compelled
to escort
them along the coast through the Chersonese with
my
army, as your colonists according to the resolution of
Polycrates were making war against me, and you were sanctioning it by your decrees, and your general was inviting the
Byzantines to join him, and proclaiming everywhere that he
had your instructions to commence war on the first opporNotwithstanding these injuries, I refrained from
tunity.
attacking either your fleet or your territory, though I was
and I have
in a condition to take the greater part, if not all
persisted in offering to submit our mutual complaints to
Consider now, whether it is fairer to decide by
arbitration.
arms or by argument, to pronounce the award yourselves or
;
persuade others to do so
:
reflect also,
how unreasonable
it is
that Athens should compel Thasians and Maronites to a
judicial settlement of their claims to
determine her disputes with
when you know
that,
if
Stryme, 1 yet refuse to
me in the same manner, especially
beaten, you will lose nothing,
you will get what is in my possession.
The most unaccountable thing of all, in my opinion,
if
successful,
is
this
Maronea and Stryme were neighbouring towns, on the coast of
Thrace, north-east of the island of Thasos. Stryme was founded by
1
the Thasians,
colony.
whom
the Maronites endeavoured to deprive of their
The
230
—when
Orations of Demosthenes
sent ambassadors from the whole confederacy, 1
I
that they might be witnesses, and desired to
make
a just
arrangement with you on behalf of the Greeks, you would
not even hear what the deputies had to propose on the subject, though it was in your power, either to secure against all
danger the parties mistrustful of me, or plainly to prove
me the basest of mankind. That was the interest of the
people, but it suited not the orators.
To them as persons
acquainted with your government say peace is war, and
war is peace for they always get something from the generals,
either by supporting or calumniating them, and also, by
railing on your hustings at the most eminent citizens and
most illustrious foreigners, they acquire credit with the
—
—
:
multitude for being friends of the constitution.
Easy were it for me, at a very small expense, to silence their
and make them pronounce my panegyric. 2 But
I should be ashamed to purchase your goodwill from these
men, who besides other things have reached such a point
invectives,
—
—
Amphipolis with me, to which
I conceive I have a far juster title than the claimants.
For
if it belongs to the earliest conquerors, how can my right
be questioned, when Alexander my ancestor first occupied
the place, from which, as the first fruits of the captive Medes,
of assurance as to contest
he brought the offering of a golden statue to Delphi? Or,
should this be disputed, and the argument be that it belongs
have the best title; for
and took the place from a people who expelled
you and were planted by the Lacedaemonians. 3 But we all
to the last possessors, so likewise I
I besieged
This seems to have been the embassy that led to the second PhilipSee the argument to that Oration. By " the whole confederacy,"
he means the Amphictyonic union, and affects to treat the Athenians
as belonging to it.
2
This observation laid Philip open to a severe retort. What experience had he of the facility of bribing orators at Athens or elsewhere?
If he had none, it was a gratuitous piece of slander, and an insult to
If
the Athenians, to suppose their leading statesmen so corruptible.
he spoke from experience, he proved the justice of what Demosthenes
asserted of him, and the danger to be apprehended from his intrigues.
3
After the death of Brasidas, the Amphipolitans paid divine honours
to his memory, and treated him as their founder, destroying every
1
pic.
The
hold
cities either
conquest
first
in war.
by
Letter of Philip
231
inheritance from our ancestors, or
You
by
claim this city, not being either the
occupants or the present possessors, having abode for a
very short period in the
and
having yourselves
For I have
concerning it, and you have
district,
frequently written in letters
acknowledged the
peace whilst
I
justice of
my
after
my
given the strongest testimony in
favour.
first by making the
by concluding alliance
tenure,
held the city, and next
on the same terms. How can any property stand on a firmer
title than this, which was left to me originally by my forefathers, has again become mine in war, and thirdly has been
conceded by you, who are accustomed to claim what you have
not the least pretensions to ?
Such are the complaints which
aggressors, as
by reason
of
my
I prefer.
new encroachments, and doing me
I will in
As you
are the
forbearance you are making
all
the mischief you can,
a just cause defend myself, and, calling the gods to
witness, bring the quarrel between us to an issue.
THE ORATION IN REPLY
Athenians!
that Philip, instead of concluding peace with
us, only deferred the war, has
now become manifest
to
you
gave Halus to the Pharsalians, 1 and
settled the Phocian business, and subdued all Thrace, making
fictitious charges and inventing unjust pretexts, he has been
actually carrying on war against Athens; and now in the
letter which he has sent he avowedly declares it.
That it
all.
Ever
since he
becomes you neither to fear his power nor to withstand him
ignobly, but with men and money and ships, in short, with
vestige of Hagnon the Athenian.
a Lacedaemonian colony.
1
Parmenio was besieging Halus
Therefore they are spoken of as being
in
Thessaly during the
first
embassy
of the Athenians for peace.
Philip told the ambassadors, he desired
their meditation between the people of Halus and Pharsalus.
He afterwards took the former city, and gave it, up to the Pharsalians, who
were his devoted allies.
The
232
Orations of Demosthenes
you have unsparingly to prosecute the war,
endeavour to show.
all
In the
Athenians, you
first place,
gods are your greatest
allies
may
will
expect that the
and defenders, when
and disregarding
I
Philip,
them, has
In the second place, he has
perfidiously broken the peace.
exhausted all the tricks by which he once rose to greatness,
continually deceiving some people and promising them signal
benefits.
It is understood by the Perinthians and Byzantines
and their allies, that he wishes to deal with them in the same
violating his faith
manner that he
dealt
his oaths to
with the Olynthians formerly:
it
escapes not the Thessalians that he designs to be the master
of his allies
and not
he is suspected by the
with a garrison, for having crept
their chief:
Thebans,
for holding Nicaea
into the
Amphictyonic
l
council, for
drawing to himself the
embassies from Peloponnesus, 2 and stealing their confederacy
from them:
so that of his former friends
some are at war
with him irreconcilably, some are no longer hearty auxi-
and complaining of him. Besides
no small moment the satraps of Asia have just
in mercenary troops for the relief of Perinthus, and
now that hostility has begun between them, and the peril is
imminent if Byzantium should be reduced, not only will
they assist us with alacrity themselves, but they will urge
the Persian king to supply us with money and he possesses
greater wealth than all nations put together; he has such
influence over proceedings here, that in our former wars with
Lacedeemon, whichsoever side he joined he caused them to
vanquish their opponents, and now siding with us he will
easily beat down the power of Philip.
With these advantages, I will not deny that Philip has by
favour of the peace snatched from us many fortresses and
liaries, all
what is
thrown
are jealous
—
of
;
1
On
account of
its
neighbourhood to the pass of Thermopylae.
The Messenians and Arcadians. See the Argument to the second
Philippic.
Those people had been the allies of the Thebans since the
time of Epaminondas, but were now more inclined to Philip, as being
2
better able to protect them.
On
the Letter of Philip
harbours and other
that
if
an
alliance
like
is
conveniences for war; yet
consolidated
violence,
Philip
is),
to pieces
whereas,
if
it
I
by goodwill and
common
take part in the wars have a
firm and lasting;
233
interest, the
observe
all
who
union
is
be kept up by deceit and
with insidious and ambitious views (as this of
any slight pretence, any accidental failure, shakes
and destroys
consideration,
men
it all
in
a moment. 1
of Athens, I find,
And by much
not only that the
allies
have come to distrust and dislike him, but that
even his own subjects are not well-disposed or loyal, or what
people imagine. Generally speaking, the Macedonian power,
as an auxiliary, is important and useful, but by itself it
is feeble, and ridiculously disproportioned to these gigantic
Moreover this very man by his wars, his expedienterprises.
tions, and all the proceedings which may seem to establish
of Philip
his greatness,
has rendered
it
more precarious
for himself.
Don't suppose, men of Athens, that Philip and his subjects
Bear in mind that he desires
delight in the same things.
glory, they security; he cannot gain his object without
hazard; they want not to leave parents, wives, and children
at home, to wear themselves out and risk their lives for him
every day. 2
Hence one may judge what the feelings of the Macedonian
people towards Philip are. As to his guards and the leaders
of his mercenaries, you will find they have a reputation for
courage, yet live in greater terror than men of no repute.
For those are in danger only from the enemy; these fear
flatterers and calumniators more than battles
those together
with the whole army fight their opponents in the field;
these have their full share in the hardships of war, and it is
also their peculiar lot to dread the humours of the king.
Besides, if any common soldier does wrong, he is punished
according to his desert; but with these men, it is when they
:
1
Compare the second Olynthiac, p. 128, where this same passage
occurs with some variation.
2
Many of these observations are applicable to France, harassed and
worn out by conscriptions in the latter part of Napoleon's reign.
The
234
Orations of Demosthenes
have achieved the most signal success that they are most
vilified and abused.
No reasonabe man can
disbelieve this statement; for he is reported by those who
have lived with him to be so covetous of honour, that, wishing
all the noblest exploits to be considered his own, he is more
offended with the generals and officers who have achieved
anything praiseworthy than with those who have altogether
outrageously
miscarried.
How
then, under such circumstances, have they for a long
time faithfully adhered to him?
men
of Athens, success
Because
fortune covers the faults of men, screens
but
let
him
fail in
for the present,
throws a shade over
something, and
all this:
good
them wonderfully:
all will
be fully revealed.
When
a man is
but when he
falls ill, every sore is felt, whether he has a rupture, or a
sprain, or any member not perfectly sound.
Just so with
It
human
the same as in the
is
body.
healthy, he has no feeling of local disorders;
monarchies or other states: whilst they are successful in
war, their weaknesses are imperceptible to most men; but
when they have suffered a reverse (which Philip very likely
will,
having taken on him a burden beyond his strength)
their difficulties
Yet
become manifest
all
to the world.
any Athenian, seeing that Philip has been fortunate,
it hard and terrible to contend with him,
such person, I grant, exercises a prudent forethought. For
indeed fortune is the prime nay, the sole mover in all the
business of mankind. Nevertheless in many respects might
our good fortune be preferred to Philip's. The leadership
if
therefore thinks
—
that
we have
received from our ancestors takes
before Philip only, but (let
me
its
date, not
say roundly) before
kings that ever reigned in Macedonia.
all
the
They have paid
tribute to the Athenians, but Athens has never paid tribute
any nation. We have more title than Philip to the favour
inasmuch as we have invariably shown more
regard to religion and justice.
How comes it then that Philip has obtained more successes
to
of the gods,
—
On
the Letter of Philip
235
men of Athens (I
than you in the former war? Because,
will tell you candidly), he takes the field himself, he toils, he
faces the danger, letting slip no opportunity, omitting no
season of the year: whilst we the truth must be spoken
—
—
and voting, and asking in the
market-place if there is any news. But what greater news
could there be, than a man of Macedonia contemning Athenians, and daring to send such an epistle as you have just
heard? Again; he keeps soldiers in his pay, aye, and some
of our orators besides, who, imagining they carry his presents
home, are not ashamed to live for Philip, and perceive not
sit idling
here, delaying always
that they are selling for petty lucre
all
that belongs to their
We neither attempt to disturb any
country and themselves.
of his proceedings, not like to maintain mercenaries, nor dare
to take the field in person.
It
is
no wonder then that he has
gained advantages over us in the former war:
it is
rather
strange that we, doing nothing that becomes a people at war,
expect to vanquish one
who
pursues
all
the measures neces-
sary to conquest.
You must
reflect
on
all this,
men
of Athens, consider that
—
we have not even the power of saying we are at peace since
Philip has now declared war and commenced it in earnest
spare not any treasures, public or private march eagerly all
;
and employ better generals
than before. Let none of you suppose that by the same
proceedings which have damaged the commonwealth it can
again recover and improve. Imagine not that while you are
as remiss as you have been, others will strive zealously for
your welfare. Bear in mind how disgraceful it is that your
fathers underwent numerous hardships and fearful dangers
warring with the Lacedaemonians, whilst you will not courageously defend even the well-earned honours which they
bequeathed you and that a man springing from Macedonia
is so enamoured of danger, that, to enlarge his empire, he has
been wounded all over his body fighting with the enemy,
whilst Athenians, whose birthright it is to submit to none,
to battle, wherever occasion calls ;
;
236
The
Orations of Demosthenes
but to conquer all in war, through slackness or effeminacy
desert the conduct of their ancestors and the interests of their
country.
Not to be tedious, I say we must all prepare ourselves for
war; the Greeks we must invite, not by words but by deeds,
All speech is idle, unattended by
to espouse our alliance.
action;
that
we
and Athenian speech the more so on this account,
more dexterous in the use of it than any
are reputed
of the Greeks.
THE ORATION ON THE DUTIES OF THE STATE
ARGUMENT
object of this Oration is to show the necessity of making a
proper application of the public revenue, and compelling every citizen
With respect to the first point, the
to perform service to the state.
advice given in the first and third Olynthiacs is in substance repeated,
viz., that the Theoric distributions should be put on a different footing;
that the fund should either not be distributed at all, or that every
man should accept his share as a remuneration for service in the army
and navy, or the discharge of some other duty. This was but a circuitous way of proposing that the law of Eubulus should be repealed.
It is here further recom(See the Argument to the first Olynthiac.)
mended that the duties required by the state should be systematically
performed
with
regularity.
No specific
all
classes,
and
divided among
plan, however, is pointed out.
At what time or on what occasion this speech was delivered, we
cannot determine. It is mentioned in the exordium that an assembly
of the people was held to consider how certain public moneys should
be disposed of. But this gives us no clue to the circumstances. There
is no mention of Philip, or of any historical event in connection with
It is stated by the orator that he had discussed the same
the subject.
question before; and perhaps it may be inferred from hence that the
Again, it may be prepresent speech was later than the Olynthiacs.
sumed to have been earlier than the fourth Philippic, in which Demosthenes appears to have changed or modified his views on the subject
of the theoric fund.
In consequence of this uncertainty, commentators are not agreed as
Pabst and some others think it
to the date of the Oration before us.
was spoken soon after the Olynthiacs. Mitford, following Ulpian,
Philippics.
Leland
and Francis place it after
places it before all the
the Philippics; but there is very little ground for their opinion.
Dionysius makes no mention of this speech in his letter to Ammaeus;
and some critics have thought it spurious.
The
With
respect to the present money and the purpose for
which you hold the assembly, men of Athens, it appears to
me that two courses are equally easy; either to condemn
those who distribute and give away the public funds, to gain
their esteem who think the commonwealth is injured by such
means or to advocate and recommend the system of allowances, to gratify those who are pressingly in need of them.
Both parties praise or blame the practice, not out of regard
237
238
The
Orations of Demosthenes
to the public interest, but according to their several conditions of indigence or affluence.
For
my
part, I
would neither
propose that the allowances be discontinued, nor speak
against them; yet
I advise you to consider and reflect in your
minds that this money about which you are deliberating is
a trifle, but the usage that grows up with it is important. If
you will ordain it so, that your allowances be associated
with the performance of duty, so far from injuring you will
signally benefit the commonwealth and yourselves.
But if
for your allowances a festival or any excuse be sufficient,
while about your further obligations you will not even hear
a word, beware lest, what you now consider a right practice,
you may hereafter deem a grievous error.
My opinion is don't clamour at what I am going to say,
but hear and judge that, as we appointed an assembly for
the receiving of money, so should we appoint an assembly
for the regulation of duties and the making provision for war;
and every man should exhibit not only a willingness to hear
the discussion, but a readiness to act, that you may derive
your hopes of advantage from yourselves, Athenians, and not
—
—
be inquiring what this or that person is about. All the
revenue of the state, what you now expend out of your
private fortunes to no purpose, and what is obtained from
your
allies, I
say you ought to receive, every
man
his share^
those of the military age as pay, those exempt from the
as inspection-money, 2 or
must take the
what you
please to call
field yourselves, yield
it;
roll
1
but you
that privilege to none;
the force of the state must be native, and provided from these
may want for nothing while you perform
And the general should command that
Athenians, may experience not the same
resources ; that you
your obligations.
force so that you,
The roll in which were inscribed the names of all citizens qualified
heavy-armed infantry. Men past the military
age were exempt.
2
It would be the duty of these persons who received such fees to
inspect the militia roll, see that it was complete, that all the qualified
citizens took their turns of service, were properly armed and equipped,
1
to serve in the cavalry or
etc.
On
the Duties of the State
239
—
you try the generals, and the issue of
results as at present
your affairs is, " Such a one, the son of such a one, impeached
such a one; " nothing else but what results ?— first, that
—
your
allies
may
be attached to you not by garrisons, but by
of interest; secondly, that your generals may not
have mercenaries to plunder the allies, without even seeing
the enemy (a course from which the emoluments are theirs
in private, while the odium and reproach fall upon the whole
country), but have citizens to follow them, and do unto the
enemy what they now do unto your friends. Besides, many
operations require your presence, and (not to mention the
advantage of employing our own army for our own wars) it
If indeed you were
is necessary also for other purposes.
content to be quiet, and not to meddle with the politics of
Greece, it would be a different matter: but you assume to
take the lead and determine the rights of others, and yet
have not provided, nor endeavour to provide for yourselves,
a force to guard and maintain that superiority. Whilst you
never stirred, whilst you kept entirely aloof, the people of
Mitylene have lost their constitution; whilst you never
stirred, the Rhodians have lost theirs
our enemies, it may
be said true, men of Athens; but a strife with oligarchies
for the principle of government should be considered more
deadly than a strife with popular states on any account
community
—
—
whatsoever.
—
But let me return to the point I say, your duties must
be marshalled; there must be the same rule for receiving
money and performing what service is required. I have discussed this question with you before, and shown the method
you all, you of the heavy-armed, you of the
and you that are neither, and how to make a common
provision for all. But what has caused me the greatest
despondency, I will tell you without reserve. Amid such a
number of important and noble objects, no man remembers
any of the rest, but all remember the two obols. 1 Yet two
of arranging
cavalry,
1
The sum
distributed as the price of admittance to the the theatres.
The
240
Orations of Demosthenes
obols can never be worth more than two obols ; whilst, what
I
proposed in connection therewith,
the Persian king
is worth the treasures of
a state possessing such a force of
—that
infantry, such a navy, cavalry,
and revenue, should be put
in
order and preparation.
Why,
For
this
it
may
reason.
be asked, do
There are
enlisting all the citizens
order and preparation
is
on
I
mention these things now?
men shocked
at the idea of
hire, whilst the
advantage of
Here
universally acknowledged.
then, I say, you should begin, and permit
pleases to deliver his opinion
upon the
any person that
For thus it
subject.
If you can be persuaded to believe that now is the time
making arrangements, when you come to want them
they will be ready: but if you neglect the present time as
unseasonable, you will be compelled to make preparations
when you have occasion for their use.
It has been said before now, I believe, Athenians, not by
you the multitude, but by persons who would burst if these
is.
for
measures were carried into
effect
—
"
What
benefit
have we
got from the harangues of Demosthenes? He comes forward
when he likes, he stuffs our ears with declamation, he abuses
the present state of things, he praises our forefathers, he
up our imaginations, and then sits down."
I persuade you to follow some of my
counsels, I should confer upon the state such important
benefits, as, if I now attempted to describe them, would
appear incredible to many, as exceeding possibility. Yet
excites
I
and
puffs
can only say, could
even this I conceive to be no small advantage, if I accustom
you to hear the best advice. For it is necessary, O men of
Athens, that whosoever desires to render your commonwealth a service, should begin by curing your ears. They
are corrupted: so many falsehoods have you been accustomed to hear, anything indeed rather than what is salutary.
For instance let me not be interrupted by clamour, before
certain persons lately, you know, broke
I have finished
open the treasury: and all the orators cried out that the
—
—
!
On
the Duties of the State
241
democracy was overthrown, the laws were annihilated; or
Now, ye men of Athens only see whether
to that effect.
the guilty parties committed a crime worthy
I speak truly
of death; but the democracy is not overthrown by such
means. Again, some oars were stolen and people clamoured
for stripes and torture, saying the democracy was in danger.
But what do I say ? I agree with them, that the thief merits
death; but I deny that the constitution is by such means
overturned. How indeed it is in danger of subversion, no
man is bold enough to tell you; but I will declare. It is
when you, men of Athens, are under bad leading, a helpless
multitude, without arms, without order, without unanimity
when neither general nor any other person pays regard to your
resolutions, no one will inform you of your errors, or correct
them, or endeavour to effect a change. This it is that happens
now.
And by Jupiter,
Athenians, another sort of language is
current among you, false and most injurious to the constitution; such as this, that your safety lies in the courts of
justice, and you must guard the constitution by your votes.
—
—
:
It
is
true, these courts are public tribunals for the decision of
your mutual rights but by arms must your enemies be vanquished, by arms the safety of the constitution must be maintained.
Voting will not make your soldiers victorious, but
they who by soldiership have overcome the enemy provide
you with liberty and security for voting and doing what
you please. In arms you should be terrible, in courts of
justice humane.
If any one thinks I talk a language above my position, this
very quality of the speech is laudable. An oration to be
spoken for a state so illustrious, and on affairs so important,
;
should transcend the character of the speaker, whoever he
it should approximate to your dignity rather than his.
be;
Why
none of your favourites speak
explain to you.
The candidates
go about and cringe to the voting
in such
a style
I will
for office
and employment
interest,
each ambitious to
Q
The
242
Orations of Demosthenes
be created general, not to perform any manlike deed. Or if
there be a man capable of noble enterprise, he thinks now
that starting with the name and reputation of the state, profiting by the absence of opponents, holding out hopes to you,
and nothing else, he shall himself inherit your advantages
which really happens whereas, if you did everything by
yourselves, you would share with the rest, not in the actions
only, but also in their results.
Your politicians and that
class of men, neglecting to give you honest advice, ally themselves to the former class: and as you once had boards for
taxes, so now you have boards for politics an orator presiding, a general under him, and three hundred men to shout
on either side; while the rest of you are attached some to
one party, some to the other. Accordingly this is what
you get by the system such and such a person has a brazen
statue; here and there is an individual more thriving than
—
;
—
—
commonwealth
the
:
you, the people,
sit
as witnesses of their
good fortune, abandoning to them for an ephemeral indolence
your great and glorious heritage of prosperity.
But see how it was in the time of your ancestors; for by
domestic (not foreign) examples you may learn your lesson of
duty.
Themistocles
who commanded in the sea-fight at
who led at Marathon, and many
Salamis, and Miltiades
others,
who performed
—assuredly
present day
services unlike the generals of the
they were not set up in brass nor
who honoured them, but
overvalued by )'Our forefathers,
only as persons on a level with themselves. Your forefathers,
O my countrymen, surrendered not their part in any of those
There
glories.
is
no
man who
will attribute
the victory of
Salamis to Themistocles, but to the Athenians;
battle of
Marathon
nor the
to Miltiades, but to the republic.
But
now
people say that Timotheus took Corcyra,1 and Iphicrates
cut
off
the Spartan division, 2 and Chabrias
won
the naval
Timotheus brought back Corcyra to the Athenian alliance, b.c. 376.
The Lacedasmonians attempted to recover it three years after, but were
1
defeated.
s
At Lechasum near Corinth.
See the
first
Philippic, p. 148, note
1.
:
On
the Duties of the State
243
Naxos 1 for you seem to resign the merit of these
actions, by the extravagance of the honours which you have
bestowed on their account upon each of the commanders.
So wisely did the Athenians of that day confer political
rewards; so improperly do you. But how the rewards of
victory at
To Menon the Pharsalian, who gave twelve
money for the war at Eion 2 by Amphipolis, and
them with two hundred horsemen of his own
foreigners?
talents in
assisted
Athenians then voted not the freedom of their
but only granted immunity from imposts. And in
3
earlier times to Perdiccas, who reigned in Macedonia during
the invasion of the Barbarian when he had destroyed the
retainers, the
city,
—
Persians
who
retreated from Platrea after their defeat, and
—
completed the disaster of the king they voted not the
freedom of their city, but only granted immunity from
imposts; doubtless esteeming their country to be of high
and dignity, surpassing all possible obligation.
But now, ye men of Athens, ye adopt the vilest of mankind,
menials and the sons of menials, to be your citizens, receiving
a price as for any other saleable commodity. And you have
value, honour,
such a practice, not because your natures are
your ancestors, but because they were in a condition to think highly of themselves, while from you, men of
Athens, this power is taken away. It can never be, methinks,
fallen into
inferior to
that your spirit
is
generous and noble while you are engaged
division of the Lacedaemonian army which Iphicrates defeated,
The fame of the exploit, so
little more than four hundred men.
disproportioned to the numbers engaged, was owing partly to the
great renown of the Spartan infantry, which had not been defeated in a
pitched battle for a long period before, and partly to the new kind of
troops employed by the Athenian general.
Which annihilated the Spartan navy, B.C. 376. In this battle
Phocion first distinguished himself.
- Eion is a city on the Strymon below Amphipolis.
In the eighth
The
was
1
year of the Peloponnesian war, when Brasidas had taken Amphipolis,
he sailed down the Strymon to attack Eion, but the town had been put
in a posture of defence by Thucydides the historian, who came to its
relief with some ships from Thasos.
There is no mention in Thucydides
of
Menon the Pharsalian.
It was Alexander who reigned
3
This
in Macedonia at this time.
is either a mistake of the orator, or we may suppose with Lucchethat Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was governor of a principality, and therefore dignified with the kingly title.
then
sini,
The
244
in petty
Orations of Demosthenes
and mean employments; no more than you can be
abject and mean-spirited while your actions are honourable
and
glorious.
Whatever be the pursuits
of
men,
their
sentiments must necessarily be similar.
Mark what a summary view may be taken of the deeds
performed by your ancestors and by you. Possibly from
such comparison you may rise superior to yourselves. They
for a period of five-and-forty years took the lead of the Greeks
up more than ten thousand
and many glorious trophies they
erected for victories by land and sea, wherein even yet we
take a pride. And remember, they erected these not merely
that we may survey them with admiration, but also that we
may emulate the virtues of the dedicators. 1 Such was their
conduct:
but for ours fallen as we have on a solitude
manifest to you all look if it bears any resemblance. Have
not more than fifteen hundred talents been lavished ineffecHave not all
tually on the distressed people of Greece?
by general consent, and
carried
talents into the citadel;
—
—
private fortunes, the revenues of the state, the contributions
from our
allies,
we gained
been squandered ?
in the
war been
Have not
allies
whom
peace ?
But,
the
lost recently in the
was it better anciently than
now, in other respects worse. Very far from that! Let us
examine what instances you please. The edifices which they
left, the ornaments of the city in temples, harbours, and the
like, were so magnificent and beautiful, that room is not left
yonder gatefor any succeeding generation to surpass them
way, 2 the Parthenon, docks, porticoes, and other structures,
forsooth, in these respects only
:
1
The trophy, which consisted of armour and spoils taken from the
enemy, was hung up, usually on a tree, near the field of battle, and
consecrated to some god, with an inscription showing the names of the
conquerors and the conquered. But sometimes pillars of brass and
stone were erected as lasting memorials of important victories.
2
The Propylaea, which could be seen from the Pnyx, where the
people assembled, and were pointed to by the orator. This was an
ornamental fortification in front of the Acropolis, considered the most
beautiful structure in Athens.
It was constructed of white marble, at
an immense expense, in the time of Pericles, and took five years in
Particular descriptions of it may be found in ThirlwalPs and
building.
Grote's Histories of Greece.
On
the Duties of the State
245
which they adorned the city withal and bequeathed to us.
private houses of the men in power were so modest and
in accordance with the name of the constitution, that if any
one knows the style of house which Themistocles occupied,
or Cimon, or Aristides, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of
that day, he perceives it to be no grander than that of the
neighbours. But now, ye men of Athens as regards public
measures our government is content to furnish roads,
fountains, white-washing, and trumpery; not that I blame
the authors of these works; far otherwise; I blame you, if
you suppose that such measures are all you have to execute.
As regards individual conduct your men in office have (some
of them) made their private houses, not only more ostentatious than the multitude, but more splendid than the public
buildings others are farming land which they have purchased
of such an extent, as once they never hoped for in a dream.
The
—
—
—
;
The cause
of this difference
is,
that formerly the people
were lords and masters of all; any individual citizen was glad
to receive from them his share of honour, office, or profit.
Now, on the
contrary, these persons are the disposers of
is done by their agency; the people
and dependents, and you are happy
take what these men allow you for your portion.
emoluments; everything
are treated as underlings
to
Accordingly the
affairs of
the republic are in such a state,
any one read your decrees and recounted your actions
directly afterwards, no man would believe that both came
from the same persons. Take for example the decrees that
you passed against the accursed Megarians, when they were
cultivating the sacred ground; that you would sally forth
and prevent and not allow it: your decrees in regard to the
that,
if
Phliasians, 1
you would
when they were driven
assist,
lately into exile;
and not abandon them
that
to the murderers,
1
The Phliasians had for some time been at enmity with their neighbours the Argives, partly in consequence of their attachment to Sparta.
When the Thebans invaded Peloponnesus, b.c. 366, Chares was sent
from Athens to assist the Phliasians, whose city was threatened by
the confederates. The events referred to must have been of a much
later date, though we cannot exactly determine it.
We learn from
246
and
The
Orations of Demosthenes
who were inclined to
men of Athens, and
invite the Peloponnesians
All these were honourable,
worthy
join you.
just
and
but the deeds that followed them,
utterly worthless.
Thus by decrees you manifest your
hostility, yet cannot execute a single undertaking: for your
of the country:
decrees are proportioned to the dignity of the state, while
your power corresponds not with them. I would advise
you and let no man be angry with me to lower your pride
and be content with minding your own business, or to provide yourselves with a greater force. If I knew you to be
Siphnians or Cythnians 1 or any other people of that sort,
I would have advised you to lower your pride; but, as you
are Athenians, I recommend the providing a force. It were
—
disgraceful,
—
men
of Athens, disgraceful, to desert that post of
magnanimity, which your ancestors bequeathed to you.
Besides, even should you desire to withdraw from Grecian
For many feats have been
affairs, it is not in your power.
performed by you from the earliest time; and your established friends it were disgraceful to abandon, your enemies
you cannot trust and suffer to become great. In short, the
they
position which your statesmen hold relative to you
cannot retire when they choose is precisely that which you
have arrived at: for you have interfered in the politics of
—
—
Greece.
I can sum up all that has been spoken, men of Athens.
Your orators never make you either vicious or good, but you
make them whichever you please for you aim not at what
they desire, but they at what they suppose to be your objects.
You therefore must begin by having noble purposes, and all
will be well.
Either men will abstain from unworthy counsels,
or gain nothing by them, having none to follow their advice.
:
Diodorus, that as early as b.c. 374 some Phliasian exiles made an
It seems this
ineffectual attempt to betray their city to the Argives.
attempt was afterwards repeated with more success. Whether Philip
had anything to do with it, or whether the Argives alone, or in conjunction with their Peloponnesian allies, effected the reduction of
Phlius, we cannot ascertain.
The exiled party implored the assistance
of Athens, and obtained the promises which the orator refers to.
1
Siphnos and Cythnos are small islands in the iEgean sea.
;
THE ORATION ON THE NAVY BOARDS
ARGUMENT
This was (according to Dionysius) the
Demosthenes before the popular assembly.
first
speech delivered by
of it was B.C. 354
The date
the occasion as follows
In the second year of the Social war Chares,
:
who commanded
the
Athenian fleet, either from inability to maintain his troops, or from
motives of selfish avarice, or both causes combined, went into the
service of Artabazus, the Ionian satrap, then in revolt against ArtaxTo him Chares rendered important assistance, and received
erxes.
At first this measure was approved of
a rich recompense in money.
at Athens; but in the beginning of the next year an embassy was sent
by Artaxerxes, to prefer a formal complaint against Chares for his
Chares was imviolation of the peace between Athens and Persia.
mediately ordered to quit the service of Artabazus; but the Athenians
soon received intelligence that the Persian king was making vast
naval preparations, and they conjectured, not without reason, that
Accordingly
these were intended to support their revolted allies.
they hastened to put an end to the Social war, in which they had met
with nothing but disasters, and the same year a negotiation was opened
with the allies, and a peace concluded, by which their independence
was acknowledged.
Meanwhile the Persian armament was still talked of at Athens, and
there were rumours of a threatened invasion, which excited alarm in
some, and stirred up the patriotism of others. Statesmen of the old
school recalled to mind the glorious days of their ancestors, and
imagined the time was come for taking vengeance on the common
enemy
of Greece.
Isocrates
was
a patriot of that class, as
we
learn
Others less honest than Isocrates took
from his extant orations.
advantage of the general agitation, and would, for selfish purposes,
have precipitated their country into a useless and unseasonable war.
An assembly was held to consider what measures should be adopted.
A proposal was actually made to declare war against Persia, and
invite the other states of Greece to join in the
who supported
common cause.
Orators
motion declaimed about the older times, boasted
of Marathon and Salamis, flattered the vanity of their countrymen,
and appealed to the national prejudices. What the temper of the
assembly was, may partly be gathered from the following Oration.
Demosthenes rose (then in his thirty-first year of age, according to
others, in his twenty-eighth), and in a calm and temperate speech
dissuaded the Athenians from adopting any such absurd resolution.
He pointed out the folly of commencing hostilities, which they had not
sufficient means to carry on: that the project of uniting the Greeks
for such a purpose was chimerical; they were too jealous of one another
and especially of Athens to join in any aggressive war, though they
might possibly combine to resist a Persian invasion if it were really
attempted. At present there was no cause for alarm: if Athens would
keep quiet the Persian king would leave her alone but if she attacked
him without provocation, he would in all probability get some of the
this
;
247
248
The
Orations of Demosthenes
Greek people on his own side. The true way of averting the supposed
danger was, not to begin the attack but to put the country in a posture
of defence, so that, whether menaced with war from Persia or from any
How to make
other quarter, they might not be taken unprepared.
their defensive preparations was the chief thing to be considered;
and to this question Demosthenes addressed himself in so masterly
and practical a style that in the youthful orator might already be
discerned the future statesman.
In this speech there is no effort to make a display of eloquence: it is
A definite plan
confined to the giving of useful and simple advice.
is proposed for the regulation of the Athenian navy, by which the
number of ships might be increased to three hundred, and a provision
made for their speedy and punctual equipment. To effect this object,
Demosthenes proposes a reform, from which the Oration takes its title,
in the system of Symmoria, or Boards for the Management of the Trierarchy.
The details of the proposed scheme are plainly set forth in the
Oration itself, and will easily be understood by the reader.
It is pleasing to see Demosthenes, at the outset of his political career,
coming forward to moderate the intemperate zeal of the people, to
allay the ferment excited by factious demagogues and foolish dreamers
showing himself at the same time attached to the government of
his country, and even to the form of her institutions, while he is desirous of adapting them to circumstances, and correcting the abuses by
which their proper working was impeded. Here indeed is struck the
key-note of that which for many years continued to be the policy of
this great man: viz., to uphold the dignity of Athens on the basis of
wise laws, to maintain her independence by the spirit and exertions of
her own people, to rally round her, for empire and for safety, a host
of willing confederates, united by the bonds of common interest, mutual
confidence and esteem.
—
Athenians, that the men who praise
It appears to me,
your ancestors adopt a flattering language, not a course
For attempting
beneficial to the people whom they eulogise.
to speak on subjects, which no man can fully reach by words,
they carry away the reputation of clever speakers themselves,
but cause the glory of those ancients to fall below its estimation in the minds of the hearers. For my part, I consider
the highest praise of our ancestors to be the length of time
which has elapsed, during which no other men have been able
I will myself endeavour
to excel the pattern of their deeds.
to show, in what way, according to my judgment, your
preparations may most conveniently be made. For thus it is.
Though all of us who intend to speak should prove ourselves
capital orators, your affairs, I am certain, would prosper
none the more but if any person whomsoever 1 came forward,
:
1
This
is
a modest allusion to himself.
—
;
On
the
Navy Boards
249
and could show and convince you what kind and what
amount of force will be serviceable to the state, and from
what resources it should be provided, all our present apprehensions would be removed. This will I endeavour to do, as
far as I am able, first briefly informing you what my opinion
is
concerning our relations with the king.
I
hold the king to be the
common enemy
yet not on this account would
to undertake a
I
war against him.
the Greeks themselves are
of all the Greeks
advise you, without the rest,
For
common
I
do not observe that
friends to one another;
on the contrary, some have more confidence in him than in
certain of their own people.
Such being the case, I deem it
expedient for you to look that the cause of war be equitable
and just, that all necessary preparations should be made, and
that this should be the groundwork of your resolution. For
I think, men of Athens, if there were any clear and manifest
proof that the Persian king was about to attack the Greeks,
they would join alliance and be exceedingly grateful to those
who sided with and defended them against him but if we rush
:
into a quarrel before his intentions are declared, I fear,
men
of
Athens, we shall be driven to a war with both the king and
the people whom we are anxious to protect. He will suspend
his designs
will give
—
if
he really has resolved to attack the Greeks
to some of them and promise friendship:
money
they, desiring to carry on their private wars with better
success,
and intent on projects
common
I
safety of
of that kind, will disregard the
all.
beseech you not to betray our country into such embar-
rassment and
folly.
For you,
I see,
cannot adopt the same
principles of action in reference to the king as the other
Greeks can.
It
is
open, I conceive, to
many
of
them, to
prosecute their selfish interests and neglect the body of the
nation:
it
would be dishonourable
in you,
though you had
suffered wrong, to punish the offenders in such a
way
as to
any of them fall under the power of the barbarian.
Under these circumstances, we must take care that we
let
The
250
Orations of Demosthenes
ourselves engage not in the war
upon unequal terms, and that
whom we suppose to entertain designs upon the Greeks, do
not gain the credit of appearing their friend. How can it be
managed? By giving proof to the world that the forces of
he,
our state are mustered and prepared, and that possessing such
forces we espouse sentiments of justice.
To the over-daring,
who
are
vehement
It
not
difficult in
is
in urging
repute of courage, or,
eloquent:
it is,
you to war,
when danger
however, both
It
is
of the
my
is
difficult
hour of danger to exhibit courage,
advice than other men.
would
I
and becoming
in the
in counsel to find better
men of Athens, that a war with the king
our republic, though any action in the course
opinion,
distress
war would be an easy
posts;
this to say:
nigh, to be exceeding
affair.
Why
methinks, every war necessarily requires a
and
have
the season for deliberation to earn the
and
Because,
so?
fleet
and money
of all these things I perceive that
greater abundance than ourselves
:
but for action,
he has a
I observe,
so much needed as brave soldiers, and of these,
we and our confederates have the greater number.
My advice therefore is, that we should by no means begin the
war, though for action we ought to be fully prepared. If
nothing
I
is
imagine,
indeed there were one description of force wherewith barbarians could be resisted, and another wherewith Greeks,
we might reasonably perhaps be regarded
selves against Persia:
but since
character; and your force
all
as arraying our-
arming
must amount
is
to the
of the
same
same
thing,
namely, the means of resisting your enemies, of succouring
your allies, of preserving your valuable possessions; why,
when we have professed enemies, 1 do we look out for others ?
1
This refers principally to the Thebans, between whom and the
Athenians an enmity had subsisted ever since the severance of their
alliance, when the Athenians, jealous of the growing power of Thebes
under Epaminondas, went over to the side of Sparta. This enmity
was increased by the events of the Sacred war, which had now been
raging for two years, and in which the Thebans were engaged as principals on one side, while the Phocians received assistance from Athens
and Lacedaemon. The Locrians and most of the tribes of Thessaly,
then in alliance with Thebes, are to be reckoned among the enemies
On
why do we
the
Navy Boards
251
not rather prepare ourselves against the former,
and be ready to resist the king also, if he attempt to injure us?
And now you invite the Greeks to join you. But if you
will not act as they desire, some of them having no goodwill
towards you, how can you expect they will obey your call?
Because, forsooth, they will hear from you that the Persian
has designs against them. And pray, do you imagine they
don't foresee it themselves ? I believe they do but at present
this fear outweighs not the enmity which some of them bear
towards you and towards each other. Your ambassadors
But when the
then will only travel round and rhapsodise.
time comes, if what we now expect be really brought to pass,
I fancy none of the Greek community rate themselves so high
that, when they see you possessed of a thousand horse, as
many infantry soldiers as one could desire, and three hundred
ships, they would not come with entreaties, and regard such
aid as their surest means of deliverance. The consequences
then are by inviting them now, you are suppliants, and,
whereas, by waiting
if your petition be not granted, you fail
your time and completing your preparations, you save men
at their own request, and are sure they will all come over
:
—
:
to you.
Swayed by
these
and the
like considerations,
men of Athens,
sought not to compose a bold harangue of tedious length:
but have taken exceeding pains in devising a plan, the best
I
and the speediest, for getting your forces ready.
be for you to hear it, and, if it meet your approval,
It will
to vote
for its adoption.
The
first
and most
essential part of preparation,
men
of
minds that every citizen
For you see,
is willing and earnest to perform his duty.
Athenians, whenever you have had a common wish, and
every man has thought afterwards that the accomplishment
belonged to himself, nothing has ever escaped you but when
Athens,
is
to be so disposed in your
;
whom Demosthenes
refers to:
revolted subjects of Athens.
perhaps also the Olynthians and the
252
The
Orations of Demosthenes
you have wished only, and then looked
to one another, each
expecting to be idle while his neighbour did the work, none
your designs have been executed.
being so animated and determined,
of
You
I advise that
we
up the twelve hundred and make two thousand, adding
for if you appoint that number,
eight hundred to them:
I reckon that, after deducting the heiresses and wards, and
holders of allotments and partnership property, 1 and persons
in reduced circumstances, you will still have your twelve
hundred members. Of them I think you should make
twenty boards, as at present, each having sixty members.
Each of these boards I would have you divide into five
sections of twelve men, putting always with the wealthiest
person some of the least wealth, to preserve equality. And
thus I say the members ought to be arranged: the reason
you will understand when you have heard the whole scheme
But how about the ships? I recommend
of arrangement.
you to fix the whole number at three hundred, and form
fill
twenty divisions of fifteen vessels each, giving five of the first
hundred and five of the second hundred and five of the third
hundred to each division; then allot one division of fifteen
ships to every board of men, and let the board assign three
ships to each of their
own
sections.
When these regulations have
order that your supplies
1
may
—
been made, I propose as the
is six thousand talents
in
rateable capital of the country
—
be apportioned, you should
The persons here enumerated were exempt from service of the
Heiresses and wards were exempt, because, although
Trierarchia.
they might have property enough to defray the contingent expense,
yet the service was connected with a personal trust, which by reason
The colonial
of sex and age they were incapable of performing.
The operation of
allottees were exempt, by reason of their absence.
state
in
the
instance
looks to
follows.
The
first
would
as
be
the law
the visible property of the citizens, such as land, houses, stock in trade,
A register is formed of the twelve hundred owners of
or agriculture.
property most competent to serve the office of trierarch. This register
until circumstances have happened which call for
the
same,
continues
an alteration; and, practically speaking, the same families continue
But (says Demosthenes) the thing
for a long period in the register.
worked so, that at any given time, when there was a call for service,
the register could not be depended on for the whole number.
On
divide this capital
Navy Boards
253
and make a hundred parts
of sixty talents
the
then allot five of these hundredth parts to each of the
twenty larger boards, and let the board assign one hundredth
each
;
own sections so that, if you have need
hundred ships, sixty talents may be applied to the
expense, and there may be twelve to serve as commanders x
if of two hundred, there may be thirty talents applied to the
expense, and six persons to serve if of three hundred, there
may be twenty talents defraying the expense, and four
part to each of their
;
of a
;
;
persons to serve.
In the same manner,
Athenians,
furniture of the ships which
is
I
advise that
out on loan
2
all
the
should be valued
according to the register, and divided into twenty parts;
that you then allot one good portion to every large board;
that every board distribute equal shares
among
their
own
that the twelve in each section call their imple-
sections;
and get the ships which are severally allotted to
Thus do I think the supplies, the vessels,
the commanders, and the collection of implements, may be
most eff ecu tally provided and arranged. How the manning
may be made sure and easy, I proceed to explain.
ments
them
in,
in readiness.
I say the generals should divide the dockyards into ten
departments, taking care that there be thirty docks in each
as near as possible to one another and when they have done
;
this, let
them attach two boards and
thirty ships to each
and the several
may be two
boards, thirty ships, one tribe. And whichever department
be allotted to a tribe, let them divide in it three and the
ships likewise, and then allot the third of a tribe to each, so
of these departments, then allot the tribes
commanders
to each dockyard, so that there
that of the whole dockyards there
may be one division belong-
The name was kept
up, when it had become a matter
and civil trust, rather than of naval service. So, the
Lord High Admiral of our own government might never have seen
1
TrierarcJis.
of contribution
the sea.
2
and
It
was customary
stores
them.
for individuals to borrow the naval implements
from the public arsenal, when the state had no occasion for
The
254
Orations of Demosthenes
may have
may know, in case
ing to every tribe, and the third of a tribe
the third
part of every division, and you
of neces-
sity, first,
where the
tribe
is
stationed, next, where the third
who are the commanders and how many
and the tribe may have thirty ships, and
every third of a tribe have ten. Let the system be only put
in train, and though we should forget something now
for it
of the tribe, next,
ships there are;
make
—
—
be ascertained in the working; and there will be one arrangement
is
difficult to
for all the ships
all
the details perfect
and every
it
will
division.
In regard to money and real supplies, I know that I am
about to make an extraordinary statement, yet still it shall
be
made
shall
;
for I
am
persuaded that, on a correct view, I alone
be found to have declared and predicted the truth.
we ought not
I
money: a supply
there is, if occasion require it, ample, honourable, and just:
if we look for it immediately, we shall not think we have it
even in reserve; so far shall we be from providing it now;
say,
but
if
we
leave
at present to speak of
alone,
it
we
shall
have
it.
What
then
is
this
supply, which hath no being now, but will exist hereafter?
for certainly it
You
is
like
a riddle.
I will explain.
see the extent of this city,
men of Athens.
It contains
may
almost say, to the rest of the states
put together. But the owners are so minded, that if all
your orators alarmed them with intelligence that the king
treasures equal, I
—
was coming, that he was at hand, that the danger was inevitable if, besides the orators, an equal number of persons
gave oracular warning so far from contributing, they would
—
—
not even discover their wealth or acknowledge the possession.
if they knew that these proceedings, so terrible in report,
were actually begun, there is not a man so foolish who would
not be ready to give and foremost to contribute. For who
would rather perish with all his possessions than contribute
a part of his possessions to preserve himself and the
remainder? Thus, I say, we have money against the time
And therefore I advise you
of actual need, but not before.
Yet
On
the
Navy Boards
255
Indeed what you would raise, if
would be more ridiculous than
Let a tax be proposed of one
nothing at all. For example
Let twice as much,
per cent.
there are sixty talents.
namely two per cent., be proposed there are a hundred and
twenty. But what is this to the twelve hundred camels,
which, these men say, carry the king's gold? Let me suppose, however, that we contributed the twelfth of our
property, five hundred talents. This you would not submit
to; but if you did pay it, the sum would be insufficient for
the war. Your proper course then is to complete your other
preparations; let the owners retain their money for the
present (it cannot be in better keeping for the state), and
should the occasion ever arrive, then take it from them in
not to search for
you determined
it
now.
to raise
it,
:
—
—
—
voluntary contributions.
my
countrymen, are practicable measures, these
fit to be reported as your
proceedings to the king; and by them no little terror would
be excited in him.
He knows right well that by three
hundred galleys, whereof we furnished a hundred, his
ancestors lost a thousand ships; and he will hear that we
ourselves have now equipped three hundred; so that, were
he ever so mad, he could hardly deem it a light matter to
provoke the hostility of our republic. Should he, however,
entertain an overweening confidence in his wealth, even this
he will find to be a weaker support than yours. He is coming,
they say, with gold. But if he give it away, he will lack
supplies: for even wells and fountains are apt to fail if you
draw from them constantly and by wholesale. He will hear
that the valuation of our land is a capital of six thousand
talents.
That we shall defend it against invaders from that
quarter his ancestors who were at Marathon would know
These,
are honourable and advantageous,
best:
and
never
fail us.
Nor
is
certainly, as long as
there, as
some persons
it
we
are victorious,
money can
appears to me, any ground for what
fear, that,
having money, he
will collect
a large
256
The
Orations of Demosthenes
body of mercenaries. I do indeed believe, that against
Egypt 1 and Orontes, 2 and any other barbarians, many of the
Greeks would be willing to serve in his pay, not that he may
subdue any of those adversaries, but in order to obtain
supplies for themselves to relieve their several necessities.
I do not believe that any Grecian
would march. For whither could he betake himself afterwards? Go to Phrygia and be a slave? Remember, a war
with the barbarian can be for no other stake than for country
and life and customs and freedom and everything of the kind.
Who then is so wretched that he would sacrifice himself,
Against Greece, however,
—
parents, sepulchres, fatherland, for the sake of a paltry
pittance?
the king's
I believe,
interest
no man.
But
further
—
it is
not even
that mercenaries should conquer the
For they that conquer us must have been his
and he desires, not to subdue us and then
be dependent on others, but to rule, if possible, over all; if
Greeks.
masters already:
that be not possible, at least over his present subjects.
—
Should any one think the Thebans will be on his side
it is difficult to speak to you about that people:
you
hate them so, you will not like to hear even the truth or any-
know
thing favourable of them
—however men who are considering
important questions must not omit any useful argument on
any pretext. My opinion then is, the Thebans, so far from
being likely to join him in any attack upon Greece, would
give a large
sum
of
money,
if
they had
it,
for the
of repairing their former offences against her. 3
1
Egypt had been
in a state of revolt
opportunity
But supposing
from Persia ever since the
reign of Darius Nothus.
Orontes was satrap of Mysia in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon.
He joined the great conspiracy of the satraps and the king of Egypt in
the year b.c. 362.
He was chosen to command their forces, and entrusted with a large fund which had been collected to carry on the war.
He was induced, however, to change sides; and the trust which had
been reposed in him enabled him to betray his party to the king most
effectually.
Other rebels followed his example; and this confederacy
which at one time had threatened the very existence of the Persian
2
monarchy, was suddenly dissolved. What became of Orontes afterwards is unknown.
3
The Thebans had always been reproached for siding with Xerxes
against the Greeks.
(See the second Philippic, p.
83.)
After the
On
the
Navy Boards
257
the Thebans to be so utterly wrongheaded, of this at least you
are
all
aware, that,
if
the Thebans are in his interest, their
enemies must necessarily be
I
in the interest of the Greeks.
believe then, that our cause (the cause of justice)
adherents will be better armed against
the traitors and the barbarian can be.
advice
is
all
And
—be not over-alarmed at the war;
and
its
adversaries than
therefore
my
neither be led on
commence
it.
I do not see, indeed, that any other people
have reason to fear this war. For which of them is
ignorant that whilst, looking on the Persian as a common
enemy, they were in concord among themselves they enjoyed
many advantages; but since they have regarded him as a
friend and quarrelled about private disputes with each other,
they have suffered greater calamities than could have been
wished in pronouncing a curse upon them ? Then should we
fear a man, whom fortune and heaven declare to be unprofitable as a friend, and useful as an enemy?
Let us do no
such thing! Yet do him no injustice either, having regard
to ourselves, and to the disturbances and jealousies among
If it were possible with one heart
the other people of Greece.
and with combined forces to attack him alone, such an injury
I would not have pronounced an injustice.
But since this
cannot be, I say we must be cautious, and not afford the
king a pretence for vindicating the rights of the other Greeks.
As long as we remain quiet, any such attempt on his part
would awaken suspicion; but if we are the first to commence
to
of Greece
capture of Thebes by Alexander, this old charge was (not very fairly)
revived against them by their enemies. The penalty which had been
denounced against them ever since the Persian war was then inflicted,
and Thebes was razed to the ground. Here we find Demosthenes
speaking more liberally of the Thebans than his countrymen were
wont to do. The Athenians, besides their recent grounds of quarrel,
had a long standing enmity with that people, arising out of various
causes.
The Thebans had been their most bitter opponents in the
Peloponnesian war, and at its termination had proposed to destroy
Athens altogether. Their merciless treatment of the Platasans, both
in that war, and afterwards b.c. 373, when they destroyed the city,
could never be forgotten by the Athenians, between whom and the
Plataeans the closest friendship had subsisted ever since the battle of
Marathon.
258
The
Orations of Demosthenes
hostilities it will naturally
be thought that he courts their
friendship because of his enmity with us.
Do not expose the melancholy condition of Greece by
convoking her people when you cannot persuade them, and
making war when you cannot carry it on. Only keep quiet,
Let it be reported of
fear nothing, and prepare yourselves.
you to the king not (for heaven's sake) that all the Greeks
—
and the Athenians are in distress and alarm and confusion
which is very far from the truth but that, if falsehood and
perjury were not considered as disgraceful by the Greeks as
by him they are considered honourable, you would have
marched against him long ago; that you will forbear to do
this for your own sakes, but you pray unto all the gods that
he may be inspired with the same madness that his ancestors
were formerly. Should he come to reflect on these matters,
—
he
will find that
He knows
your resolutions are taken with prudence.
by her wars with his
assuredly that Athens
ancestors became prosperous and great, whilst
by the
repose,
which she enjoyed before, she was not raised above any
Grecian state so
much
as she
is
at present.
And
as to the
Greeks, he perceives that they stand in need of some mediator,
either a voluntary or an involuntary one and he knows that
;
he should himself step in as such a mediator if he stirred up
war. Therefore the accounts that he will receive from his
informants will be intelligible and credible.
Not to trouble you, men of Athens, with over
I will give
a summary of
my
advice and
many
retire.
I
words,
bid you
prepare yourselves against existing enemies, and I declare
that with this same force you should resist the king and all
they attempt to injure you ; but never comword or deed. Let us look that
our actions, and not our speeches on the platform, be worthy
If you pursue this course you will do
of our ancestors.
other people,
mence an
service,
if
injustice either in
not only to yourselves, but also to them who give the
opposite counsel, since you will not be angry with
afterwards for your errors committed now.
them
THE ORATION ON THE LIBERTY OF THE
RHODIANS
ARGUMENT
This Oration was delivered b.c. 351 on the following
occasion:
h
d ° Rhodes as in div ers other of the Grecian
states
*u
u Vu
there
had
been many contests between the democratical party
and the
oligarchical.
At the close of the Peloponnesian war it was in
the
hands of an oligarchy, under the protection of Lacedaamon.
About
the year 396 Conon being at the head of a
considerable fleet in that
part of the /Egean, drove the Peloponnesians from
the port of Rhodes
and compelled the islanders to renew their connection
with Athens'
Democracy was then re-established; but four years
afterwards the
opposite faction again prevailed, a Spartan fleet made
its appearance
the popular leaders and the friends of Athens were
banished or put to
death.
For the next thirty years or more following that
event little
is known of the Rnodian history.
After the destruction
navy Rhodes with most of the ^Jgean isles returned toof the Spartan
the Athenian
confederacy, and we may fairly presume that a
new democratical
>
revolution was effected in the island during that
period.
But in the
ye V 3
ture of a most ^rious kind took place
between Rhodes
A Athens
Al a ru Ppregnant
and
with disastrous consequences to both
This
was the breaking out of the Social war, the immediate
causes of which
re P orted to us, though there is sufficient
evidence to
show that the provocation to revolt proceeded from the
misconduct
or at least the imprudence of the Athenians
themselves
We learn frorn various parts of Demosthenes,
especially from the
Oration on the Chersonese (p. 178), how the
Athenian commanders
at this period, sent out with inadequate
forces and
tempted or driven to commit irregularities, amountingsupplies were
often to acts
of plunder and violence, in order to
maintain their armaments or
C
n he r wars
Not confi ning their aggressions to the enemies
A^°
of Athens,
or even to neutrals, they harassed the allies
bFexTorW
from them loans and contributions, and thus
brought the name of
their country into general odium and discredit.
It seems that Chares
having the command of a fleet destined to act
against AmphipoHs'
and conceiving himself to hold large discretionary
powers, sailed to
Rhodes, and by his vexatious and arbitrary proceedings
so irritated
he people, that they were ready on the first
opportunity tc°th?ow off
their connection with Athens.
The islands of Cos and Chios had been
alienated from the Athenians by similar causes,
and desired to recover
their independence.
These three states entered into a league with
Byzantium, which in fact had been meditated some
years before and
raising a fleet powerful enough to set the
Athenians at defiance comd h S ° C1!i War Wh
after a three vears continuance, w^s
>
f<(as we {
terminated
have seen) by a peace humiliating to Athens, b.c
355
In the course of this war the allies received
assistance from Mausolus
2 59
rowtwS
f
?^ J
'
-
^>
'
The
260
Orations of Demosthenes
of annexing Rhodes to his
king of Caria. He had formed the design
adjacent- but there
own dominions, to which it was so convenientlyunless he COuHLsever
was little hope of accomplishing this purpose party in Rhodes, still
The ohgarch.cal
alliance.
it from the Athenian
brought over to his views;
watchTng for a new revolution, were easily
garrison was introduced into he
Carian
and at the close of the war a
and in effect brought the
sland which established the oligarchy,
The Rhodians had no hopes o
foreign yoke.
is and in subjection to a
protection of a powerful
recovering their liberty; they had lost the
effectual aid from the Persian king
state while Mausolus could obtain
important to acquire any of
whose vassal he was, and to whom it was
Mausolus died in the year B.C. 3 53, and
The islands near Asia Minor.
reign the government
succeeded by his queen Artemisia. In her
was
people; who at length resolving
of Rhodes became oppressive to the
deputation to Athens, to implore her
to throw off their yoke, sent a
favourably received
These petitioners, who were not very
Athens found an advocate in Demosthenes.
that there would be a strong feeling at
ft was natural to expect
A very few years
her.
Athens agahist a people who had deeply injured
events were fresh in the
had elaosed since the Social war, and the
was the
resentment
of
memory of alk To overcome this feeling
advocate of the Rhodian people had to
rSSKl difficulty which an
feelings of
Demosthenes appeals to the higher and nobler
encounter
generosity and compass on
nk countrymen. Motives of honour, worth
the
remember
^ile to
Athenians: it was not
should
they
as the Rhodian
wron-s done them by so insignificant a people Athens and to Greece.
them to
shouldConsider only what was due from
of a
their interest to vindicate the liberties
!t was their duty as well as
especially to defend the
Greek People under oppression, and more
Unless
tyrants
and
oligarchs
caus Tof popular government against
might soon be in danger; for there
thev did s? their own constitution
oligarchy and democracy, and
a perpetual strife going on between
the Athenian must be assailed
rf^l othe? democracies were put down,
that interference with Rhodes
It was urged on the other side,
at last
Demosthenes conking.
might provoke the hostility of the Persian properly belong to him
of Rhodes, which did not
assistance
at
See
wi
tends that the loss
in the present state of the
was not likely to provoke the king; that
would probably remain neutral;
Persian empire both he and Artemisia
Athenians ought to espouse the cause of the
t,ut that at all events the
hostility.
people, even at the risk of Persian
Rhodian
consultation of such
think, men of Athens, that on a
of speech to every one
liberty
grant
to
ought
'you
moment
For my own part, I have never thought
of your advisers.
you understand right counsel— for to
it difficult to make
yourall to possess the knowledge
seem
speak plainly, you
found difficult;
to persuade you to follow it I have
I
selves _but
for
when any measure has been voted and
resolved,
you are
as you were from the
then as far from the performance
resolution before.
One
of the events for
which
I
consider you should be
—
On
the Liberty of the Rhodians
261
thankful to the Gods
is, that a people, who, to gratify their
went to war with you not long ago, now place
Well may we be rejoiced
their hopes of safety in you alone.
for if your measures thereupon be
at the present crisis:
own
insolence,
wisely taken, the result will be that the calumnies of those
who traduce our country you will
and honour refute. The Chians,
practically
and with
credit
Byzantines, and Rhodians
accused us of a design to oppress them, and therefore combined to
make the last war against us. It will turn out that
who contrived and instigated these proceedings,
Mausolus,
pretending to be a friend of the Rhodians, has deprived them
of their liberty; the Chians
allies,
have not aided them
and Byzantines, who
called
whilst you,
in misfortune;
them
whom
they dreaded, are the only people who have wrought their
deliverance.
And,
this being seen
by
all
the world, you will
cause the people in every state to regard your friendship as
the token of their security
:
nor can there be a greater bless-
ing for you than thus to obtain from
all
men
a voluntary
attachment and confidence.
I marvel to see the same persons advising you to oppose
the king on behalf of the Egyptians, and afraid of him in the
matter of the Rhodian people. All men know that the latter
are Greeks, the former a portion of his subjects.
And I think
some of you remember that, when you were debating about
the king's business, I first came forward and advised nay, I
was the only one, or one of two, that gave such counsel
that your prudent course in my opinion was, not to allege
your quarrel with the king as the excuse for your arming, but
to arm against your existing enemies, and defend yourselves
against him also, if he attempted to injure you. Nor did I
offer this advice without obtaining your approval; for you
agreed with me. Well then: my reasoning of to-day is consistent with the argument on that occasion.
For, would the
—
king take
me
to his counsels, I should advise
you, in defence of his
own
him as I advise
war upon any
possessions, tojnake
Greeks that opposed him, but not to think of claiming
The
262
Orations of Demosthenes
title.
If now it be
your general determination, Athenians, to surrender to the
king all places that he gets possession of, whether by surprise
or by deluding certain of the inhabitants, you have determined, in my judgment, unwisely: but if in the cause of
justice you esteem it your duty, either to make war, if needful,
dominions to which he had no manner of
or to suffer
any extremity
less necessity for
such
;
in the first place, there will
trials, in
be the
proportion as you are resolved
meet them; and secondly, you will manifest a spirit that
becomes you.
That I suggest nothing new, in urging you to liberate the
Rhodians that you will do nothing new, in following my
counsel will appear, if I remind you of certain measures
that succeeded. Once, O Athenians, you sent Timotheus out
1
to assist Ariobarzanes, annexing to the decree, " that he was
not to infringe your treaty with the king." Timotheus,
seeing that Ariobarzanes had openly revolted from the king,
and that Samos was garrisoned by Cyprothemis, under the
appointment of Tigranes, the king's deputy, renounced the
intention of assisting Ariobarzanes, but invested the island
with his forces and delivered it. And to this day there has
been no war against you on that account. Men will not
to
—
—
Ariobarzanes, satrap of Phrygia, was concerned in the rebellion of
It seems that, in soliciting Athenian aid, which he obtained
the more easily on account of his connection with the state he having
received the honour of citizenship Ariobarzanes had concealed the
object of his preparations; and therefore the Athenians, in sending
Timotheus, took the precaution of restricting his powers in the way
mentioned by the orator. Timotheus, in return for some service which
he had done, was helped by the satrap to get possession of Sestus and
Crithote in the Chersonese.
Cornelius Nepos praises the Athenian
general, because, instead of getting any private recompense from
Ariobarzanes, he had looked only to the advantage of his country;
while Agesilaus, who had gone out in the same service, took a pecuTimotheus then proceeded to besiege Samos,
niary reward for himself.
which was occupied by a Persian garrison, and took it in the course of
the following year.
Isocrates the orator, who acted as the secretary of
Timotheus, was at the siege of Samos, and praises the general for having
taken it with little or no cost to Athens.
The occupation of Samos by the Persians was an infringement of the
peace of Antalcidas, by the terms of,* which the Greek islands were to
be independent. Therefore the conduct of Timotheus, in wresting
Samos from Persia, afforded an apt illustration for the argument of
1
B.C. 362.
—
Demosthenes.
—
On
the Liberty of the Rhodians
263
fight for aggressive purposes so readily as for defensive.
they strive with
To
might; not so to
gratify ambition
this they will attempt, if there be none to
hinder them but, if prevented, they regard not their opponents as having done them an injury.
resist spoliation
all their
:
;
My
belief
is,
that Artemisia would not even oppose this
now if our state were embarked in the measure.
Attend a moment and see whether my calculation be right
enterprise
or wrong.
I
consider
—were the
king succeeding in
designs in Egypt, Artemisia would
make
all
his
a strenuous effort
Rhodes into his power, not from affection to the king,
but from a desire, while he tarried in her neighbourhood,
to confer an important obligation upon him, so that he
might give her the most friendly reception: but since he
to get
fares as they report,
having miscarried
judges that this island
in his attempts, she
—and so the fact —would
is
be of no
further use to the king at present, but only a fortress to over-
awe her kingdom and prevent disturbances.
Therefore,
it
seems to me, she would rather you^had the island, without
her appearing to have surrendered it, than that he should
obtain possession. I think, indeed, she will send no succours
at all, but, if she do, they will be scanty and feeble. As to
the king what he will do I cannot pretend to know; but
—
this I will maintain, that it
is expedient for Athens to have
immediately understood whether he means to claim the
Rhodian city or not: for, if he should, you will have to
deliberate not on the concerns of Rhodes only, but on those
it
of
Athens and
Even
had held
if
it
all
Greece.
who are now in the government,
by themselves, I would not have advised you to
the Rhodians,
espouse their cause; not though they promised to do everything for you. But I see that in the beginning, in order to
put down the democracy, they gained over a certain number
of citizens, and afterwards banished those very men, when
they had accomplished their purpose. I think, therefore,
that people who have been false to two parties, would be no
264
The
Orations of Demosthenes
steadier allies to you.
And
counsel had
I
it
only; for I
am
thought
not their
never would I have proffered this
would benefit the Rhodian people
state-friend, nor is any one of them
me by ties of private hospitality. And even
both these causes had existed, I would not have spoken,
unless I had considered it for your advantage.
Indeed, as
connected with
if
far as the
Rhodians are concerned,
deliverance
may
has happened
be allowed to say
if
the advocate for their
so, I
—that, after grudging to
am
rejoiced at
what
you the recovery
of
your rights, they have lost their own liberty; and, when they
might have had an alliance on equal terms with Greeks and
their betters, they are under subjection to barbarians and
slaves, whom they have admitted into their fortresses. 1
I
would almost say, that, if you determine to assist them, these
events have turned out for their good. For, during prosperity, I doubt whether they would have learned discretion,
being Rhodians; but since they are taught by experience
that folly is mightily injurious to men, they may possibly
perhaps become wiser for the future and this I think would
be no small advantage to them. I say, therefore, you should
endeavour to rescue these people, and not harbour resentment, considering that you too have often been deceived by
miscreants, but for no such deceit would you allow that you
merited punishment yourselves.
Observe also, men of Athens, that you have waged many
;
1 Vitruvius relates a stratagem by which
Artemisia got complete
dominion of Rhodes. The Rhodians had plotted with a party in
Halicarnassus to overthrow the Carian government, and sent a fleet
with troops to assist in the execution of their design. The troops
landed and advanced to the city, where the inhabitants were ranged
under the walls as if to give them a friendly reception. But this was
done by order of Artemisia, who had discovered the plot and laid an
ambush for the Rhodians. They were surrounded and slain. Artemisia took their ships, and put a Carian force on board, which sailing
to Rhodes, and being mistaken by the people for their own armament
If the story be well
returning, got possession of the Rhodian capital.
founded the occurrence was probably later than this Oration, which
no act of hostility between the Rhodians and the ruler of Caria.
It should be noticed that besides the capital city of Rhodes there were
other considerable and much more ancient towns in the island, Lindus,
Ialysus, and Camirus.
refers to
On
the Liberty of the Rhodians
265
—
wars both against democracies and against oligarchies this
indeed you know without my telling but for what cause you
have been at war with either, perhaps not one of you considers.
What are the causes? Against democratical states
—
your wars have been either
could
not
make
public
for private grievances,
satisfaction,
or
for
when you
territory,
boundaries, or a point of honour, or the leadership
:
or
against
none of these matters, but for your constituand freedom. Therefore I would not hesitate to say, I
think it better that all the Greeks should be your enemies
with a popular government, than your friends under oligarchial.
For with freemen I consider you would have no
but with people
difficulty in making peace when you chose
under an oligarchy even friendship I hold to be insecure. It
is impossible that the few can be attached to the many, the
oligarchies, for
tion
;
power to the lovers of constitutional equality.
marvel none of you conceive when the Chians and
Mitylenreans are governed by oligarchies, when the Rhodians
and nearly all people are about being drawn into this slavery
and none
that our constitution is in the same peril:
consider, it is impossible if all establishments are on the
seekers of
—
I
—
principle of oligarchy, that they will let
alone.
They know too
your democracy
well that no other people will bring
things back to the state of liberty:
therefore they will wish
government from which they apprehend mischief
Ordinary doers of wrong you may regard as
to themselves.
to destroy a
enemies to the sufferers only
and transform them
1 say, as
the
besides,
men
common
;
they that subvert constitutions
into oligarchies
enemies to
of Athens,
it is
all
must be looked upon,
lovers of freedom.
And
right that you, living under self-
government, should show the same feeling for a free people in
misfortune that you would expect others to have for you in
case of a similar calamity; which I trust may never befall!
Though indeed it may be said that the Rhodians have had
their deserts, the occasion is not a fit one for triumph: the
fortunate should always be seen to interest themselves for the
The
266
Orations of Demosthenes
benefit of the unfortunate, since the future
is
uncertain to
men. 1
all
I
often hear
it
said before this assembly, that,
commonwealth was
citous
for
mention a
its
little
in misfortune, certain
preservation;
when our
people were
among whom
—
I
circumstance of the Argives alone. 2
will
I
soli-
here
would
not have you, famous as you have ever been for succouring
the distressed, appear in a matter of this kind inferior to the
Argives:
who, inhabiting a country adjacent to the Lacedae-
monians, seeing them to have dominion over land and sea, did
not fear or hesitate to show their attachment to you, but even
passed a vote
(as
we
—when ambassadors had come from Lacedaemon
demand certain Athenian refugees — that,
are told) to
unless they departed before sunset, they should be adjudged
Would it not be disgraceful, my countrymen, if,
when the commons of Argos dreaded not the power and
empire of the Lacedaemonians in those times, you who are
enemies.
Athenians, should be frightened at a person of barbarian
They indeed might allege that
and a woman too?
they have often been defeated by the Lacedaemonians
whereas you have often vanquished the king, and not once
origin,
been defeated either by the king himself or by his subjects;
if ever the king has obtained an advantage over our
and in no other by
state, he has obtained it in this way
bribing the betrayers of Greece and the basest of her people.
And even such advantage has not benefited him. At the
for,
—
—
very time when he had enfeebled Athens by aid of the
Lacedaemonians, you will find him struggling for his kingdom
with Clearchus and Cyrus. 3 Thus he has neither beaten us
1
The Melian orator, in the debate written by Thucydides, warns the
Athenians not to be cruel and oppressive to others, for fear of retaliation at some future time; lest, rendering no mercy, they should find
none. Demosthenes recommends a still higher policy, to succour the
unfortunate; to win golden opinions in the hour of prosperity, and
secure friends against the day of misfortune.
2
This occurred soon after the Peloponnesian war, when Athens was
under the dominion of the thirty tyrants, and a large number of
Athenian citizens were compelled to seek[safety in exile.
3
It was to the pecuniary assistance of Persia, obtained by the
management of Lysander, that the Spartans were mainly indebted for
On
the Liberty of the Rhodians
openly, nor done himself any good
are some, I observe,
who
by
his intrigues.
are used to slight Philip
*
267
There
as a person
no account, but dread the king as an enemy terrible to any
However, if we are not to oppose the one,
because he is contemptible, and yield everything to the other,
of
that he chooses.
because he
field,
is
formidable, against
whom
shall
we take the
Athenians?
There are persons here,
men
of Athens,
famous
whom
for
advoca-
would give
one little piece of advice to undertake the defence of your
rights against others, that they may set an example of
dutiful conduct.
It is absurd for any one to instruct you in
the principles of justice, without acting justly himself: and it
•is not just, that a citizen should have considered the arguments against you, and not the arguments in your favour.
Look you, I pray! How happens it there is none in Byzantium who will admonish them not to take possession of
Chalcedon, 2 which belongs to the king, and you held it once,
ting the rights of others against you
;
to
I
—
their success in the Peloponnesian war.
A few years afterwards Cyrus,
active in the Spartan cause, marched from his
province in Asia Minor to contend for the crown with his brother
Atraxerxes. Clearchus commanded the Greek mercenaries in his
service.
The death of Cyrus, who was slain charging at the head of
his troops in the battle of Cunaxa, delivered Artaxerxes and his kingdom from further danger. This expedition is the subject of Xenophon's
Anabasis. The retreat of the ten thousand Greeks (after the treacherous murder of their generals), under the skilful conduct of Xenophon
himself, is one of the most interesting pieces of Grecian history.
1
About a year only had elapsed since the speaking of the first
Philippic.
Whatever effect that speech may have produced at the
time, it seems to have made no lasting impression.
The inaction of
Philip in the two following years relieved the Athenians from any
immediate apprehension of danger. They were roused to new alarm
by the rupture of Philip with Olynthus.
2
Chalcedon, founded by the Megarians on the Asiatic coast of the
Bosphorus, was called the city of the blind, because the settlers had
overlooked the more beautiful spot on the European coast, where afterwards Byzantium (site of the modern Constantinople) was built. The
fate of Chalcedon, like many other towns similarly situated, was to fall
alternately under the dominion of Persia, Athens, and Lacedsemon.
It was taken from the Lacedaemonians by Alcibiades, but surrendered
to Lysander after the decisive battle of iEgos-Potamos.
The peace of
Antalcidas restored it to Persia. At this time the Byzantines, who had
acquired considerable power since the Social war, were endeavouring to
draw it over to their alliance.
who had been most
The
268
Orations of Demosthenes
and by no manner
not to
of title
make Selymbria, 1 a
is
theirs?
it
—also
that they are
city formerly in your alliance,
tributary to themselves, and that Byzantium
is
not to deter-
mine the limits of the Selymbrian territory contrary to the
oaths and the treaties, by which it is declared that the cities
shall be independent?
And none has there been to advise
Mausolus in his lifetime, none since his death to advise
Artemisia, not to seize upon Cos 2 and Rhodes and other
Grecian cities, which the king their master ceded by his
treaty to the Greeks, and for which the Greeks of that period
sustained numerous perils and honourable contests. Or, if
they have both of them 3 such a monitor, yet seemingly there
are none to follow his advice.
I esteem it a just measure to restore the Rhodian democracy:
yet, granting it were not just, when I look at the
conduct of these people, I conceive it right to advise the
measure.
And why?
Because,
were inclined to observe
us alone to refuse;
but,
justice,
when
Athenians,
it
all
if
all
men
would be disgraceful
for
the rest are seeking the
power to do wrong, for us to profess high principle and
undertake no enterprise, would in my opinion be not justice,
but cowardice. I see that men have their rights allowed
them in proportion to their power: of which I can produce
an example familiar to you all. There are two treaties
between the Greeks and the king; that which our republic
made, which is universally praised, and this latter one, concluded by the Lacedaemonians, which is the subject of complaint. 4
1
And
Selymbria
is
the definition of rights in both the treaties
is
on the Propontine coast, between Byzantium and
Perinthus.
2
The island of Cos, celebrated as the birthplace of Hippocrates the
physician and Apelles the painter, lies a little off the coast of Caria, not
It is mentioned in the Oration on the Peace
far from Halicarnassus.
that Cos, Chios, and Rhodes were seized upon by the Carian government. Shortly before this time the city of Cos had been rebuilt on a
scale of great splendour, and had become one of the richest and most
beautiful in Greece.
3
I.e. the Byzantines and Artemisia.
4
The first of these treaties is supposed to be the peace of Cimon,
according to which the Greek cities on the coast of Asia Minor were
On
the Liberty of the Rhodians
269
For, although private political rights are
not the same.
granted by the laws impartially to
all,
the same for the
as for the strong; the rule of Hellenic right
the greater powers to the
is
weak
by
prescribed
less.
your fixed resolution to pursue a just
policy, you must look that you have the means to carry it
Such means you will possess if you are supposed to be
out.
Since then
the
common
very
it
is
protectors of Grecian liberty.
difficult for
It
you to adopt proper measures.
is,
doubtless,
The
rest of
mankind have one battle to fight, namely, against their
avowed enemies: if they conquer those, nothing hinders
them accomplishing their desires. You, Athenians, have a
double contest; that which the rest have, and also another,
prior to that, and more arduous: for you must in council
overcome a faction who act among you in systematic
Since therefore through these
opposition to the state.
it is
men
impossible for any good measure to be affected without
a struggle, the natural consequence is that you lose many
Perhaps the chief cause why so many adopt
this line of politics without scruple, is the support afforded
advantages.
them by
their hirers:
at the
chargeable with blame.
You
same time you are yourselves
Athenians, to hold
ought,
the same opinion concerning the post of civil duty as you
hold concerning the military.
that one
who
What
is
deserts the post assigned
that?
by
You
consider
his general should
be degraded and deprived of constitutional privileges.
is
right, therefore, that
men who
It
desert the political post
the Persian king was precluded from approaching
the coast within the distance of a day's journey on horseback, and
from sending any ship of war between the Cyanean islands at the
mouth of the Bosphorus and the Chelidonian islands off the Lycian
coast.
The second of the treaties here referred to is the peace of
Antalcidas, negotiated by the Lacedaemonians B.C. 387; according to
which the Greek cities were to be independent, Sparta retaining her
dominions in Peloponnesus, and Athens keeping only Lemnos, Imbrus,
and Scyrus; the Greek cities of Asia, and the islands of Cyprus and
Clazomenae were acknowledged to belong to the Persian empire. The
Lacedaemonians, by sacrificing the Asiatic Greeks to Persia, detached
that monarchy from the Athenian alliance, and were enabled to maintain their own ascendancy over the Grecian states.
made independent,
The
270
received
Orations of Demosthenes
from
their
ancestors,
and
support
oligarchial
measures, should be disabled to act as your counsellors.
Among
you regard those to be the most attached
have the same friends and enemies with
yourselves and yet of your statesmen you esteem those the
most fa'ithful who to your certain knowledge have sided
your
allies
who have sworn
to
;
with the enemies of Athens.
However matter of accusation against these men, matter
—
of censure against the people,
difficulty
is
to
know by what
may
present evils
is
be repaired.
occasion to speak of
all
:
not hard to discover:
counsels or
the
what conduct our
This perhaps
is
not the
could you only give effect to your
by some useful effort, things in general, perhaps, one
would go on improving. My opinion is that
you should take this enterprise vigorously in hand, and act
worthily of the state, remembering that you love to hear
men praise your ancestors and recount their exploits and
policy
after another,
speak of their trophies.
Consider then, your forefathers
erected these, not that you
may
but that you
may
view and admire them only
imitate also the virtues of the dedicators.
1
1
The speech of Demosthenes produced no effect. Athens abstained
from interference; the Rhodians continued under the government of an
Artemisia died soon after the
oligarchy, and subjection to Caria.
She is said to have
delivery of this Oration, having reigned two years.
been inconsolable for the death of her husband Mausolus, whose ashes
she drank dissolved in scented water, and to whose memory she paid
the most extravagant honours. The monument which she erected
was so magnificent as to be considered one of the wonders of the world;
and from this the name of Mausoleum has been applied to all sepulchres
She invited the most eminent literary men
built on a grand scale.
to her court, and offered a reward for the best funeral panegyric.
Theopompus the historian, a native of Chios, and pupil of Isocrates,
gained the prize. Artemisia was succeeded on the throne by her
brother Idrieus,
who
reigned seven years.
THE ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS
ARGUMENT
Megalopolis was an Arcadian city near the frontiers of Laconia. It
was founded in the year b.c 371, and, being designed for the metropolis
of the whole Arcadian people, who then united themselves into one
it was built on a scale of magnitude corresponding with that
purpose, having a circumference of more than six miles, and received
the name of the great city.
Next to Athens, it is said to have been
the most beautiful city in Greece. The population was obtained by
migration from the existing Arcadian towns, no less than forty of which
were required to contribute to it. Most of these were entirely deserted
by their inhabitants, others were reduced to the condition of villages
dependent on Megalopolis. A supreme council of ten thousand, taken
from the whole Arcadian body, held their public deliberations in the
capital.
About half a century afterwards, when it was besieged by
Polysperchon, there were found to be fifteen thousand citizens capable
of bearing arms in its defence.
The chief object of building this metropolis was to establish a permanent union among the Arcadians and preserve their national independence. Before that time, the Arcadians as a body had very little
influence in the affairs of Peloponnesus, though they occupied a large
portion of its territory. They had generally been in the alliance of
Sparta, whose armies they strengthened by a brave and hardy race
of soldiers.
It was therefore the policy of Sparta to keep them feeble
and divided among themselves. In the time of the Peloponnesian war
Mantinea, then the principal city of Arcadia, formed a small confederacy among her neighbours, renounced her connection with the Lacedaemonians, and joined an offensive alliance with Athens and Argos.
But this was soon put an end to. The Mantineans were compelled,
by the success of the Lacedaemonian arms, to abandon their confederacy; and at a later period, b.c. 387, paid dearly for their disaffection to Sparta, by having their city dismantled and being dispersed
body,
into villages.
The defeat of the Spartans at Leuctra changed the aspect of affairs
The prestige of ancient victory was gone and it was soon
found that the vast alliance, of which Sparta had been the head, and
which had enabled her for many years to give the law to Greece, would
crumble almost entirely away. One of the first effects of this change
in Peloponnesus was the rebuilding of Mantinea, which was soon
followed by the establishment of Megalopolis.
But the heaviest blow
to the pride and power of Lacedaemon was the loss of her ancient
province of Messenia, which for more than three centuries had been
in Greece.
;
the fairest portion of her domain.
Whether the Arcadians could have
maintained their independence against Sparta without foreign aid
may perhaps be doubted but this last revolution was wholly due to
the arms of Thebes and the genius of Epaminondas.
That general, having assembled a large army in Boeotia, marched
;
271
272
The
Orations of Demosthenes
across the isthmus and was joined in Arcadia by his Peloponnesian
At the head of an overpowering force he invaded and ravaged
allies.
Laconia. Troops of divers people who not many years before had
followed the Lacedaemonians in their wars, or would hardly have dared
to face them in the field Thebans, Phocians, Locrians, Eubceans,
Thessalians, Acarnanians, Argives, Arcadians, Eleans, marched now
almost without opposition to the gates of Sparta; and nothing but
the shadow of the Spartan name preserved that haughty capital from
Epaminondas did not venture to make a general assault
destruction.
upon the town, but, after continuing his ravages for some time longer,
proceeded to execute his well-laid scheme, which he rightly judged
would reduce Sparta to the condition of a second or third-rate power
in Greece.
The Messenian population had long been, like the Laconian helots,
in a state of vassalage to Sparta, but were ripe for insurrection at any
favourable opportunity, as they had proved during the Athenian
occupation of Pylus. The march of Epaminondas into Laconia was
the signal for a universal rising of that people, who were now again to
form a nation, and to build a capital city under the protection of the
Theban general. But it was not only the existing inhabitants of the
country, by whom this task of reconstituting the nation was to be
accomplished; for which, after their long servitude, they might not
have been so well fitted by themselves. Messenian exiles from every
quarter, and especially those of Naupactus, who had been expelled
after the Peloponnesian war, and migrated to Sicily and Africa, were
invited to return to their ancient home, and assist in the glorious
It has been mentioned as a remarkable example of the
restoration.
love of country that these exiles, during so long an absence, had
jealously preserved their ancestral usages and the purity of their
They returned in great numbers and formed the
original language.
nucleus of a Messenian government. The new city was founded on the
Epaminondas laying the first stone, and
Ithome,
ancient
of
the
site
received the name of Messene. This was B.C. 369.
The humiliation of Sparta was now complete. She had no power to
She was hemmed in by a chain of enemies,
disturb the new settlement.
who cut off her communication with Peloponnesus by the Messenians
on the west, the Arcadians and Argives on the north. Her war with
Thebes continued for eight more years. The succour of Athens and
her few remaining allies saved her from further disasters; and the
death of her great enemy, Epaminondas, brought on a general peace,
b.c. 361.
From the negotiations of this peace the Lacedaemonians kept aloof,
refusing to acknowledge the independence of Messenia, which they
regarded as a deep disgrace to themselves. Their spirit, though depressed, was not extinguished; and they only awaited for an opporArchidamus, son of Agesilaus,
tunity of recovering their lost dominion.
who had acquired honour in the late war by the tearless victory (in which
he defeated the Arcadians and Argives without losing a single Spartan
life), kept alive the ambitious hopes of his countrymen, and continually
He was a man of ardent character
stimulated them to fresh exertions.
to recover Messenia was the principal object of his desire; in which he
had even been encouraged by a pamphlet of Isocrates, entitled Archidamus, and still extant. In the course of seven or eight years events
occurred which favoured the views of this prince. There had been
disturbances in Arcadia. The Sacred war had broken out, in which
the principal parties were Phocis and Thebes. An obstinate struggle
—
—
;
For the Megalopolitans
273
was yet going on; neither party had gained any decisive advantage,
and both were greatly weakened. The Phocian generals had carried
the war into the enemy's country; some of the Boeotian towns had
been taken; and the Thebans, distressed at home, and burdened with
heavy expenses, seemed no longer in a condition to assist their Peloponnesian
allies.
Under these circumstances, about the year 353, Archidamus thought
the time had arrived to effect a counter-revolution, which should
His real aim was the destruction
restore the influence of his country.
of Megalopolis and Messene.
But to avow this purpose, or attempt to
execute it without further pretext than the desire to satisfy Spartan
ambition, might have drawn on him the hostility of those states which
were unconnected with the Theban alliance. Accordingly, he conceived the idea of announcing a principle, which would secure certain
advantages to the states hostile to Thebes, and induce them to concur
in his own scheme of aggrandisement.
He gave it out that ancient
rights ought to be resumed; that Athens should have Oropus, the
towns of Thespiae, Plataea, and Orchomenus should be restored; Elis
and Phlius should have certain claims conceded to them. While he
published these declarations, he kept in the background that portion
of the scheme in which Sparta was interested, viz., the recovery of
Messenia and the dissolution of the Arcadian union.
Notwithstanding all the care which Archidamus took to conceal his
views, they could not fail to be apparent
and it was soon understood
that the warlike preparations in Laconia were designed against Megalopolis.
Two embassies were sent at the same time to Athens, one by
the Spartans, and one by the Megalopolitans, each to solicit assistance
in the approaching war.
The Spartan ambassadors reminded the
;
Athenians of their former alliance, and showed what advantage would
accrue to them from the plan of Archidamus, by which Thebes their
old enemy would be depressed.
The Megalopolitan deputies urged
the justice of their own cause, and the danger that would result from
the revival of Spartan supremacy.
There were many speakers on both sides in the Athenian assembly.
Demosthenes espoused the cause of the Megalopolitans, and delivered
what Auger pronounces to be one of the most subtle of his orations.
He begins by condemning the warmth with which both parties had
assailed their adversaries.
It became them (he argues), without any
feeling or prejudice for or against either of the contending states, to
decide the question by reference to justice and the good of Athens.
Justice required that no people should be oppressed by another.
Their alliance with Sparta had been based on that principle, and they
had saved her from ruin; but if Sparta commenced ambitious enterprises inconsistent with the spirit of their alliance, they were justified
in breaking it off.
It was the interest of Athens that neither Sparta
nor Thebes should be too powerful. The dissolution of Megalopolis
would lead to the re-conquest of Messenia, and that would destroy the
balance of power in Peloponnesus. The advantage offered to Athens
might be obtained in a more honourable manner, without sacrificing
the Peloponnesians; and as to Thebes, it was better to weaken her by
conferring an obligation upon her allies, and attaching them to Athens,
than by allowing them to suffer injustice.
It appears to me,
who have spoken
O
Athenians, that both are in fault, they
Arcadians and they who have spoken
for the
274
The
Orations of Demosthenes
for the Lacedaemonians.
For as
if
they were deputies from
which both direct
and attack one another. This
might be the duty of the envoys but to speak independently
on the question, and consider your interests dispassionately,
was the part of men who presume to offer counsel here. I
really think
setting aside the knowledge of their persons
and their Attic tongue many would take them for either
either people, not citizens of Athens, to
their embassies, they accuse
;
—
—
Arcadians or Laconians.
I see
how vexatious a
thing
it is
to advise for the best.
For when you are carried away by delusion, some taking one
view and some another, if any man attempts to advise a
middle course, and you are too impatient to listen, he will
please neither party and fall into disgrace with both. Howif this be my case, I will rather myself be thought a
babbler than leave you to be misled by certain people, contrary to my notion of Athenian interests. On other points
ever,
I will speak,
with your permission, afterwards; but
with principles admitted by
all,
and explain what
will
begin
I consider
your wisest course.
Well then: no man will deny it to be good for Athens,
that both the Lacedaemonians and our Theban neighbours
should be weak. But things are in this sort of position, if we
may form a conjecture from the statements repeatedly made
the Thebans will be weakened by the rein our assembly
1
establishment of Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataea; the
—
1
The Boeotian cities were at an early period connected by a federal
union, each having an independent government. Thebes was at thenhead, and received a council of deputies from the league. Every state
appointed a Boeotarch, who took his share of military command and
some other executive duties. In process of time Thebes asserted an
imperial authority over the federal cities, and most of them were comPlataea espoused the alliance of Athens, and for a
pelled to submit.
long time enjoyed her protection, but in the Peloponnesian war fell a
victim to Theban revenge. The exiles returned and rebuilt the city
after the peace of Antalcidas, but it was again destroyed by the Thebans
Thespiae was destroyed about the same time, having long
B.C. 373.
been suspected of disaffection to Thebes and favour to Athens. The
Thebans had dismantled its walls in the Peloponnesian war, though
the flower of the Thespian youth had fallen in their cause at the battle
of Delium.
Orchomenus was taken and depopulated by the Thebans
—
For the Megalopolitans
275
Lacedaemonians will grow powerful again if they subdue
Arcadia and take Megalopolis. We must mind, therefore,
that we suffer not the one people to wax mighty and formidable, before the other has become weak; that the power of
Lacedasmon do not increase (unremarked by us) in a greater
it is well for that of Thebes to be reduced.
For
we shall hardly say this, that we should like to have Lacedaemonians instead of Thebans for our rivals. It is not this
we are anxious for, but that neither may have the means of
degree than
injuring us:
so shall
But granting
this
we enjoy the
ought to be
sooth, to take those
men
best security.
so— it
were scandalous,
for allies, against
whom we
for-
were
arrayed at Mantinea, and then to assist them against the
people, with whom we shared the peril of that day.
I think
so too, but with one addition
willing to act justly."
shall
If all will
the others are
choose to observe peace,
we
not help the Megalopolitans ; for there will be no neces-
and thus we
sity;
arms
— " provided
:
shall be in no opposition to our fellows in
one people are, as they profess, our allies already, the
other will become so now.
But should they
And what more
could
we
desire?
attempt injustice and determine on war
then if this be the only question, whether we ought or ought
not to abandon Megalopolis to the Lacedaemonians, although
it would be unjust, I concede the point; let things take their
course, don't oppose your former partners in danger: but if
you all know, that after taking that city they will march to
*
—
attack Messene, let any of the speakers
upon the Megalopolitans
tell
me what
who
are
now
in that case
so hard
he
will
They had resolved on that measure some years before, but
were induced by Epaminondas to change their intention. Afterwards,
being alarmed by a conspiracy of certain Orchomenian exiles, they
b.c. 368.
upon the city, massacred the adult citizens, and sold the women
and children for slaves. During the Phocian war, and shortly before
or after the date of this Oration, Orchomenus was seized upon by the
Phocian general, Onomarchus, and occupied as a fortified post. At
the close of that war it was delivered by Philip to the Thebans, who
fell
After the battle of Chasronea Philip caused all
it to the ground.
these three cities, Platsa, Thespiae, and Orchomenus, to be restored.
1
I.e. the Lacedaemonians;
whom the orator does not expressly
name, because they are uppermost in his mind.
razed
S2
276
The
advise us to do.
Orations of Demosthenes
None
will declare.
However, you
all
know
that you would be obliged to support them, whether these
men recommend
it or not, both by the oaths that we have
sworn to the Messenians, 1 and because it is expedient that
Reflect therefore in your
their city should be preserved.
minds, whether it would be more noble and generous to begin
your resistance to Lacedeemonian aggression with the defence
of Megalopolis, or with that of Messene.
You
will
now be
considered as protectors of the Arcadians, and striving for the
maintenance of that peace, for which you exposed yourselves
in the battle-field: whereas then it will be manifest to the
world that you desire Messene to stand not so much for the
sake of justice as for fear of Lacedsemon. Our purposes and
our actions should always be just; but we must also be careful
that they are attended with advantage.
There is an argument of this kind urged by my opponents,
that we should attempt to recover Oropus, 2 and, if we now
1
This engagement was probably entered into at the general peace,
which was concluded after the battle of Mantinea, and by which the
Athenians, as well as other states of Greece, recognised the independence of Messenia. Pausanias mentions that at this time, when the
assistance of Athens was prayed for by the Messenians, it was promised
in the event of a Spartan invasion.
It is quite clear from the argument of Demosthenes, that the claims
of Megalopolis upon the Athenians stood upon a different footing from
those of Messene, not being grounded upon any former alliance. Yet
in the narrative of Diodorus, XV. 94, we read that the Athenians sent
a body of troops under Pammenes to quell an insurrection in Arcadia,
which broke out in about a year's time after the peace, and threatened
to dissolve the Megalopolitan community; that Pammenes reduced the
malcontents to submission, and compelled those who had seceded from
Megalopolis, and gone back to their ancient homes, to return to the
capital.
of Attica and Bceotia, on the coast oppoEuboea.
It anciently belonged to Athens, but frequently
changed masters. In the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war it
was betrayed to the Boeotians and Eretrians. It became independent
at the close of the war; but a few years after, the Thebans took advantage of some internal disturbances to seize upon the city, which
they removed nearly a mile from the coast, and annexed to the Boeotian
confederacy. A new revolution some time after restored it to Athens.
But in the year B.C. 366, Themison, ruler of Eretria, got possession of
it by the aid of some exiles.
The Athenians marched against him, but,
the Thebans also making their appearance with an army, they were
induced to leave Oropus under Theban protection, until the dispute
could be amicably settled. The Thebans, however, kept it in their own
8
Oropus was on the confines
site Eretria in
—
For the Megalopolitans
make
enemies of the
men who would
assist us to gain
277
it,
we
have no allies. I also say, we should try to recover
Oropus: but, that Lacedaemon will be our enemy, if we join
alliance with the Arcadians who wish to be our friends, they
of all men, I consider, are not at liberty to assert, who persuaded you to assist the Lacedaemonians in their hour of
danger. The men who argue thus actually persuaded you
when all the Peloponnesians came to Athens and desired to
march with you against the Lacedaemonians to reject their
overtures (on which account, as a last resource, they applied
to Thebes) and to contribute money and risk your lives for
the safety of Lacedaemon. You would hardly, I think, have
been disposed to save them, had they told you, that after their
deliverance, unless you suffered them to have their own way
and commit injustice again, they should owe you no thanks
And indeed, however repugnant it may
for your protection.
be to the designs of the Spartans that we should adopt the
Arcadian alliance, surely their gratitude, for having been
saved by us in a crisis of extreme peril, ought to outweigh
their resentment for being checked in their aggression now.
How then can they avoid assisting you to gain Oropus, or
being thought the basest of mankind ? By the gods I can-
shall
—
not
I
see.
wonder
also to hear
it
argued, that,
if
we espouse
the
Arcadian alliance and adopt these measures, our state will be
chargeable with inconstancy and bad faith. It seems to me,
Athenians, the reverse. Why? Because no man, I apprehend, will question that, in defending the Lacedaemonians,
and the Thebans l before them, and lastly the Eubceans, 2 and
making them afterwards her allies, our republic has always
had one and the same object. What is that? To protect
the injured.
If this
be
so,
the inconstancy will not be ours,
and so it remained until after the battle of Chaeronea, when
Philip gave it up to the Athenians.
1
He alludes to the war that followed the seizure of the Cadmea,
commenced by the invasion of Cleombrotus B.C. 378.
2
When the Thebans attempted to get possession of the island.
hands;
278
The
Orations of Demosthenes
but theirs who refuse to adhere to justice; and it will appear
that while circumstances change, through people continually
encroaching, Athens changes not.
seems to me, the Lacedaemonians are acting the part of
For now they say that the Eleans ought
to recover a certain part of Triphylia, 1 the Phliasians Tricaranum, 2 certain other Arcadians their territory, and we
It
very crafty men.
Oropus: not from a desire to see us each possessing our own
far from this
it would be late for them to have become
generous— but to make it appear as if they helped all to
—
—
recover their claims, so that,
attack Messene,
all
when they march themselves
these people
may
readily join
and
to
assist
them, or be deemed ungrateful, after having obtained their
concurrence in the question of their own several claims, for
My opinion is, first, that our
even without sacrificing any Arcadian people to the
Lacedaemonians, may recover Oropus, both with their aid, if
they are willing to be just, and that of others who hold that
not returning the obligation.
state,
Theban usurpation ought not
to be tolerated.
Secondly,
were evident to us that, unless we permit the
Lacedaemonians to reduce the Peloponnese, we cannot obtain
possession of Oropus, allow me to say I deem it more advis-
supposing
it
able to let Oropus alone than to
abandon Messene and
Peloponnesus to the Lacedaemonians. I imagine the question
between us and them would soon be about other matters.
Triphylia was a small province on the Cyparissian bay, between
and Messenia. Concerning this there had been many disputes
between the Eleans and the Arcadians.
2
Tricaranum was a fortress in the Phliasian territory. The city of
During
Phlius was on the confines of Argolis, Achaia, and Arcadia.
the Theban war, when most of their allies had deserted the Lacedaemonians, Phlius continued faithful, and was exposed to the attacks of
her neighbours. The Argives fortified Tricaranum, and kept it as a
hostile post, making incursions to plunder the Phliasian country, and
attack the city, which at one time was nearly surprised by an ArgiveArcadian force assisted by some exiles. The Phliasians, whose constancy is praised by Xenophon, baffled all the attempts of their enemies.
In the year 366 Chares the Athenian was sent to their assistance, and
took Thyamia, another hostile fortress occupied by the Sicyonians.
Tricaranum, it seems, remained in possession of the Argives.
1
Elis
For the Megalopolitans
279
—
—
However I will forbear to say what occurs to me only
I think we should in many respects be endangered.
As to what the Megalopolitans have done against you (as
they say) under the influence of Thebes,
that
now
as a charge against them,
and
it is
yet,
absurd to bring
when they proffer
an intention of doing you good instead
harm, to mistrust and look for an excuse to reject them,
without considering that the more zealous they prove this
people to have been in the Theban cause, the more will they
themselves deserve your anger, for having deprived Athens of
such allies, when they applied to her before they applied to
their friendship, with
of
Thebes.
It looks, indeed, as
if
they wished a second time to
turn these people to another alliance.
I
am
sure
—to
judge from rational observation
think most Athenians will agree with me, that,
daemonians take Megalopolis, Messene
will
if
—and
I
the Lace-
be in danger; and,
you and the Thebans
will be allies.
Then it is much better and more honourable
for us to receive the Theban confederacy as our friends, and
resist Lacedaemonian ambition, than, out of reluctance to
preserve the allies of Thebes, to abandon them now, and have
afterwards to preserve Thebes herself, and be in fear also for
if
they take that
our
own
safety.
state, should the
become
strong.
also, I predict that
I cannot but regard it as perilous to our
Lacedaemonians take Megalopolis, and again
For I see they have undertaken this war,
not to defend themselves, but to recover their ancient power:
what were
their designs,
when they
perhaps know better than
I,
possessed that power, you
and therefore may have reason
to be alarmed.
I
would
fain ask the
men who
tell
us and say they detest
the Thebans and the Lacedaemonians, whether they detest
whom
they detest respectively out of regard to you and your
Thebans for the sake of Lacedaemonians,
and Lacedaemonians for the sake of Thebans. If for their
sakes, to neither as rational beings ought you to listen:
if
interests, or detest
they say for your sake, wherefore do they exalt either people
The
280
unduly?
It
is
Orations of Demosthenes
humble Thebes
Aye; and
show you how.
possible, surely possible, to
without increasing the power of Lacedaemon.
it is
much
easier too.
I will
endeavour to
up to a certain point all men (however disinclined) are ashamed not to observe justice, and that
they openly oppose the transgressors, especially where any
people suffer damage: it will be found, moreover, that what
mars everything, and originates every mischief, is the unwillIt
is
well
known
that
ingness to observe justice uniformly.
obstacle
may
Therefore, that no such
arise to the depression of Thebes, let us declare
that Thespise and Orchomenus and Plataea ought to be
and let us co-operate with their people and
on others to assist us just and honourable were this, not
re-established,
call
—
to regard with indifference the extermination of ancient cities
—but
let
us not abandon Megalopolis and Messene to the
aggressors, not,
existing
and
on the pretence of Thespian and Platam,
flourishing cities to be annihilated.
If
suffer
such be
your declared policy, every one will desire that Thebes should
no longer hold her neighbour's dominion. If not in the first
place, we may expect to find these men oppose the other
scheme, when they see that the establishment of those towns
would be their own ruin: secondly, we shall have an interminable business of it ourselves, for where indeed can it end,
if we continually allow existing cities to be destroyed, and
require those which are in ruins to be restored ?
It is urged by the most plausible speakers, that the pillars 1
of their treaty with Thebes must be taken down, if they
mean to be our steadfast allies. These people say that with
them it is not pillars but interest that binds friendship, and
they consider those who assist them to be allies. Granting
—
such to be their views,
my
notion
is this.
both require of them the destruction of the
I say,
pillars,
we should
and
of the
It was the practice among Grecian states to inscribe their treaties
pillars of stone or brass, which, so long as the treaties remained in
force, were religiously preserved, and exposed to view in temples and
other public places. And it was frequently provided in the treaty
itself where the pillars recording it should be deposited.
1
on
;
For the Megalopolitans
Lacedaemonians the observance of peace;
we should
if
281
either party
immediately
Should the Megalopolitans, notwithstanding the maintenance of peace, adhere to the Theban
alliance, it will surely be evident to all that they favour the
ambition of the Thebans instead of justice. On the other
hand, if the Megalopolitans in good faith espouse our alliance,
and the Lacedaemonians do not choose to observe peace, they
will surely prove to the world that they are striving not only
for the restoration of Thespise, but for an opportunity of
conquering Peloponnesus while the Thebans are entangled in
One thing in certain men surprises me ; that they
this war.
dread the enemies of Lacedaemon becoming allies of Thebes,
and yet see no danger in the Lacedaemonians conquering them
although we have actual experience furnished by the past
that the Thebans always use these allies against Lacedaemon,
whereas the Lacedaemonians, whilst they had the same people,
used them against us.
If you reject
I think further, you ought to consider this.
the Megalopolitans should their city be destroyed and themselves dispersed, the Lacedaemonians at once become powerful:
should they chance to escape (as unhoped-for events
do happen) they will in justice be steadfast allies of the
Thebans. 1 If you accept them for allies, the immediate consequence to them will be deliverance by your means; but
passing from their case, let us consider what may be looked for
refuse to comply, whichever
with those that
it
be,
side
will.
—
1 The event proved the justice of this remark.
Demosthenes could
not prevail on the Athenians to follow his counsel. They joined the
alliance of neither party.
Archidamus commenced war against the
Arcadians, who were assisted by Argos, Sicyon, and Messene. In the
course of the same year, Philip having defeated Onomarchus in the
great battle of Pagasae, the Thebans were enabled to send forces to
On the other hand, the Lacedaemonians
the succour of their old allies.
were reinforced by some Phocian mercenaries and the war was carried
on for two years with various success, and at length terminated by a
truce.
The Arcadian confederacy, however, were alienated from
Athens, and the bad effects of this were discovered some time after,
when, alarmed at the designs of Sparta, they applied not to Athens
but to Philip for assistance, and thus caused Macedonian influence to
extend itself in Peloponnesus.
(See the Argument to the second
;
Philippic.)
282
The
Orations of Demosthenes
and apprehended with reference to Thebes and Lacedcemon.
Well then: if the Thebans be vanquished in war, as they
ought to be, the Lacedaemonians will not be unduly great,
having these Arcadians for their rivals, living near them. If
the Thebans chance to recover and come off safe, they will
at all events be the weaker for these men having become our
allies and been preserved through us.
So that in every point
of view
it
is
expedient that
we should not abandon
the
Arcadians, and that they should not appear (in case they do
escape) to have owed their deliverance to themselves, or to
any other people but you.
Athenians (Heaven is my witness),
I have spoken,
from private affection or malice towards either party,
what I consider advantageous for you and I exhort you
to abandon the Megalopolitans, nor indeed any other of
weaker states to the stronger.
:
not
but
not
the
APPENDIX
—
APPENDIX
ATHENIAN MONEY AND MINES
Phidon, an ancient king
have lived
of Argos, said to
eighth century before Christ, was the
first
in the
person in Greece
established a system of weights and measures, and also
a coinage in silver and copper. It acquired the name of the
^Eginetan, because the people of ^Egina, by their commercial
intercourse with other parts of Greece, brought it into general
who
There was another system called the Euboic, introduced
by the people of Chalcis and Eretria, who at
an early period were celebrated for their commercial activity,
and who worked mines of silver and copper in their own
use.
to the Greeks
island.
In
fact,
however, both these systems were derived from the
East, having been invented in very ancient times
by the
Chaldees of Babylon, and brought into Greece by the com-
merce of the Phoenicians.
became known
The standard
as the Euboic,
of weights,
was one used
Herodotus expressly informs us that
in
which
Asia for gold.
in the reign of
Darius
I.
the silver tribute collected from the satrapies of the Persian
empire was estimated by the Babylonian talent, the gold
tribute by the Euboic.
Whether Herodotus means that the
term Euboic was adopted by the Persian government, or only
the weight so called by the Greeks, does not appear.
The denominations under both
these systems were the
same, although the scales were different;
viz.,
the talent, the
mina, the drachm, and the obol; which bore the following
invariable relation to each other:
A
talent
The
286
The ward
Orations of Demosthenes
talent originally signified weight,
weight, or weight in general;
and was
that
is,
any
also used to signify
scales.
In such sense it is used by Homer. Afterwards the term was applied to a specific weight, and became
the principal standard in the Greek systems. Mina was a
term of oriental origin. Drachm and obol are Greek words.
a pair of
Drachm
is
by the lexicographers
said
to signify a handful,
much coin as could be held in the clenched hand.
Obol take? its name from a spit, which it somewhat resembled
that
is,
as
in figure.
The weights under each system were
about
„
.^Eginetan talent
Euboic talent
The denominations
of
money
as follows:
96
80
lb.
lb.
in Greece
were the same as
those of weight, and the proportions the same likewise.
Money
(as
is
well
system of weight.
known) has always been founded on a
In process of time the coinage ceases to
name is preown country, formerly
now it signifies a sum
represent the original standard, although the
served.
For example a pound,
in
our
represented a pound weight of metal;
twenty shillings. So in Greece an Euboic talent (in a
pecuniary sense) anciently denoted eighty pounds of silver
that being the metal generally current in Greece afterwards
its value would be measured by the number of drachms that
of
—
were paid
for it;
and
if
the drachm-piece had fallen below
the ancient standard of weight so would the talent.
The ^Eginetan system was adopted in Peloponnesus and
of the Dorian states.
The Euboic prevailed in the
most
Ionian settlements and in Attica.
Solon, however, for certain
which will be noticed elsewhere, lowered the
standard of money, and the Attic talent, according to his
regulation, was reduced about twenty-seven per cent.
The
money computed on the Solonian scale is that which we have
political reasons
generally to deal with in perusing the Attic writers.
from the ancient coins which have been
Judging
preserved, the
—
Athenian
value of the Attic
English
:
Money and Mines
287
money has been thus estimated
in
The
288
Orations of Demosthenes
Persian currency, was of the same value as the stater.
This
which had an extensive circulation, was retained by the
Macedonian kings, who melted down all the gold coinage of
Greece, and had their own image stamped upon it.
There were also half-staters and half-darics in circulation,
which are mentioned by Greek writers.
The daric was stamped on one side with the figure of an
archer, which gave rise to a good saying of Agesilaus, related
by Plutarch. While the Spartan king was overrunning the
coin,
provinces of Asia Minor, Tithraustes the satrap, to get rid
of so formidable
fifty
an enemy, sent Timocrates of Rhodes with
into Greece to stir up war against
talents of gold
This money was distributed in Thebes, Argos,
and Corinth Xenophon says the Athenians had no share
of it
and the effects were quickly seen. The Spartans,
Lacedsemon.
—
—
alarmed at the confederacy against them, recalled Agesilaus
whereupon he declared " that a thousand Persian archers
had driven him out of Asia."
There was but a scanty supply of the precious metals in
Greece at an early period, while the eastern monarchs collected the treasures of Cholcis, Lydia, Phrygia, Armenia, and
India.
The wars
of
Xerxes opened a more extensive
course with Asia, and enriched the Greeks
by plunder.
Thus, and by an increase
native mines,
and
than
in the
money became more
time of Demosthenes
in the
silver in the
its
inter-
by commerce and
in the
produce of their
plentiful
among them;
value was five times less
days of Solon. The relative value of gold to
time of Herodotus was thirteen to one, in the
time of Demosthenes, ten to one.
The Greek islands that most abounded in precious metals
were Samos, Siphnos, and Thasos, in which there was both
Thasos were anciently worked
the Greeks were at an early
period indebted for their supply of metal in general. They
brought the common metals from Spain and Arabia, tin from
Britain, and probably taught the art of mining to the Greeks.
gold and silver.
by the
The mines
Phoenicians, to
of
whom
Athenian
Money
and Mines
289
The Thasians found gold and silver on the adjacent continent
But when the island was conquered by Cimon,
of Thrace.
their settlements also
who worked
fell
into the hands of the Athenians,
the mines until the close of the Peloponnesian
war. The gold which they obtained from this district they
used not for coinage but for commercial purposes. Philip
afterwards took possession of these mines, and worked them,
we have already seen, with great advantage.
There were silver mines also in Thessaly. But the most
valuable in Greece were those of Laurium in Attica, to which
Xenophon has devoted a long chapter of his treatise on the
Athenian revenues, and on which in modern times a dissertation has been written by Bockh, the celebrated author of the
as
Staatshaushaltung der Athener, or Public
from
whom
Economy
of Athens,
English scholars have derived most of their
information upon these subjects.
Laurium were the property of the Athenian
worked by private speculators, to whom the
state granted allotments, receiving a certain sum by way of
premium or purchase-money, and receiving a perpetual rent
The mines
of
people, but were
of a twenty-fourth part of the produce.
These persons were
but for most
thus in point of law tenants of the state;
purposes might be regarded as the absolute owners. Many
wealthy citizens embarked their capital in the mining business, which they carried on by means of agents or sub-tenants.
Nicias had several mines, with a thousand slaves at work in
them, for each of whom he received from his lessee a clear
rent of an obol a day. Thus was Laurium an important
source of revenue to Athens. When Deceleia was occupied
by the Lacedaemonian army, she suffered greatly by losing
They had yielded a considerable
income in the time of Themistocles, who persuaded his
countrymen to apply the money to shipbuilding instead of
distributing it among^themselves.
In the time of Demosthenes, though he speaks in high terms of the value of this
property, the quantity of silver obtained was diminished;
the profit of the mines.
290
The
and Strabo
Orations of Demosthenes
tells
us that in the
first
century of the Christian
era the Laurian mines were exhausted.
Foreigners in Attica were allowed equal privileges with
citizens in the renting of the mines, so anxious
that they should be
let.
To prevent
was the
state
frauds on the revenue,
every mine in work was required to be registered, and an
indictment lay against any person who evaded this regulation.
Xenophon, who seems to have thought that the riches of
Laurium were inexhaustible, recommended that his countrymen should improve their finances by abolishing the middlemen, and letting the mines, together with mining-slaves, to
the working tenants, in the same way that other revenues
were let to farm. He advised that they should buy slaves
gradually, until they had got three slaves to every citizen;
and he calculated that the mines would afford profitable
employment for all, and the revenue would be immensely
increased.
Athens was much promoted by the purity of
which was everywhere exchanged with
advantage, while that of other states would only pass at
home. One instance only is recorded of her issuing a debased
gold coinage; but this was in a time of distress, at the close
The right of coining money was
of the Peloponnesian war.
(no doubt) vested in the state, and forgery was a capital
The trade
her
silver
of
coin,
crime.
stamped with a head of
and an owl (her sacred bird) on the other.
Hence the point of the story told by Plutarch, in his life of
Lysander That general sent Gylippus with a bag of money
Gylippus unsewed the bottom of the bag, took
to Sparta.
out a portion of the money, and sewed it up again. But
unfortunately for him, the bag contained a paper which gave
an account of the sum sent home. The magistrates, finding the money short, were surprised, and made inquiries.
Gylippus had concealed the stolen coins, which were Athenian
with the owl-stamp, under the tiles of his house; but his
The Attic
coins were generally
Pallas on one side,
—
Athenian
servant,
who was
Money and Mines
in the secret,
that he had observed a great
The
cus.
the good
theft
291
betrayed him by declaring
owls roost in the Cerami-
many
was thus discovered, and Gylippus tarnished
acquired by his victories at
name which he had
Syracuse.
Although the Attic money has been reduced into terms of
our own, to give the reader some notion of
its
value,
it is
plain enough that the relative values of Attic and English
money
could only be fully determined by a comparison of
the quantities of the precious metals, the different modes of
two countries, and many other considerations
same kind. For these reasons, besides the awkwardness of making Demosthenes talk of pounds shillings and
living in the
of the
pence, I have, in the translation, adhered to the Attic terms
for money.
The following
some light on the subject.
particulars will help to throw
An
Athenian could live respectably on the interest of a
that is, on seven or eight minas a year. In the
speech written by Demosthenes against Boeotus, the plaintiff
says he had been supported and educated out of such an
income. Isseus speaks of an estate of fifty minas as sufficient
to live comfortably, but not to perform public services.
The
expenses of Demosthenes, his mother and sister, during his
minority, amounted to seven minas annually, exclusive of
house rent. His father, who was a merchant, left to his
family an estate of fourteen talents, and is represented as
a person of considerable property. But we read of larger
fortunes than his at Athens. Conon possessed 40 talents;
talent,
—
Nicias 100;
was
Alcibiades
still
more.
One
of the richest
men
whose property was valued at
200 talents, partly acquired by the plunder of the Persian
war. He had a son Hipponicus (who was killed at the battle
of Delium) who gave his daughter in marriage to Alcibiades,
with a portion of 10 talents, and a promise of 10 more after
the birth of a son the largest portion ever given by a Greek.
I have spoken of seven or eight minas as being the interest
Callias son of Hipponicus,
;
The
292
Orations of Demosthenes
that is, about twelve or thirteen per cent, per
Such in fact was a common rate of interest at
Athens, but it was considered low; eighteen per cent, being
frequently paid for loans on good security. There were no
laws against usury; and although usurious money-lenders
were regarded, as they have been in all ages, with an evil eye
by the people, much higher rates than those above mentioned
were exacted from needy borrowers, and wherever the risk
was considerable. Thus, we read of thirty per cent, being
paid on a bottomry contract for one summer. The lowness
of a talent;
annum.
of personal credit, frequency of wars, instability of govern-
ments, and imperfection of national law, besides other causes
of risk,
would render
all
mercantile adventures perilous.
Athens were bankers; who kept
the cash of their customers pretty much in the same manner
as bankers of the present day, and made a profit by lending
They were serviceable to their customers
it out to others.
in various ways; as the depositaries of important documents; as referees; as witnesses to payments and other
transactions between them and third persons; and generally
by extending their credit. They were usually men of high
repute in the commercial world. Isocrates tells us that
money was lent to them without witnesses; and this need
not surprise us, when we consider that writing materials were
not so plentiful or easy to be had, and men were obliged to
place more reliance on their agents.
The interest above referred to has been calculated, after the
English fashion, by the year: but it must be remembered
that it was usually reserved at Athens by the month, which
The
chief money-lenders at
makes
it
really higher.
THE TEMPLE PRESS, PRINTERS, LETCHWORTH