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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
[[file:MustafaKemalAtaturk.jpg
President Atatürk
1st President of Turkey
In office
29 October 1923 – 10 November 1938
(15 years, 12 days)
Prime Minister Ali Fethi Okyar
İsmet İnönü
Celâl Bayar
Succeeded by
İsmet İnönü
1st Prime Minister of Turkey
In office
3 May 1920 – 24 January 1921
(0 years, 266 days)
Succeeded by
Fevzi Çakmak
1st Speaker of the Parliament of Turkey
In office
24 April 1920 – 29 October 1923
(3 years, 219 days)
Succeeded by
Ali Fethi Okyar
1st Leader of the Republican People's Party
In office
9 September 1923 – 10 November 1938
(15 years, 62 days)
Succeeded by
İsmet İnönü
Personal details
Born
19 May 1881 (Conventional. This date was adopted by the president himself for official purposes in the absence of precise
knowledge concerning the real date.)Salonica, Ottoman Empire (present-day Thessaloniki, Greece)
Died
10 November 1938 (aged 57)Dolmabahçe Palace
Istanbul, Turkey
Resting place
Nationality
Political party
Anıtkabir
Ankara, Turkey
Turkish
Committee of Union and Progress, Republican People's Party
Spouse(s)
Lâtife Uşaklıgil (1923–25)
Religion
See Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's religious views.
Signature
Military service
alt=]]
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Allegiance
2
Ottoman Empire
(1893 – 8 July 1919)
Republic of Turkey
(9 July 1919 – 30 June 1927)
Army
Service/branch
Rank
Ottoman Empire: General (Pasha)
Republic of Turkey: Mareşal (Marshal)
Commands
19th Division – 16th Corps – 2nd Army – 7th Army – Yildirim Army Group – commander-in-chief of Army of the Grand
National Assembly
Battles/wars
Tobruk – Anzac Cove – Chunuk Bair – Scimitar Hill – Sari Bair – Bitlis – Sakarya – Dumlupınar
Awards
List (24 medals)
Graphical Timeline
Detailed Chronology
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (series)
Personal life
Birth date · Name · Early life (Education) · Family · Character · Religious beliefs · Will · Publications
Military career
Early period · Gallipoli · Caucasus · Sinai and Palestine
Independence War Establishment · Conflicts · Peace
Atatürk's Reforms & Kemalist ideology
Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (pronounced [musˈtafa keˈmaɫ ataˈtyɾk]; 19 May 1881 by a posteriori[1] –10 November
1938) was an Ottoman and Turkish army officer, revolutionary statesman, writer, and the first President of Turkey.
He is credited with being the founder of the Republic of Turkey.
Atatürk was a military officer during World War I.[2] Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I,
he led the Turkish national movement in the Turkish War of Independence. Having established a provisional
government in Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Allies. His military campaigns gained Turkey
independence. Atatürk then embarked upon a program of political, economic, and cultural reforms, seeking to
transform the former Ottoman Empire into a modern, westernized and secular nation-state. The principles of
Atatürk's reforms, upon which modern Turkey was established, are referred to as Kemalism.
Early life
Mustafa was born in either the Ahmed Subaşı neighbourhood or the Islahhane Street (present-day Apostolu Pavlu
Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood (this house is preserved as a museum) in Salonica,[3] Ottoman
Empire, to his mother Zübeyde Hanım (a housewife) and father Ali Rıza Efendi (a militia officer, title deed clerk and
lumber trader). Only one of Atatürk's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in
1956.[4] According to Andrew Mango, he was born into a family which was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and
precariously middle-class.[5] Time magazine states that Mustafa Kemal's father was of Albanian and his mother was
of Macedonian origin,[6] and Patrick Kinross wrote that he was "as fair as any Slav from beyond the Bulgarian
frontier" with "fine white skin" and "eyes of a deep but clear light blue."[7] According to Encyclopaedia Judaica, one
assertion that was commonly made by many Jews of Salonika was that Kemal Atatürk was of Doenmeh origin. This
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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view was eagerly embraced by many of Atatürk’s religious opponents and denied by the Turkish government.[8] His
father Ali Rıza is thought to be of Albanian origin;[9] [10] [11] [12] [13] however, according to Falih Rıfkı Atay, Ali
Rıza's ancestors were from Söke in the Aydın Province of Anatolia.[14] [15] His mother Zübeyde is thought to be of
Turkish origin[11] [12] and according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, she was of Yörük ancestry.[16]
Born Mustafa, his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his Mathematics
teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi, according to Afet Inan in admiration of his capability and maturity,[17] [18]
and according to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, because his teacher Mustafa Efendi wanted to distinguish his student who carried
the same name with him,[19] although his biographer Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name
himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.[20] In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa to
attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School
(a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. His parents wanted him to learn a
trade, but without consulting them, Atatürk took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selânik Askerî
Rüştiyesi ) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled into the Monastir Military High School. On 14 March 1899,[21] he enrolled
at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı[22] within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital
city Constantinople[23] (modern Istanbul in Turkey) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman
Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.[21]
Military career
Early years
Mustafa Kemal as a Senior Captain
(Kolağası) in 1907.
Following graduation, he was assigned to the Fifth Army based in
Damascus as a Staff Captain[21] in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy)
and Müfit (Özdeş).[24] He joined a small secret revolutionary society of
reformist officers led by Mustafa (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet
("Motherland and Liberty"). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the
rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on October 13, 1907, assigned
to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır.[25] He joined the
Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322,
although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and
frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On
22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways
in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi).[25]
In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which
seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the
constitutional monarchy.
In 1910 he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania.[26] [27] At
that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo and
there were revolts in Albania.[28] [29] In 1910 he met with Eqerem
Vlora.[30] [31]
Mustafa Kemal Bey (fourth from right) listening
to the explanation of French Colonel Auguste
Edouard Hirschauer during the Picardie army
manoeuvres.
Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military
observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France.[32]
In early 1911, he worked at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti)
headquarters in Istanbul for a short time.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Italo-Turkish War (1911–1912)
Later in 1911, he was assigned to the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet
(present-day Libya) to fight in the Italo-Turkish War, mainly in the
areas near Benghazi (Bingazi), Darnah (Derne) and Tobruk. A massive
Italian amphibious assault force of 150,000 troops[33] had to be
countered by 20,000 Bedouins[34] and 8,000 Turks[34] (a short time
before Italy declared war, a large portion of the Ottoman troops in
Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen in order to put
down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with
inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya; and the British
Binbaşı Mustafa Kemal Bey (left) with an
government, which militarily controlled the de jure Ottoman provinces
Ottoman military officer and Bedouin forces in
of
Egypt and Sudan since the Urabi Revolt in 1882, didn't allow the
Darnah, Tripolitania Vilayet, 1912.
Ottoman government to send additional Ottoman troops to Libya
through Egypt; causing the Ottoman soldiers like Mustafa Kemal to go to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking
imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt), or through very few available ferries (the Italians, who
had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli).) However, despite all the hardships,
Mustafa Kemal's forces in Libya managed to successfully repel the Italians in a number of occasions, such as the
Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911. During the Battle of Darnah on 16–17 January 1912, while Mustafa Kemal
was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman
forces and a piece of limestone from a damaged building's rubble entered Mustafa Kemal's left eye; which caused a
permanent damage on his left eye's tissue, but not a total loss of sight. After receiving medical treatment for nearly a
month (he attempted to leave the Red Crescent's health facilities early after only two weeks, but when his eye's
situation worsened, he had to return and resume the treatment) on 6 March 1912 Mustafa Kemal became the
Commander of the Ottoman forces in Darnah. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region
until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Mustafa Kemal, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey and the other
Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars
on 8 October 1912, due to which the Ottoman government agreed to surrender the provinces of Tripolitania, Fezzan
and Cyrenaica (present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy with the Treaty of Ouchy (First Treaty of Lausanne)
signed ten days later, on October 18.
Balkan Wars (1912–1913)
On 1 December 1912, Mustafa Kemal arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and during the First
Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace that was commanded by Binbaşı
Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry
Division[35] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.[36]
In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces commanded by Kaymakam
Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365
and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the
Bulgarians.
In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and
promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on March 1, 1914.[21]
4
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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First World War (1914–1918)
In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern
theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Mustafa Kemal
was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division
attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. Mustafa
Kemal became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating
where the Allies would attack and holding his position until they
retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in
Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of
the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus
Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached the
Anatolian key cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops
and mounted a counteroffensive.[37] Two of his divisions captured
Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[38]
Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople
proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi)
and appoint Mustafa Kemal to its command, but he refused the
Mustafa Kemal in the trenches of Gallipoli with
proposal and this army was never established.[32] Instead, on 7 March
his soldiers, 1915.
1917, Mustafa Kemal was promoted from the command of the XVI
Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar's
armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.[32] [37]
In July 1917 he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who
was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn's Yildirim Army Group (after the British
forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by
Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)[32] Mustafa
Kemal Pasha could not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a
report to Grand Vizier Talat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian
front; but Talat Pasha ignored their observations and suggestion that a stronger defensive line should be structured to
the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks rather
than Germans in command.[32] Following the rejection of his report, Mustafa Kemal resigned from the Seventh
Army and returned to Constantinople.[32] There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince
(and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany.[32] While in
Germany, Mustafa Kemal visited the German lines in the west European front and came to the conclusion that the
Central Powers would soon lose the war.[32] He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II
and his high-ranking generals in first person.[32] During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for
medical treatment.[32]
When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Mustafa Kemal to
Constantinople, and in August 1918 assigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.[32] Mustafa
Kemal arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army
was holding the central sector of the front lines. On September 19, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the
Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank, but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to
the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army
retired towards the Jordan River in fair order and, according to the Armistice of Mudros, signed on 30 October 1918,
all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire would be given ample time to withdraw. On 31
October, he was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. He
organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
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Allies.[32]
Kemal's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the troops left behind to the south of
this line. In early November 1918 the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved and Mustafa Kemal returned to
an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.[32] For a period he worked at the
headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city
until 16 May 1919.[32] Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British,
Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, which was followed by the
occupation of Smyrna (the two largest Ottoman cities in that period) sparked the establishment of the Turkish
national movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[39]
Turkish War of Independence (1919–1922)
Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His
Majesty Sultan") Mirliva Mustafa Kemal Pasha was assigned as the
inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what
remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal
security on 30 April 1919.[40] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun.
His first goal was the establishment of an organized national resistance
movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the
Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in
danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July and the
Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. Later, he was
condemned to death.
Prominent nationalists at the Sivas Congress. Left
to right: Muzaffer (Kılıç), Rauf (Orbay), Bekir
Sami (Kunduh), Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk), Ruşen
Eşref (Ünaydın), Cemil Cahit (Toydemir), Cevat
Abbas (Gürer)
The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919
gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defense
of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i
Hukuk Cemiyeti)", headed by Mustafa Kemal, who himself remained in
Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the Parliament opened in
Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces
on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Milli ("National
Pact"). Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new
Turkish Parliament seated in Ankara[41] – the "Grand National
Assembly" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Mustafa
Kemal as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of
diarchy in the country.
On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha
signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the
Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed
as their heartland. Mustafa Kemal insisted on the country's complete
TIME 24 March 1923. Atatürk, the title reads
independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority
'Where is a Turk his own master?'
on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army.
The GNA Army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied
occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenians forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek
forces, that advanced eastward from Smyrna (modern day Izmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the
Western Front.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
7
The GNA military successes against the Democratic Republic of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against
the Greeks were made possible[42] by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the kemalists from the Russian
Bolshevik government from the autumn 1920 onwards.
After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish war, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just
eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Commander in chief of the
forces by the GNA.[43] The ensuing Battle of Sakarya was fought from 23 August to 13 September 1921 and ended
with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, on 19 September 1921, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was given by the
Grand National Assembly the rank of "Marshal" and the title of "Ghazi". The Allies, ignoring the extent of Kemal's
successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Ankara, but the
proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Kemal launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the
Battle of Dumlupınar and Turkish forces regained control of Smyrna on 9 September 1922.[44] On 10 September
1922, Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the League of Nations saying that the Turkish population was so worked up
that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for massacres.[45]
Establishment of the Republic of Turkey
The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused
any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,[46] such as the control of Turkish finances, the
Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with
the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.
On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed.
Presidency
With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise
the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and
constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and
Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the
Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding
Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of
the first caliphs."[47] Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım
Özalp and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute
his reforms. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient
military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in
1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so,
he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part
of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state.
Domestic policies
In 1930, leaving the parliament after the 7th-year
celebration meeting. İsmet İnönü, the second
President of Turkey, is to the left.
Kemal's basic tenet was the complete independence of the country.[48]
He clarified his position:
“
...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all
[49]
matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.
”
He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economical aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of
legislative, judicial, and economic structures.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
8
Mustafa Kemal created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each
change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as
the "Six Arrows", or Kemalist ideology. Kemalist ideology is based on Mustafa Kemal's conception of realism and
pragmatism.[50] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism and etatism were all defined under the Six Arrows.
These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique
was that these interrelated fundamentals were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the
definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly
Christian states.
Emergence of the state, 1923–1924
Mustafa Kemal's private journal entries dated before the establishment
of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the
sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish
revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and
decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman
heritage.[51] For instance, they made Ankara the country's new capital.
A provincial town deep in Anatolia, it was turned into the center of the
independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the
Assembly"[52] and visualized a representative democracy,
parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the
ultimate source of power.[52]
A political satire from the single-party period
depicting Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the RPP,
choosing the party's candidates for prospective
MPs, to be elected in the incoming parliamentary
elections. During the single-party state, the
candidates had only one party's (RPP) list to join.
In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country
needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and that "direct
government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from
the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and
fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and
rejected both.[53] He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet
Union, Germany and Italy.[54] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of
eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the
instability of new ideologies and competing factions.
The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Mustafa
Kemal.[55] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.[55]
Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had
the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative
power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish
Constitution of 1921.[55] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative
and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict
one. Mustafa Kemal, then the President, occupied a powerful position in this political system.
The single-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only
political party of the GNA was the "Peoples Party", founded by Mustafa Kemal in the initial years of the
independence war. On 9 September 1923 it was renamed the Republican People's Party (Turkish Cumhuriyeti Halk
Partisı).
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
9
Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925
Abolition of the Caliphate was an important dimension in Mustafa
Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the
national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early
centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni
Islam.[56] Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of
the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This
produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an
Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and
Kemal and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the
sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph.[57] " Caliph
Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolishment of the sultanate
(1922).
In 1924, during his speech in Bursa.
The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Mustafa
Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II
was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign
representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[58] He wanted to
integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924,
when[58] İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the
effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[59] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said
“
[60]
The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.
”
On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA.
Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether
they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.[59] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in
May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this
decision.[59]
Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[59]
Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while
Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[61]
The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and
religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of
institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur'an and memorization. The
second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included
colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old
medrese education was modernized.[62] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously
promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.[62] Kemal linked educational reform to the liberation of the
nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish war of independence.
“
Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be
[63]
successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."
”
In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him
on how to reform Turkish education.[62] His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public
life through increasing the public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary for both girls and boys; since
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in
Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools
established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education."
Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430).
With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all
schools submitted their curriculum to the "Ministry of National Education", a government agency modelled after
other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy
subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of
education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious
schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former
position in secondary after Mustafa Kemal's death.
Beginning in the fall of 1925, Mustafa Kemal encouraged the Turks to
wear modern European attire.[64] He was determined to force the
abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize
a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud
II.[64] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of
the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925
introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Mustafa
Kemal first made the hat compulsory to civil servants.[64] The
guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were
passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat
willingly. In 1925, Mustafa Kemal wore his "Panama hat" during a
public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns
Atatürk with his Panama hat just after the
in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized
Kastamonu speech in 1925.
nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear
modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style
hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited
Garments of 1934.
Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Mustafa Kemal never made specific reference to
women’s clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free
will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in
accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing
modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the
real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause
difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[65]
10
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
11
On 30 August 1925, Mustafa Kemal's view on religious insignia used
outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech.
This speech also had another position. He said:
In 1923, with members of the Mevlana order
before its institutional expression became illegal
and their dervish lodge changed into the Mevlana
Museum. The Mevlevi order managed to
transform itself into a nonpolitical organization
which still exists.
“
In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community
of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of
sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of
civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and
[48]
admit that their disciplines have grown up.
”
On 2 September the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders and the tekkes. Mustafa Kemal ordered
their dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of
Sufism became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of Sufism, functioning as social associations, was
permitted to exist.
The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements
were not happy and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[59]
Opposition to Kemal in 1924–1927
In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said Piran began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion.
Sheikh Said Piran was a wealthy Kurdish Tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order. Piran emphasized the issue of
religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western
models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Piran stirred up
his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic
law, Piran's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of
Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[66] Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a
counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. The "Law for the Maintenance of
Public Order" was passed to deal with the rebellion on 4 March 1925. It gave the government exceptional powers
and included the authority to shut down subversive groups, but was repealed on 4 March 1929.
There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes. So many members were
denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Mustafa
Kemal expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.[67] He decided not to purge this group.[67]
After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends,
established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal.
On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[67] CHP held all but one seat
in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him[67] Mustafa Kemal said, "the Turkish nation is firmly
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
12
determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".[67]
On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies
and the first multi-party system began. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state
socialism of CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of CHP. Leaders
of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural
revolution and the principle of secularism.[68] The PRP was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared
in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the
age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[67] These principles were set by the leaders at the
onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.
During 1926, a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in İzmir. It originated with a former deputy who
had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. Investigation shifted from an inquiry into the planners to an investigation
ostensibly to uncover subversive activities but in truth used to undermine those disagreeing with Kemal's cultural
revolution. The sweeping investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including
Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who were at
best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat, were found guilty
of treason and hanged.[69] The investigations found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said
Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however,
was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying,
"My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever," was regarded as a will after the
assassination attempt.[70]
Modernization efforts, 1926–1930
In the years following 1926, Mustafa Kemal introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established
by the Ottoman Empire.[71] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law, and restricted to
matters of religion.[71] Mustafa Kemal said
“
We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with
[72]
the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.
”
On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code was passed. It was modelled after the Italian Penal Code. On 4 October
1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Kemal delayed the inclusion of the
principle of laïcité until 5 February 1937.
Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women in keeping with Islamic practice of sex
segregation. Mustafa Kemal began developing social reforms very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He
and his staff discussed issues like abolishing the veiling of women and the integration of women into the outside
world. The clue on how he was planning to tackle the issue was stated in his journal on November 1915;
“
The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can
change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of
[73]
mutual affection.
”
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
13
Mustafa Kemal needed a new civil code to establish his second major
step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of
girls and was established with the unification of education. On 4
October 1926, the new Turkish civil code passed. It was modelled after
the Swiss Civil Code. Under the new code, women gained equality
with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce. Mustafa Kemal
did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to
his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women
united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for him to
achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation
continued as in Ottoman times.[74] During a meeting he declaimed:
President Kemal at the 1927 opening of the State
Art and Sculpture Museum.
“
To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I
appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall
[75]
remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.
”
In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Turkish: Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The
museum highlighted sculpture, which was little practised in Turkey owing to the Islamic tradition of avoiding
idolatry. Kemal believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."[76] and described modern Turkey's
ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." He included both his own nation's
creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks
became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon Turkish culture widespread before
the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations--Phrygians and Lydians,
Sumerians and Hittites. To attract current public attention to past cultures, he personally named the "Sümerbank"
(1932) after the Sumerians, and the "Etibank" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the
countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
In the spring of 1928, Mustafa Kemal met in Anakara with several
linguists and professors from all over Turkey where he unveiled to
them a plan of his to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish
language based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish
alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and as
a solution to the literacy problem in Turkey. When he asked how long
it would take to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language,
most of the professors and linguists said between three to five years.
Kemal was said to have scoffed and openly stated, "we shall do it in
three to five months".
Over the next several months, Mustafa Kemal pressed for the
introduction of the new Turkish alphabet as well as made public
announcements to the upcoming overhaul of the new alphabet. On 1
November 1928, Mustafa Kemal introduced the new Turkish alphabet
and abolished the use of Arabic script. At the time, literate citizens of
the country comprised as little as 10% of the population. Dewey noted
President Gazi Mustafa Kemal introducing the
to Kemal that learning how to read and write in Turkish with the
new Turkish alphabet to the people of Kayseri
Arabic script took roughly three years with rather strenuous methods at
(20 September 1928.)
the elementary level.[62] They used the Ottoman Language written in
the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[62] The creation of the new Turkish alphabet as a variant
of the Latin alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Turkish: Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of
Mustafa Kemal.[62] The tutelage was received from an Ottoman-Armenian calligrapher.[77] The first Turkish
newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Kemal himself travelled the countryside in
order to teach citizens the new alphabet. The country's adaptation to the new alphabet was very quick, and literacy in
Turkey jumped from 10% to over 70% within two years. Beginning in 1932, the People's Houses (Turkish: Halk
Evleri) opened throughout the country in order to meet the requirement that people between the ages of four and 40
were required to learn the new alphabet as mandated. There were congresses for discussing the issues of copyright,
public education and scientific publishing. Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private
publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.
Mustafa Kemal promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey took a place of
honour.[62] Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies that are
moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system."[62] He was
interested in adult education for the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only
child care, dress-making and household management, but also skills needed to join the economy outside the home.
Turkish education became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and
economic progress of the country.[78] His "unified" education program was designed to educate responsible citizens
as well as useful and appreciated members of society.[62] Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to
alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality.
Mustafa Kemal generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official
education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." to discuss the quality of education, training
issues and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our schools [curriculum] should aim to provide
opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two
textbooks. The first one was Turkish: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (1930). The second, Geometry (1937), was a
text for high schools. The Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens) introduced the science of
comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of
governance as applied to the new state institutions.
14
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
15
Opposition to Kemal in 1930–1931
On 11 August 1930, Mustafa Kemal decided to try a multiparty
movement once again and asked Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new
party. He insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new
Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. Without
the establishment of a real political spectrum, once again, the party
became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in
regard to the role of religion in public life.
On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, starting
with the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small
town in the Aegean region. This so-called Menemen Incident was
considered a serious threat against secular reforms.
Mustafa Kemal with the Liberal Republican Party
leader Ali Fethi Okyar and his daughter in
Yalova, on 13 August 1930.
In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting multi-party period of the Republic of
Turkey began in 1945. In 1950, the RPP released the majority position to the Democratic Party. There are arguments
that Kemal's single party rule did not promote direct democracy. The experiments with pluralism failed during this
period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly
secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Mustafa Kemal's biographer
Andrew Mango said: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and
better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More
could not have been expected in his lifetime."[79] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his
actions, he always supported the idea of building a civil society: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations
and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the
importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in 1933:
“
Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the
[80]
requirements of democracy as the time comes.
”
Modernization efforts, 1931–1938
In 1931, Mustafa Kemal established the Turkish Language Association
for conducting research works in the Turkish language (Turkish: Türk
Dil Kurumu). The Turkish Historical Society (Turkish: Türk Tarih
Kurumu) was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in
1932 for conducting research works on the history of Turkey.[81] On 1
January 1928, he established the Turkish Education Association.[81]
The Association supported intelligent and hard-working children in
financial need, as well as making material and scientific contributions
to the educational life.
Atatürk at the library of the Çankaya Presidential
Residence in Ankara, 1929.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
16
In 1931, during the establishment ceremony of
the Turkish History Institution.
In 1933, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ordered the reorganization of Istanbul
University into a modern institution and later established Ankara
University in the capital city.[82]
Attending a class at the Law School of the
Istanbul Darülfünunu in 1930.
Atatürk visits the Istanbul University after its
reorganization with the University Law of 31
May 1933 that introduced mixed-sex education to
the academies, colleges and universities in
Turkey. In 1915, during the Ottoman period, a
separate section for girl students named the İnas
Darülfünunu was opened as a branch of the
İstanbul Darülfünunu, the predecessor of the
modern Istanbul University.
Mustafa Kemal dealt with the translation of scientific terminology into
Turkish.[83] He wanted the Turkish language reform to be
methodologically based. Any attempt to "cleanse" the Turkish
language of foreign influence without modelling the integral structure
of the language was inherently wrong to him. He personally oversaw
the development of the Sun Language Theory (Turkish: Güneş Dil
Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory which proposed that all human
languages were descendants of one Central Asian primal language. His
interest started with the works by the French scientist Hilaire de
Barenton entitled L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples,
which postulates that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and
cuneiform used by Sumerians,[84] and the paper of Austrian linguist
Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna entitled "La psychologie de
quelques elements des langues Turques" ("the psychology of some
elements of the Turkic Languages").[85] He introduced the Sun
Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in
1935, although he did later correct the more extremist practices.[83]
Beginning in 1932, several hundred "People's Houses" (Turkish: Halk
Evi) and "People's Rooms" (Halk Odası) across the country allowed
greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other
cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the
plastic arts, which had been suppressed by the Ottoman leaders, who
regarded depiction of the human form as idolatry. Many museums
opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical
Western music, opera, and ballet, as well as the theatre, also took
greater hold. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and
the film industry began to grow.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
17
In 1932, a Qur'an in the Turkish language was read before a live
audience and broadcast over the radio.[86] That same year, Mustafa
Kemal wanted to "teach religion in Turkish to Turkish people who had
been practising Islam without understanding it for centuries"[87] All
Qur'ans at the time were printed in Old Arabic. There was a rare
polyglot Qu'ran written in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Latin in the
tetrapla style, prepared by savant Andrea Acolutho of Bernstadt and
printed at Berlin in 1701.[88] In 1924, three Turkish translations
published in Istanbul created controversy. Several renderings of the
Qur'an in the Turkish language were read in front of the public.[86]
The original 1935 print of the first Quran in
Turkish language, ordered by Atatürk.
These Turkish Qur'ans were fiercely opposed by religious people. This
incident impelled many leading Muslim modernists to call upon the
Turkish Parliament to sponsor a Qur'an translation of suitable quality.[89] With the support of Mustafa Kemal, the
Parliament approved the project and the Directorate of Religious Affairs enlisted, Mehmet Akif (Ersoy), to compose
a Qur'an translation and a Islamic scholar Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır to author a Turkish language Qur'anic commentary
(tafsir) titled "Hak Dini Kur'an Dili." It was only in 1935 that the version read in public found its way to print.[90]
Mustafa Kemal believed that the understanding of religion was too important to be left to a small group of people.[87]
This included the central religious text of Islam. Mustafa Kemal's objective was to make the Qu'ran accessible to
modern people, and therefore to translate it into modern languages.[87]
In 1934, Mustafa Kemal commissioned the first Turkish operatic work, Özsoy. The opera, which was staged at the
People's House in Ankara, was composed by Adnan Saygun and performed by soprano Semiha Berksoy.[91]
On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to
women, before several other European nations. The equal rights of
women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish
civil code.[92] Women's place in Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms was
best expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision.[93]
Mustafa Kemal said that
Eighteen female MPs joined the Turkish
Parliament with the 1935 general elections.
“
There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing
more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that,
[94]
because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform.
”
Change came slowly; in the 1935 elections there were only 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives.
Foreign policies
Atatürk's foreign policy followed his motto, "peace at home and peace in the world."[95] a perception of peace linked
to his project of civilization and modernization.[96] The outcomes of Kemal's policies depended on the power of the
parliamentary sovereignty established by the Republic.[97] The Turkish War of Independence was the last time
Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. Foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods
during his presidency.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
18
Issue of Mosul
The "Issue of Mosul", a dispute with the United Kingdom over control
of Mosul Province, was one of the first foreign affairs-related
controversies of the new Republic. During the Mesopotamian
campaign, General Marshall followed the British War Office's
instruction that "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as
possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew", capturing Mosul three
days after the signature of the Armistice of Mudros (30 October
1918).[98] In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the "Turkish
lands", declared that Mosul Province was a part of the historic Turkish
heartland. The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of
Mosul, and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect
their interests. The Iraqi revolt against the British was put down by the
RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. From the British
perspective, if Mustafa Kemal Atatürk stabilized Turkey, he would
then turn his attention to Mosul and penetrate Mesopotamia, where the
native population would probably join him thus bringing an insurgent
and hostile Muslim nation to the very gates of India.
During the visit of Abdullah I of Jordan.
In 1923, Mustafa Kemal tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the
arbitration of the League of Nations at the Treaty of Lausanne over Mosul did not mean relinquishing Mosul, but
rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. The artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on
both sides of the population. Later, it was claimed that Turkey began where the oil ends as the border was drawn by
the British geophysicists based on the oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.[99] The British Foreign
Secretary attempted to disclaim any existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Lord Curzon argued that
the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.[98] However, according to Armstrong, "England wanted oil.
Mosul and Kurds were the key."[100]
While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in
1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion, beginning in 1924 and escalating until 1927, set out to establish a new government
positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was questioned.
British assistance was sought after the rebels realised that the rebellion, or its expected outcome, could not stand by
itself.[101]
In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion
was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq),
the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold
the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed,
and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.[102] As a result of these manoeuvres, the revolt was
put down. Britain, Iraq and Kemal made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League
Council. In 1926, Kemal faced growing opposition to his reform policies, a continuing precarious economic
situation, and a defeat in the Mosul issue. A large section of the Kurdish population and the Iraqi Turkmen were left
on the other side of the border. The Sheikh Said Rebellion hastened both the imposition of the Republican Party and
the speed of Atatürk's reforms. In 1925, the population was largely illiterate and disparate. Turkey was in ruins,
reconstruction was difficult, poverty was everywhere and people were in pain, which fed separatist violence.[103]
Mustafa Kemal attributed the rebellion to certain notables rather than a section of the population, who had been
found guilty by the courts (kanunen mucrim olan bazi muteneffizan) and who used the mask of religion to conceal
the interests of landlords, feudal tribal leaders and other "reactionaries" on 7 March 1925.[104]
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
19
Relations with the RSFSR/Soviet Union
In his message to Vladimir Lenin, Russian bolsheviks' leader and head
of the RSFSR's government, dated 26 April 1920, Kemal promised to
coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks' "fight against
imperialist governments" and requested 5 million lira in gold as well as
armaments "as first aid" to his forces.[105] In 1920 alone, the Lenin
government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million
rifle cartridges, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold bullion;
in the subsequent 2 years the amount of aid increased.[106]
During a reception at the USSR Embassy in
Ankara, on 7 November 1927.
In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the "Friendship and Brotherhood" Treaty with Soviet
Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the
identical Treaty of Kars in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at
the expense the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, then nominally an independent state.
The two country's relations were friendly but were based on the fact that they were fighting against a common
enemy: Britain and the West.[107] In 1920, Kemal toyed with the idea to use a state-controlled Turkish Communist
Party to forestall the perceived spread of communist ideas in the country and gain access to the Comintern's
financing;[108] nevertheless, the entire Turkish communist leadership were assassinated on 28 January 1921 at
Kemal's behest.[109]
"Friendship with Russia," said Mustafa Kemal, "is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey."[107] He
declared: "Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm
the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey."[110] In a 1 November 1924 speech he said: "Our
amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in
past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the Keynote of
our foreign policy."[107]
After the Turks, on 16 December 1925, withdrew their delegation from Geneva, thus leaving the League of Nations
Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent, Kemal countered[111] by
concluding a non-aggression pact with the USSR on 17 December the same year.[112] In 1935, the pact was
prolonged for another 10 years.[113]
In 1933, the Soviet War minister Kliment Voroshilov visited Turkey
and attended the tenth year celebrations of the Republic.[114] Kemal
explained his position regarding the realization of his plan for a Balkan
Federation economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia
and Bulgaria.[114]
During the second half of the 1930s, Mustafa Kemal tried to establish a
closer relationship with Britain and other major western powers, which
caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the
Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally
critical of Kemal's policies in the last years of his rule, calling his
domestic policies "anti-popular" and his foreign course as aimed at
rapprochement with the "imperialist powers."[115]
Exchanges on the concept of a Balkan Federation
during the visit of Voroshilov, a vision of
Kemal's which was never achieved.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
20
Turkish-Greek alliance
The post-war leader of Greece, Eleftherios Venizelos, was also
determined to establish normal relations between the two states. The
war devastated Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman
Muslim refugees from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos
moved forward with the agreement despite accusations of conceding
too much on the issues of the naval armaments, and the properties of
the Ottoman Greeks from Turkey according to the Treaty of
Lausanne.[116] Kemal resisted the pressures of historic enmities or
atrocity-mongering between the societies. In spite of Turkish animosity
against the Greeks, Kemal showed acute sensitivity to even the
slightest allusion to these tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal
of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet to a
Greek soldier by stating, "What a revolting scene!".[117]
Hosting the Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios
Venizelos (at left) in October 1932.
Ultimately, many Greeks consider the reconciliation with Turkey among the greatest foreign policy achievements of
Venizelos' final term as Prime Minister. Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory and the two sides
concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey, and signed a treaty of
friendship.[118] Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize,[119] Even after his fall
from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit
Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement, called the Entente Cordiale, a stepping
stone for the Balkan Pact.
Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas said of Atatürk and the Turkish-Greek alliance, that "...Greece, which has the highest
estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that
President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and
peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to
dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the
noble Turkish nation."
Neighbours to the east
From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period
under Amanullah Khan. Afghan Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi was a
follower of Mustafa Kemal's domestic policy. He encouraged
Amanullah Khan in social and political reform but urged that reforms
should build upon the basis of a strong government. During the late
1920s, Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an
Afghan-Soviet friendship. On 20 May 1928, Anglo-Afghan politics
gained a positive perspective, when Amanullah Khan and the Queen
were received by Mustafa Kemal in Constantinople. This meeting was
During the visit of Faisal I of Iraq in 1931.
followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on
22 May 1928. Mustafa Kemal supported Afghanistan's integration into
international organizations. In 1934, Afghanistan's relations with the international community gained a huge boost
when it joined the League of Nations.[120] In 1937, King Zahir Shah became a signatory of the Treaty of Saadabad.
Mahmud Tarzi received Mustafa Kemal's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
21
Mustafa Kemal and Reza Shah had a common approach regarding
British imperialism and its influence in their region, creating a slow but
continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. Both
governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to
each other during the Turkish war of independence.[121] The policy of
the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in
order to assure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.[122] The
relations were strained after the abolishment of the Caliphate. Iran's
During the visit of Reza Pahlavi I, The Shah of
Shi'a clergy did not accept Kemal's position. Iranian religious power
Iran.
centres perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to
undermine the power of the clergy.[122] An admirer of Mustafa Kemal
and close student of his reforms, Reza Shah followed the same type of modernization efforts. By the mid-1930s,
Reza Shah's efforts had upset the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and
government.[123] Mustafa Kemal feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic/multi-tribal
society by Russia or Great Britain.[122] Like Mustafa Kemal, Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders. Reza Shah
visited him in 1934. In 1935, the draft of what would become the Treaty of Saadabad was paragraphed in Geneva,
but the signing of it was delayed because of the border dispute between Iran and Iraq. Iran challenged the validity of
both the Treaty of Erzerum and the Constantinople Protocol in 1934.
On 8 July 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan signed the Saadabad Pact at Tehran. The signatories undertook
to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest and to commit no
aggression against one another’s territory. The treaty united the Afghan king’s call for greater Oriental-Middle
Eastern cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing relations with Turkey that would help Iran free herself from Soviet
and British influence, and Mustafa Kemal's foreign policy of securing stability in the region. The immediate outcome
was to deter Mussolini from adventures in the region.[124]
Turkish Straits
On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne included the Lausanne Straits
Agreement. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the
Dardanelles should remain open to all commercial vessels: seizure of
foreign military vessels was subject to certain limitations during
peacetime, and, even as a neutral state, Turkey could not limit any
military passage during wartime. The Lausanne Straits Agreement
stated that the waterway was to be demilitarized, and its management
left to the Straits Commission. The demilitarized zone heavily
restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the Straits. The
defence of Constantinople was impossible without having the
sovereignty over the water that passed through it.
During the visit of King Edward VIII.
In March 1936, Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland gave Mustafa Kemal the opportunity to resume full control
over the Straits. "The situation in Europe", he declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly
achieve it".[125] Tevfik Rüştü Aras, who was the foreign minister, initiated a move to revise the Straits' regime. Aras
claimed that he was directed by the President, rather than his Prime Minister, Ismet Inönü. Inōnü was worried about
harming relations with Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors over the Straits. However, the signatories agreed to
join the conference, since unlimited military passage had become unfavourable to Turkey with the changes in world
politics. Mustafa Kemal demanded that the members of the Turkish Foreign Office devise a solution that would
transfer full control over the waterway to Turkey.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
22
On 20 July 1936, the Montreux Convention was signed, with the participation of Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia,
France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece. It became the primary instrument
governing the passage of commercial and war vessels through the Dardanelles Strait. It was ratified by the GNAT on
31 July 1936. It went into effect on 9 November 1936, and is still valid today.
Balkan Pact
Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a modern neutral foreign policy
with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality
agreements. These bilateral agreements were aligned with Mustafa
Kemal's worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen
joint agreements with Western states.
In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics
required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its
security. Mustafa Kemal strongly believed that a close cooperation
During the visit of Alexander I of Yugoslavia in
between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would
1931.
have an important effect on European politics. These states had been
ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries, and had formed a powerful
force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date back as far as 1925, the Balkan Pact came to being in the
mid-1930s. Several important developments in the Balkan Peninsula and in Europe helped the original idea to
materialize, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and
Yugoslavia.
The Balkan Pact was negotiated by Mustafa Kemal with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence
agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack by
another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist
Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. He thought of the Balkan Pact as a
medium of balance in the relations with the European countries.[126] Mustafa Kemal was particularly anxious to
establish a region of security and alliances in the west of Turkey and in Balkan Europe, which would extend as far as
Dobruja.[127]
The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. It was regarded as a significant step
forward in consolidating the free world's position in southeast Europe, although it contained no specific military
commitments. The importance of the agreement was best displayed in the message which Atatürk sent to the Greek
Premier, Ioannis Metaxas:
“
The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I
[128]
recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.
”
It was signed by GNA on 28 Feb. The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days after. The
unanimously ratified Balkan pact became a reality on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.
The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk’s control. What he wanted to
prevent with the Balkan Pact was realized by Bulgaria’s attempt to put the Dobruja issue into the agenda after a
series of international events ending with the Italian invasion of Albania on 7 April 1939. These conflicts spread
rapidly, ending with World War II. The goal of Atatürk, to protect southeast Europe, failed with the dissolution of
the pact. The only state which arose intact after the war was Atatürk's Republic of Turkey.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Issue of Hatay
Turkish Prime-Minister Ismet Inonu was very conscious of foreign
policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to
form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change
put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement
were two important developments in foreign policy that played a
significant role in the severing of relations between Atatürk and Ismet.
In 1936, Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations.
Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire
Telegram sent by Atatürk after the local
called the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations,
legislative assembly accepted his proposal for the
the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands,
Hatay State's flag.
Belgium and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which
established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, in the midst of 1938 an
election was conducted by the local legislative assembly. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun
(Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.
Economic policies
For conceptual analysis, see Economic reforms
Mustafa Kemal instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social
strata (industrial bourgeoisie along with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the
Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political
institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.[129] Mustafa Kemal's vision
regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923 which was
established before the signing of the Lausanne Treaty. The initial choices of Mustafa Kemal's economic policies
reflected the realities of his period. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to open private
sector factories and develop industrial production, Kemal established many state-owned factories for agriculture,
machinery, and textile industries.
State intervention, 1923–1929
Mustafa Kemal and İsmet İnönü pursuit of state controlled economical
policies was guided by a national vision; they wanted to knit the
country together, eliminate the foreign control of the economy, and
improve communications. Constantinople, a trading port with
international foreign enterprises, was abandoned and resources were
channelled to other, less developed cities, in order to establish a more
balanced development throughout the country.[130]
For Mustafa Kemal, as for his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to
Atatürk and Celâl Bayar visiting the Bursa plant,
his policy in the pursuit of economic independence. Turkish tobacco
which was established as a part of the
was an important industrial crop, while its cultivation and manufacture
cotton-related industry.
were French monopolies under capitulations of the Ottoman Empire.
The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies: the "Regie Compagnie interessee des
tabacs de l'empire Ottoman" and "Narquileh tobacco."[131] The Ottoman Empire gave the tobacco monopoly to the
Ottoman Bank as a limited company under the "Council of the Public Debt". Regie, as part of the Council of the
Public Debt, had control over production, storing, and distribution (including export) with an unchallenged price
control. Consequently, Turkish farmers were dependent on the company for their livelihood.[132] In 1925, this
23
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
24
company was taken over by the state and named "Tekel". The control of tobacco was the biggest achievement of the
Kemalist political machinery's "nationalization" of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. They
accompanied this achievement with the development of the cotton industry, which peaked during the early 1930s.
Cotton was the second biggest industrial crop in Turkey.
In 1924, with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal, the first Turkish bank İş Bankası was established. He was the first
member of İş Bankası. The bank's creation was a response to the growing need for a truly national establishment and
the birth of a banking system which was capable of backing up economic activities, managing funds accumulated as
a result of policies providing savings incentives and, where necessary, extending resources which could trigger
industrial impetus.
In 1927, Turkish State Railways was established. Because Mustafa Kemal considered the development of a national
rail network as another important step in industrialization, it was given high priority. This institution developed an
extensive railway network in a very short time. In 1927, Kemal also ordered the integration of road construction
goals into development plans. The road network consisted of 13,885 km of ruined surface roads, 4.450 km of
stabilized roads, and 94 bridges. In 1935, a new entity was established under the government called "Sose ve
Kopruler Reisligi" which would drive development of new roads after World War II. However, in 1937, the
22,000 km of roads in Turkey augmented the railways.
The national group, which had Kemal as the leader, developed many projects within the first decade of the republic.
However, the Turkish economy was based on agriculture, with primitive tools and methods; roads and transportation
facilities were far from sufficient and management of the economy was inefficient. The Great Depression brought
many changes to this picture.
Great Depression, 1929–1931
The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep
economic crisis during the Great Depression. Mustafa Kemal reacted
to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic
polices, and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates.
However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was
shunned and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of
peasants who could not pay their taxes.[130]
Atatürk supported large-scale government
subsidized industrial complexes, such as
Sümerbank, increasingly after the Great
Depression.
In 1929, Mustafa Kemal signed a treaty that resulted in the
restructuring of the nation's debt with the Ottoman Public Debt
Administration. He did not fault the Ottoman debt. He had to deal with
the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression along with the payment of the high debt known as the
Ottoman public debt. Until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was
impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to this problem. This increased the credibility of the
new Republic.
In 1931, Mustafa Kemal's intention to establish the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was realized. The bank's
primary purpose was to have control over the exchange rate, and Ottoman Bank's role during its initial years as a
central bank was phased out. Later specialized banks such as the Sümerbank (1932) and the Etibank (1935) were
founded.
From the political economy perspective, Mustafa Kemal had to face the same problems which all countries faced:
political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was needed; he asked Ali
Fethi Okyar to fulfil. The Liberal Republican Party (August, 1930) came out with a liberal program and proposed
that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and that state investment should be
curtailed. Mustafa Kemal supported İnönü's point of view: "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential
development." In 1931, he proclaimed: "In the economic area ...the programme of the party is statism."[133]
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate, more akin to
a form of state capitalism. One of his radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu from the Kadro (The
Cadre) movement, claimed that Mustafa Kemal found a third way between capitalism and socialism.[134]
Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939
The first (1929–1933) and second five year economic plans were
performed under the supervision of Mustafa Kemal. The first five year
economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However,
these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Kemal and
the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that
harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways.[135] The
achievements of the 1930s were credited to early (1920s)
implementation of the economic system based on the national policies
of Mustafa Kemal and his team.[136]
In 1931, Mustafa Kemal watched the first national aircraft, MMV-1,
develop. He realized the important role of aviation. In his words, "the
Atatürk at the Etimesgut Airport in Ankara, built
future lies in the skies".[137] Turkish Aeronautical Association was
by the Turkish Aircraft Association. His famous
[138]
founded in 16 February 1925 by his directive.
He ordered the
quote, "the future is in the skies", is embossed
establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of
today on the airport's façade.
the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. The
major part of its income was used to establish a new factory fund aviation projects. Mustafa Kemal did not see the
flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at the factory. Operational American Curtiss Hawk fighters were
being produced soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.
In 1932, liberal economist Celal Bayar became the Minister of Economy at Mustafa Kemal's request and served until
1937.[139] During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile,
sugar, paper and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these
government owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established.
In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli Calico print factory" opened. Cotton planting was promoted to
furnish raw material for future factory settlements, part of the industrialization process.[140] Nazilli became a major
center beginning with the establishment of cotton mills and was followed by a calico print factory by 1935.[141] [142]
In 1936 Nuri Demirağ established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul.[143] The first
Turkish airplanes, Nu D.36 and Nu D.38, were produced in this factory.[143]
On 25 October 1937, Mustafa Kemal appointed Celal Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated
economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France.[135] This signaled
a turning point in Turkish history.[135] It was the first step towards an alliance with the "West".[135] Celal Bayar
served as prime minister until Mustafa Kemal's death. The differences of opinion between Inönü (state control) and
Celal Bayar (liberal) came to the forefront after İnönü became president in 1938. On 25 January 1939, Prime
Minister Bayar resigned.
Mustafa Kemal supported the establishment of the automobile industry. He wanted it to become a center in the
region. The motto of the Turkish automobile association was: "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite
sensitivities."[144]
During 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society on the Western European model set out by Atatürk.[145] At
the time of his death, most regions of Turkey had viable micro-economic stability and some macro economic
stability. These signs of sound economic policies were marked by the first-ever emergence of local banks. However,
the gap between Mustafa Kemal’s goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country was not
25
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
26
closed.[145]
Personal life
On 29 January 1923, Mustafa Kemal married Latife Uşaklıgil;
they were divorced on 5 August 1925.[146] He never remarried.
During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted twelve daughters and a son.
In his leisure time, he enjoyed reading and writing (books and a
personal journal), horseback riding, chess, and swimming. He was
also an avid dancer and enjoyed both the waltz and traditional
Zeybek folk dances.
During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening
started to appear. In early 1938, while he was on a trip to Yalova,
Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil
he suffered from a serious illness. He went to İstanbul for
(Uşşaki) in Afyonkarahisar, 23 March 1923.
treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis of the liver due
to heavy alcohol consumption.[147] [148] During his stay in İstanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular
lifestyle for a while. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace, where he spent his
last days.[149] The clock in the bedroom where he died is still set to the time of his death, 9:05 in the morning.
Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and seventeen countries sent special representatives,
while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège.[95] Mustafa Kemal's remains were originally laid to rest in
the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, and transferred on 10 November 1953, 15 years after his death in a 42-ton
sarcophagus, to a mausoleum that overlooks Ankara,[150] Anıtkabir. In his will, he donated all of his possessions to
the Republican People's Party, providing that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister
Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of the children of İsmet İnönü. The remainder of
this yearly interest was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.
Legacy
Turkey
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials
throughout Turkey, such as the Atatürk International Airport in
Istanbul, the Atatürk Bridge over the Golden Horn (Haliç), the Atatürk
Dam, and Atatürk Stadium. Atatürk statues have been erected in all
Turkish cities by Turkish Government, and most towns have their own
memorial to him. His face and name are seen and heard everywhere in
Turkey; his portrait can be seen in all public buildings, in all schools
and classrooms, on all school books, on all Turkish lira banknotes, and
in the homes of many Turkish families.[151] At the exact time of his
death, on every 10 November, at 09:05 am, most vehicles and people
in the country's streets pause for one minute in remembrance.[152]
Anıtkabir, the mausoleum of Kemal Atatürk, in
Ankara, Turkey.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
27
Outlawing insults to his reminiscence
In 1951, the Turkish Parliament issued a law (5816) outlawing insults
to his reminiscence (Turkish: Hatırası) or destruction of objects
representing him.[153] The demarcation between a criticism and an
insult was defined as a political argument and the minister of Justice (a
political position) was assigned in Article 5 to execute the law rather
than the public prosecutor. A government website [154] was created to
denounce the websites that violate this law.
In 2007 YouTube, Geocities, and several blogger webpages were
blocked by a Turkish court due to the violation of this law. The
YouTube ban in the country lasted for 30 months, in retaliation for four
videos on Atatürk. In the last week of October 2010, a German
company, following a request from the Turkish Internet Board,
exploited YouTube automatic copyright-enforcement mechanism to
take down the videos. On 30 October, shortly after the removal, a court
lifted the ban. But a few days later, Google concluded that the videos
did not infringe copyright and restored them on YouTube.[155]
Atatürk's statues are erected in every town of
Turkey. The Monument of the Republic, crafted
by the famous Italian sculptor Pietro Canonica, is
located at the Taksim Square in Istanbul.
In 2010 the French-based NGO Reporters Without Borders declared
that the Turkish laws to protect the memory of Kemal Ataturk are in contradiction with the current European Union
standards of freedom of speech in news media.[156]
Worldwide
In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the UN and UNESCO, which declared it The
Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial. The Atatürk Memorial in
Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk
Memorial in the place of honour on ANZAC Parade in Canberra, Australia; the Atatürk Forest in Israel; and the
Atatürk Square in Rome, Italy, are only a few examples. He has roads named after him in several countries, like the
Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India, Kemal Atatürk Avenue in Dhaka, Bangladesh, the Atatürk Avenue in the
heart of Islamabad in Pakistan, the Atatürk Road in the southern city of province of Sindh of Pakistan called Larkana
where Atatürk visited back in 1923, Mustafá Kemal Atatürk street in the Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican
Republic, and the street and memorial Atatürk in the Amsterdam-Noord borough of Amsterdam, Netherlands. The
entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel. Barack Obama, the
44th President of the United States, who visited his tomb and praised him, also expressed his view regarding
Atatürk's legacy at his speech towards "the Muslim world" by stating Atatürk's "greatest legacy is Turkey's strong
and secular democracy, and that is the work that this assembly carries on today."[157] [158]
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
Notes
[1] A. Afetinan, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti ve Türk Devrimi, Başbakanlık Basımevi, 1973, p. 27. (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=C0UBAAAAMAAJ& q="üzerine+ verilen+ cevap+ şudur:+ 12/ XI/ 1936+ tarihli+ yazıda,"& dq="üzerine+ verilen+
cevap+ şudur:+ 12/ XI/ 1936+ tarihli+ yazıda,"& hl=en& ei=UHoYTqzEEPGNmQWc8MUM& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result&
resnum=1& ved=0CCgQ6AEwAA), M. Kemal'in doğum günü için Cumhurbaşkanlığı Genel Sekreterliğinden bir soru üzerine verilen cevap
şudur: 12/XI/1936 tarihli yazıda, "Atatürk'ün doğum günü 19 Mayıs 1881 olduğu" kaydedilmiştir. (Turkish)
[2] Zürcher, Turkey : a modern history, 142
[3] Mango, ibid, p. 29, about neighbourhoods of Salonica, cf. Meropi Anastassiadou, Salonique, 1830–1912: une ville ottomane à l'âge des
Réformes, Brill, 1997, ISBN 90-04-10798-3, p. 71. (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/ books?id=qSjAqaQTI7EC& pg=PA71& dq=Ahmed+
Subaşı& hl=tr& ei=HvTGTLD8CI_GvQP8zOnMDw& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5&
ved=0CDkQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q& f=false) (French)
[4] Cemal Çelebi Granda, Cemal Granda anlatıyor, Pal Medya ve Organizasyon, 2007, ISBN 9789944203012, p. (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/
books?id=hFcwAQAAIAAJ& q=1956+ yılında+ kanser+ hastalığına+ tutularak+ Ankara+ Gülhane+ Hastanesi'nde+
ölmüştür. & dq=1956+ yılında+ kanser+ hastalığına+ tutularak+ Ankara+ Gülhane+ Hastanesi'nde+ ölmüştür.
& hl=tr& ei=NCfATOH_H8PQcYWUiY0M& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CDUQ6AEwAA)
[5] Andrew Mango Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 2002, ISBN 9781585673346, p. 25 (http:/ /
books. google. com. tr/ books?ei=ZhvATKOVHcelcN3GoPkL& ct=result& id=nu68vd_AmuYC& dq=Andrew+ Mango& q=Turkish+
speaking+ family+ #search_anchor), p.27ff. – Feyzullah's family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western
Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning son of a pious man, suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar
background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Atatürk and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali
Rıza's and Zübeyde's families. This would mean that the families of Atatürk's parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his
paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Atatürk's ethnic origin. Atatürk's
parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from
Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or
Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land., But in looks Ataturk resembled local Albanians and Slavs.[...] But there is
no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads. page 28; It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited
his looks from his Balkan ancestors.[...] But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors.
[6] "Turkey: The land a dictator turned into a democracy" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,860057-2,00. html). Time. 12
October 1953. . Retrieved 19 May 2010.
[7] Patrick Kinross: Ataturk: the Rebirth of a Nation. London: Phoenix, 2001, p. 3.
[8] Gershom Scholem, "Doenmeh", Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed.; Volume 5: Coh-Doz, Macmillan Reference USA, Thomson Gale, 2007,
ISBN 0-02-865933-3, p. 732.
[9] Mango, Andrew, Ataturk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey, (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.
[10] Lou Giaffo: Albania: eye of the Balkan vortex
[11] Jackh, Ernest, The Rising Crescent, (Goemaere Press, 2007), p. 31, Turkish mother and Albanian father (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/
books?id=Pxs-DAIVxqYC& printsec=frontcover& dq=The+ Rising+ Crescent& hl=tr& ei=bI7GTNu-J4i8vgPS0dzQDw& sa=X&
oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CCcQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=Turkish mother& f=false)
[12] Isaac Frederick Marcosson, Turbulent Years, Ayer Publishing, 1969, p. 144. (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/ books?id=399LkTqBLdAC&
printsec=frontcover& dq=inauthor:"Isaac+ Frederick+ Marcosson"& hl=tr& ei=inXGTMnzJYSuvgPPvLTZDw& sa=X& oi=book_result&
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[13] Richmond, Yale, From Da to Yes: understanding the East Europeans, (Intercultural Press Inc., 1995), p. 212.
[14] Falih Fırkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. (Turkish)
[15] Vamik D. Volkan & Norman Itzkowitz, Ölümsüz Atatürk (Immortal Ataturk), Bağlam Yayınları, 1998, ISBN 975-7696-97-8, p. 37, dipnote
no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)
[16] Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam: Mustafa Kemal, Birinci Cilt (1st vol.): 1881–1919, 14th ed., Remzi Kitabevi, 1997, ISBN
975-14-0212-3, p. 31. (Turkish)
[17] Afet Inan, Atatürk hakkında hâtıralar ve belgeler, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1959, p. 8. (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/
books?id=EWwaAAAAIAAJ& q="Matematik+ öğretmeni+ Mustafa+ Efendi"& dq="Matematik+ öğretmeni+ Mustafa+ Efendi"&
hl=tr& ei=LC3ATIvwB4a8cM6EnewL& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=4& ved=0CDsQ6AEwAw)
[18] "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070927211519/ http:/ / www. turkishembassy. org/ index.
php?option=com_content& task=view& id=300& Itemid=317). Turkish Embassy website. Archived from the original (http:/ / www.
turkishembassy. org/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=300& Itemid=317) on 27 September 2007. . Retrieved 7 August 2007.
[19] Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sınıf arkadaşım Atatürk: okul ve genç subaylık hâtıraları, İnkılâp ve Aka Kitabevleri, 1967, p. 6. (http:/ / books. google.
com. tr/ books?id=-D4NAQAAIAAJ& q="Kemal+ koyalım"& dq="Kemal+ koyalım"& hl=tr& ei=kzHATNPbAYaHcdXrkJMM&
sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CCcQ6AEwAA) Benim adım Mustafa. Senin adın da Musfata. Arada bir fark olmalı,
ne dersin, senin adının sonuna bir de Kemal koyalım.
[20] Mango, Atatürk, p. 37.
28
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
[21] T. C. Genelkurmay Harp Tarihi Başkanlığı Yayınları, Türk İstiklâl Harbine Katılan Tümen ve Daha Üst Kademlerdeki Komutanların
Biyografileri, Ankara: Genkurmay Başkanlığı Basımevi, 1972, p. 1. (Turkish)
[22] Falih Fırkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 29. (Turkish)
[23] The Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol. 7, edited by Hugh Chisholm, (1911), 3; "Constantinople, the capital of the Turkish Empire...".
[24] Mango, ibid, p. 37.
[25] T.C. Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Yayınları, ibid, p. 2.
[26] http:/ / albania. dyndns. org/ Presse/ 2004/ 01102004. htm "1910, Albania broke a major uprising. Minister of War, Shefqet Mahmut Pasha,
was personally involved in its printing. For this purpose decided to call his war headquarters Qemali Mustafa who was known as one of the
generals prepared and laid him drafting the plan of operations. Mustafa at this time was in the Fifth Army Headquarters in Thessaloniki."
[27] http:/ / www. zeriyt. com/ mustafa-ataturku-krijuesi-i-turqise-moderne-t37510. 0. html M. Kamal had assisted in the military operation in
Albania in 1910.
[28] http:/ / www. albanianhistory. net/ texts20_1/ AH1912_3. html
[29] Enstehung und Ausbau der Königsdiktatur in Albanien, 1912–1939 Von Michael Schmidt-Neke
[30] http:/ / www. albislam. com/ index. php?option=com_content& view=article& id=1137:prezantim-per-librin-kujtime-& catid=580:libri&
Itemid=774 "I remember well the meeting very interesting, I had casually with Mustafa Qemali in 1910, at the time, still a mere lieutenant.
[31] KUJTIME nga: Eqrem Bej Vlora. Ekrem Bey Vlora, Lebenserinnerungen – Teilband II: 1912–1925
[32] Ana Britannica (1987) Vol. 2 (Ami – Avr): Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal. Page: 490.
[33] The History of the Italian-Turkish War, William Henry Beehler, page 96
[34] The History of the Italian-Turkish War, William Henry Beehler, page 14
[35] Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War, Routledge, 2002, p. 81. (http:/ / books. google. com. tr/
books?id=2-zAeObDX_gC& pg=PA81& dq=Georgi+ Todorov+ Bulair& hl=tr& ei=JZvHTJ6-HJTovQPGsYjVDw& sa=X&
oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CCkQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=Georgi Todorov Bulair& f=false)
[36] Edward J. Erickson, Defeat in Detail: The Ottoman Army in the Balkans, 1912–1913, Praeger, 2003, ISBN 0-275-97888-5, p. 255.
[37] Lengyel, They called him Atatürk, 68
[38] Kinross, Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation, 100
[39] Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech on his arrival in Ankara in November 1919
[40] Andrew Mango, Atatürk, John Murray, 1999, ISBN 978-0-7195-6592-2, p. 214.
[41] Ahmad, The Making of Modern Turkey, 50
[42] В. Шеремет. Босфор. Moscow, 1995, p. 241.
[43] editorial staff. "A short history of AA" (http:/ / www. aa. com. tr/ tarihce_en/ ). Anadolu Ajansı Genel Müdürlüğü. . Retrieved 1 January
2008. "Ikdam newspaper dated 9 August 1921, reproducing the dispatches of AA dated 5 August and 6th, 1921, announced that Mustafa
Kemal Pasha was promoted to Chief Commander"
[44] Greco-Turkish wars, Britannica CD 99
[45] James, Edwin L. " Kemal Won't Insure Against Massacres (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract.
html?res=980DEED81039EF3ABC4952DFBF668389639EDE)," New York Times, September 11, 1922.
[46] Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 365
[47] Mango, Atatürk, 394
[48] Mango, Atatürk, 367
[49] Gerd Nonneman, Analyzing Middle East foreign policies and the relationship with Europe, Published 2005 Routledge, p. 204 ISBN
0714684279
[50] Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: social process in the Turkish reformation, 245
[51] Mango, Atatürk, 391–392
[52] Mango, Atatürk, 362
[53] Landau, Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey, 252
[54] Mango, Atatürk, 501
[55] Koçak, Cemil (2005) "Parliament Membership during the Single-Party System in Turkey (1925–1945)", European Journal of Turkish
Studies
[56] John O. Voll: Professor of Islamic history at Georgetown University http:/ / www. nationalinterest. org/ Article. aspx?id=13296
[57] Mango, Atatürk, 403
[58] Mango, Atatürk, 401
[59] Majid Khadduri (2006) War and peace in the law of Islam, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd., ISBN 1584776951 page 290-291
[60] Mango, Atatürk, 404
[61] Eksi, Oktay (16 April 2008). "Paralardaki resimler" (http:/ / hurarsiv. hurriyet. com. tr/ goster/ haber. aspx?id=8711441& yazarid=1).
Hurriyet. . Retrieved 24 April 2008. "İsmet Paşa "kurumlaşma" ile neyi kastettiğini de şöyle anlattı:
Biz Cumhuriyeti kurduğumuz zaman onu yaşatıp yaşatamayacağımız en büyük sorun idi. Çünkü Saltanatın ve Hilafetin lağvına karşı olanların
sayısı çoktu ve hedefleri de Cumhuriyetti. Cumhuriyetin 10 yaşına bastığını görmek o yüzden önemliydi. Nitekim büyük Atatürk'ün emriyle
10'uncu yıl kutlamaları çok büyük bir bayram oldu. Biz de Cumhuriyetin ve devletin kurumlaştığını göstermeye bundan sonra hep itina
ettik..."
[62] Wolf-Gazo, John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission, 15–42.
29
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
[63] Republic Of Turkey Ministry Of National Education. "Atatürk’s views on education" (http:/ / www. meb. gov. tr/ Stats/ apk2001ing/
Section_0/ AtaturksViewon. htm). T.C. Government. . Retrieved 20 November 2007.
[64] İğdemir, Atatürk, 165–170
[65] Quoted in Atatürkism, Volume 1 (Istanbul: Office of the Chief of General Staff, 1982), 126.
[66] Patrick Kinross, Atatürk, The Rebirth of a Nation, 397
[67] Mango, Ataturk, 418
[68] Weiker, Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925",
297–298
[69] Touraj Atabaki, Erik Jan Zürcher, 2004, Men of Order: authoritarian modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah, I.B.Tauris, ISBN
1860644260, page 207
[70] http:/ / www. tsk. mil. tr/ eng/ Anitkabir/ p24. html TSK Anitkabir sayfa 24
[71] Daisy Hilse Dwyer, (1990), "Law and Islam in the Middle East", page 77, ISBN 9780897891516
[72] Atillasoy, Atatürk : The First President and Founder of the Turkish Republic, 13.
[73] Mango, Atatürk, 164
[74] Tüfekçi, Universality of Atatürk's philosophy
[75] Kinross, Ataturk, The Rebirth of a Nation, p. 343
[76] Atillasoy, Atatürk : first president and founder of the Turkish Republic, 15
[77] Dundar, Can (25 April 2005). "Türkeş, Atatürk'ün imzasını hatırlattı" (http:/ / www. milliyet. com. tr/ 2005/ 04/ 25/ yazar/ dundar. html) (in
Turkish). Milliyet. . "Atatürk'ün imzasını bir Ermeni güzel yazı hocasının çizdiğini duymuş muydun?"
[78] Özelli, The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and Its Relation to Economic Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic, 77–92
[79] Mango, Atatürk, 536
[80] İnan, Atatürk Hakkında Hatıralar ve Belgeler, 260
[81] "About Us" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071117232115/ http:/ / www. ted. org. tr/ EN/ BelgeGoster.
aspx?17A16AE30572D313AAF6AA849816B2EF01E9BE68C047FEF5). Archived from the original (http:/ / www. ted. org. tr/ EN/
BelgeGoster. aspx?17A16AE30572D313AAF6AA849816B2EF01E9BE68C047FEF5) on 17 November 2007. . Retrieved 1 February 2008.
[82] Saikal, Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles, Challenges (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=qFhU3kWXLvEC&
printsec=frontcover& dq=ataturk+ and+ islam& as_brr=1), 95
[83] Geoffrey L. Lewis (1999), The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success, Oxford University Press ISBN 0198238568 page 66
[84] "Turks Teach New Theories". The New York Times (Istanbul). 9 February 1936.
[85] Laut (2002)
[86] Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East, 181
[87] Michael Radu, (2003), "Dangerous Neighborhood: Contemporary Issues in Turkey's Foreign Relations", page 125, ISBN 9780765801661
[88] S. M. Zwemer: Translations of the Koran (http:/ / www. muhammadanism. org/ Quran/ translations_koran. pdf), The Moslem World, 1915
[89] Wilson M. Brett. "The First Translations of the Qur'an in Modern Turkey (1924–1938)". International Journal of Middle East Studies 41
(03): 419–435.
[90] Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır, (1935), "Hak dini Kur'an dili: Yeni mealli Turkce tefsir" 9 volumes, printed in Istanbul
[91] Paydak, Selda (January 2000). "Interview with Semiha Berksoy" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20030418082022/ http:/ / www. deltur.
cec. eu. int/ english/ guncel/ ghaber-jan00_18. html). Representation of the European Commission to Turkey. Archived from the original
(http:/ / www. deltur. cec. eu. int/ english/ guncel/ ghaber-jan00_18. html) on 18 April 2003. . Retrieved 11 February 2007.
[92] Omur, Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women (http:/ / www. theturkishtimes. com/ archive/ 02/ 12_01/ c_women. html)
[93] Atatürk, Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler
[94] İnan, Medeni bilgiler ve M. Kemal Atatürk'ün el yazıları
[95] Mango, Atatürk 526
[96] Prof. Dr. Hamza Eroğlu. "Peace at home and peace in the world" (http:/ / www. atam. gov. tr/ index. php?Page=DergiIcerik& IcerikNo=72)
(in Turkish). . Retrieved 1 January 2008. "“Yurtta Sulh” herşeyden önce ülkede, o insanın, insanca yaşamasını, insanlık tıynetinin gereğinin
tanınmasını ifade eder"."
[97] Enver Ziya Karal (in Turkish). Atatürk’ten Düşünceler. p. 123. "“Haricî siyaset bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkülü dahilisi ile sıkı surette
alâkadardır. Çünkü teşekkül-ü dahiliyeye istinat etmeyen haricî siyasetler daima mahkûm kalırlar. Bir heyet-i içtimaiyenin teşekkül-ü dahilisi
ne kadar kuvvetli olursa, siyaset-i hariciyesi de o nisbette kavi ve rasin olur.”"
[98] Peter Sluglett, "The Primacy of Oil in Britain’s Iraq Policy", in the book "Britain in Iraq: 1914–1932" London: Ithaca Press, 1976, pp.
103–116
[99] Can Dundar. "Atatürk yaşasaydı" (http:/ / www. candundar. com. tr/ index. php?Did=766) (in Turkish). . Retrieved 1 January 2008. "...
Ata'nın öncelikli dış politika sorununun Musul olduğunu söylüyor. Musul'u bırakmama konusunda aktif bir politika izlenmesinden yana
olduğunu belirtiyor..."
[100] Harold Courtenay Armstrong Gray Wolf, Mustafa Kemal: An Intimate Study of a Dictator. page 225
[101] Olson, Robert W. (1989) The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925, p.45
[102] Kinross, 401
[103] ASD: Speeches and statements by Ataturk, volume I pages 361–363 published by Ataturk Culture, language and history Higher Institute,
Ankara 1989
30
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
[104] Andrew Mango, Atatürk and the Kurds, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.35, No.4, 1999, 20
[105] Международная жизнь (the Soviet Foreign Minisrty's magazine). Moscow, 1963, № 11, pp. 147–148. The first publication of Kemal's
letter to Lenin in excerpts, in Russian.
[106] Международная жизнь. Moscow, 1963, № 11, p. 148.
[107] Yılmaz Altuğ, Foreign Policy Of Atatürk, Ataturk arastirma merkezi dergisi, Vol VI, No 16, November 1989
[108] В. Шеремет. Босфор. Moscow, 1995, p. 227-228.
[109] В. Шеремет. Босфор. Moscow, 1995, p. 228.
[110] Yılmaz Altuğ, Türk Devrim Tarihi Dersim, 1919–1938, 1980 s. p. 136.
[111] John P. Kinross. Atatürk: a biography of Mustafa Kemal, father of modern Turkey. New York, 1965, p. 464.
[112] БСЭ, 1-st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 374.
[113] БСЭ, 1-st edition, Moscow, Vol. 55, 1947, column 377.
[114] "Oh, What Happiness!" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,746241-1,00. html). Time Magazine: pp. 37–39. 6
November 1933. . Retrieved 7 August 2007.
[115] БСЭ, 2-st edition, Moscow, Vol. 20, 1953, p. 504.
[116] Karamanlis, 1995, p. 95-97
[117] Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 29
[118] Clogg, Richard (2002). A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521004799. p. 107
[119] Nobel Foundation. The Nomination Database for the Nobel Prize in Peace, 1901–1955. (http:/ / nobelprize. org/ nomination/ peace/
nomination. php?action=show& showid=2046)
[120] Jentleson, Bruce W.; Paterson, Thomas G. (1997). The American Journal of International Law. Oxford University Press. p. 24.
ISBN 0195110552.
[121] Narli, Nilüfer (1993): "Turco-Iranian Relations from the Islamic Revolution to Gulf War and Beyond: Co-operation or Competition in the
Muslim World". CEMOTI. (15): 265–295
[122] Gokhan Cetinsaya "Essential friends and natural enemies: the historical roots of Turkish-Iranian relations." Middle East Review of
International Affairs Volume 7, No. 3 – September 2003
[123] Rajaee, Farhang, Islamic Values and World View: Farhang Khomeyni on Man, the State and International Politics, Volume XIII (http:/ /
webstorage1. mcpa. virginia. edu/ library/ mc/ forums/ published/ americanvalues13. pdf) (PDF), University Press of America. ISBN
0-8191-3578-X
[124] Mango, Ataturk, page 510
[125] Sosyal, Ismail, 1983, "Turkey's Diplomatic treaties", TTK, Ankara page 493
[126] Yilmaz Altuð, "Atatürk'ün Dis Politikasý," B.Ü. Uluslararasi Atatürk Konferansý Tebligleri, 10–11 November 1980, Vol. II, Istanbul 1981,
p. 486.
[127] Þevket Süreyya Aydemir, Tek Adam, Vol. 3, Ýstanbul 1988, p. 331.
[128] Atatürk'ün Milli Dýþ Politikasý, Vol. 2, p. 355
[129] Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, 347–357
[130] Mango, Atatürk, 470
[131] Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 232–233.
[132] Aysu, Abdullah (29 January 2003). "Tütün, İçki ve Tekel" (http:/ / www. bianet. org/ 2003/ 01/ 30/ 16340. htm) (in Turkish). BİA Haber
Merkezi. . Retrieved 10 October 2007.
[133] Ibrahim Kaya, Social Theory and Later Modernities, page 90
[134] Mango, Atatürk, 478
[135] Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies in an Uncertain World, 1929–1939
[136] Emrence, Turkey in economic crisis (1927–1930): a panoramic vision. Journal Middle Eastern Studies
[137] "Skylife" (http:/ / www. thy. com/ en-INT/ skylife/ archive/ en/ 2000_1/ konu10. htm#1). . Retrieved 26 November 2007.
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[139] Dilek Barlas, Etatism and Diplomacy in Turkey: Economic and Foreign Policy Strategies p. 61
[140] Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk: Social Process in the Turkish Reformation, 260
[141] Doğan, Formation of factory settlements within Turkish industrialization and modernization in 1930s: Nazilli printing factory
[142] Republic of Turkey, Ministry of Culture and Tourism. "Aydın – Historical Ruins" (http:/ / www. kultur. gov. tr/ EN/ BelgeGoster.
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established over an area of 65.000 m2 on the Nazilli Bozdoğan highway. It is the "first Turkish cotton print factory" the foundation of which
was laid on 25 August 1935 and which was opened by Atatürk with great ceremony."
[143] Nuri Demirağ Aircraft Factory (http:/ / www. nuridemirag. com/ fotograf. asp)
[144] Stone, Norman "Talking Turkey". National Interest, Fall2000, Issue 61.
[145] Eastham, The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years, 132–136
[146] Akhtar, Salman (2008). The Crescent and the Couch: Cross-Currents Between Islam and Psychoanalysis. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 68.
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[148] Post, Jerrold M.; Robert S. Robins (1995). When Illness Strikes the Leader: The Dilemma of the Captive King (http:/ / books. google. com/
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[149] Atatürk'ün Hayatı (http:/ / www. turizm. gov. tr/ TR/ Genel/ BelgeGoster.
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[151] Navaro-Yashin, Yael (2002). Faces of the State: Secularism and Public Life in Turkey. Princeton University Press. pp. 196–99.
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[152] Morrison, Terry; Conaway, Wayne A. (1994). Kiss, Bow, Or Shake Hands: How to Do Business in Sixty Countries. Adams Media. p. 392.
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[153] Yonah, Alexander (2007). Turkey: Terrorism, Civil Rights, and the European Union. Routledge. p. 137. ISBN 0415441633.
[154] http:/ / www. ihbarweb. org. tr/ eng/ ihbar_en. php?subject=8
[155] Cade Metz Google defies Turkey, reinstates Atatürk insult videos (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2010/ 11/ 02/
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[156] Time to break out of legislative straitjacket that is stifling media freedom (http:/ / en. rsf. org/
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[157] Chen, Edwin (7 April 2009). "Obama Praises Modern Turkey’s Founder Ataturk" (http:/ / www. bloomberg. com/ apps/
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• Kinross, Patrick (2003). Atatürk: The Rebirth of a Nation. London: Phoenix Press. ISBN 978-1842125991.
OCLC 55516821.
• Kinross, Patrick (1979). The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire. New York: Morrow.
ISBN 978-0688080938.
• Landau, Jacob M (1983). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
ISBN 978-0865319868.
32
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
• Lengyel, Emil (1962). They Called Him Atatürk. New York: The John Day Co. OCLC 1337444.
• Mango, Andrew (2002) [1999]. Ataturk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey (Paperback ed.).
Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc. ISBN 1-58567-334-x.
• Mango, Andrew (2004). Atatürk. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0719565922.
• Saikal, Amin; Schnabel, Albrecht (2003). Democratization in the Middle East: Experiences, Struggles,
Challenges (http://books.google.com/?id=qFhU3kWXLvEC&printsec=frontcover&dq=ataturk+and+islam).
Tokyo: United Nations University Press. ISBN 978-9280810851.
• Shaw, Stanford Jay; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1976–1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey.
Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521212809.
• Spangnolo, John (1992). The Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honour of Albert Hourani.
Oxford: Middle East Centre, St. Antony's College. ISBN 978-0863721649. OCLC 80503960.
• Tunçay, Mete (1972) (in Turkish). Mesaî : Halk Şûrâlar Fırkası Programı, 1920. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi
Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi. OCLC 1926301.
• Tüfekçi, Gürbüz D (1981). Universality of Atatürk's Philosophy. Ankara: Pan Matbaacılık. OCLC 54074541.
• Yapp, Malcolm (1987). The Making of the Modern Near East, 1792–1923. London ; New York: Longman.
ISBN 978-0582493803.
• Webster, Donald Everett (1973). The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation. New York:
AMS Press. ISBN 978-0404563332.
• Zürcher, Erik Jan (2004). Turkey: A Modern History. London; New York: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1850433996.
Journals
• Eastham, J. K. (March 1964). "The Turkish Development Plan: The First Five Years" (http://jstor.org/stable/
2228117). The Economic Journal (New York: Macmillan) 74 (298): 132–136. doi:10.2307/2228117.
ISSN 0013-0133.
• Emrence, Cem (2003). "Turkey in Economic Crisis (1927–1930): A Panaromic Vision". Middle Eastern Studies
(London: F. Cass.) 39 (4): 67–80. doi:10.1080/00263200412331301787. ISSN 0026-3206.
• Omur, Aslı (December 2002). "Modernity and Islam: Experiences of Turkish Women" (http://www.
theturkishtimes.com/archive/02/12_01/c_women.html). Turkish Times 13 (312). ISSN 1043-0164. Retrieved
10 October 2007.
• Özelli, M. Tunç (January 1974). "The Evolution of the Formal Educational System and its Relation to Economic
Growth Policies in the First Turkish Republic". International Journal of Middle East Studies (London: Cambridge
University Press) 5 (1): 77–92. ISSN 0020-7438. JSTOR 162345.
• Stone, Norman (2000). "Talking Turkey". The National Interest (New York: National Affairs, Inc) 61: 66.
ISSN 0884-9382.
• Volkan, Vamik D. (1981). "Immortal Atatürk – Narcissism and Creativity in a Revolutionary Leader".
Psychoanalytic Study of Society (New York: Psychohistory Press) 9: 221–255. ISSN 0079-7294.
OCLC 60448681.
• Wolf-Gazo, Ernest (1996). "John Dewey in Turkey: An Educational Mission" (http://www.bilkent.edu.tr/
~jast/Number3/Gazo.html). Journal of American Studies of Turkey (Ankara, Turkey: American Studies
Association of Turkey) 3: 15–42. ISSN 1300-6606.
• "Mustafa Kemal Atatürk" (http://www.teknikportal.com/mustafa-kemal-ataturk-hayati-basarilari-t9870.0.
html). TP Editors: pp. 7–8. Retrieved 29 April 2008.
• "The Burial of Atatürk" (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,860125,00.html). Time
Magazine: pp. 37–39. 23 November 1953. Retrieved 7 August 2007.
33
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
External links
• Memorial room in Bitola (Monastir) (http://bitolatourist.info/things/museum/ataturk.html)
kbd:Мустафа Кемал Ататюрк
34
Article Sources and Contributors
Article Sources and Contributors
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=444190057 Contributors: (:Julien:), (jarbarf), 06singhk, 172GAL, 19cody70, 1j1z2, 2p0rk, 3210, 5 albert square, 52
Pickup, 7, A.Garnet, A8UDI, ABCD, AC1, AK Auto, AR, ARAGONESE35, AUG, Aaron Schulz, Aaronjsussman, Abrech, Academic Challenger, Acidparty, Adam Carr, Adam Keller,
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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Signature of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Signature_of_Mustafa_Kemal_Atatürk.svg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk
File:timeline icon.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Timeline_icon.svg License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors: Dschwen,
Mdd, Str4nd, 5 anonymous edits
35
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Ataturk2.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk2.JPG License: unknown Contributors: Dsmurat, Rateslines, Shaolin128, 2 anonymous edits
File:Les Manoeuvres de Picardie.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Les_Manoeuvres_de_Picardie.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Dsmurat,
MetalGearLiquid, Rateslines, 3 anonymous edits
File:Ataturk5.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk5.JPG License: unknown Contributors: Dsmurat, Rateslines, Shaolin128, Takabeg, 4 anonymous edits
File:GMK Gallipoli.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:GMK_Gallipoli.jpg License: unknown Contributors: en:User:DADASHIM
File:Bekir Sami Mustafa Kemal.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Bekir_Sami_Mustafa_Kemal.jpg License: unknown Contributors: T.C.
File:Time Ataturk.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Time_Ataturk.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: A.Garnet, AtilimGunesBaydin, Dsmurat, Mike
Rosoft, Swtpc6800, Zscout370, とある白い猫, 1 anonymous edits
File:AtaturkwithMembersofParliament.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AtaturkwithMembersofParliament.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Ori~, Rateslines
File:Mustafa Kemal golden scoop political caricature of single party system.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mustafa_Kemal_golden_scoop_political_caricature_of_single_party_system.png License: unknown Contributors: Undisclosed at the source
File:Ataturk-1924-Bursa-public.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk-1924-Bursa-public.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Docu, OttomanReference,
Rateslines, Takabeg
File:Ataturk-hatreform.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk-hatreform.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original photographer unknown. It is
government property, which original photographer may not be listed.
File:Mustafa Kemal and Mevlevi Order March 1923.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mustafa_Kemal_and_Mevlevi_Order_March_1923.png License: Public
Domain Contributors: Photographer unlisted in the source.
File:Ataturk opens Ankara Museum of Fine Arts and Sculpture.gif Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk_opens_Ankara_Museum_of_Fine_Arts_and_Sculpture.gif
License: unknown Contributors: Not given
File:Ataturk-20 September 1928.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk-20_September_1928.jpg License: unknown Contributors: File:Ataturk and Fethi Okyar.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk_and_Fethi_Okyar.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Docu, Nosferatü, Ori~, Молох, 4
anonymous edits
File:Ataturk at Cankaya Library 16 July 1929.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk_at_Cankaya_Library_16_July_1929.jpg License: unknown Contributors:
Original uploader was Shuppiluliuma at en.wikipedia
File:Mustafa Kemal and establishment of Turkish History Institution.png Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mustafa_Kemal_and_establishment_of_Turkish_History_Institution.png License: unknown Contributors: Turkish government; Original
photographer unknown. Original photographer may not be listed as it is government material.
File:Ataturk attends a university class.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk_attends_a_university_class.jpg License: unknown Contributors:
CalicoJackRackham, CeeGee, Flavius Belisarius, Kimchi.sg, Shuppiluliuma, 1 anonymous edits
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File:First female MPs of the Turkish Parliament (1935).jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:First_female_MPs_of_the_Turkish_Parliament_(1935).jpg License:
unknown Contributors: Original uploader was Kemalist Yurtsever at en.wikipedia
File:Abdullah I of Jordan and Mustafa Kemal on 1937.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Abdullah_I_of_Jordan_and_Mustafa_Kemal_on_1937.jpg License: Public
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File:Ataturk hosts kings and presidents.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk_hosts_kings_and_presidents.jpg License: unknown Contributors:
en:User:Shuppiluliuma
File:Mustafa Kemal and Voroshilovon 29_october_1933.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mustafa_Kemal_and_Voroshilovon_29_october_1933.jpg License:
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File:AtaturkAndVenizelos.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:AtaturkAndVenizelos.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Original uploader was AtilimGunesBaydin at
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File:Faisal I of Iraq and Mustafa Kemal Ankara Depot on 1931.jpg Source:
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government property, which original photographer may not be listed.
File:‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﮎ‬.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﮎ_ﻭ_ﺷﺎﻩ_ﺭﺿﺎ‬.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
File:King Edward VIII and Mustafa Kemal.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:King_Edward_VIII_and_Mustafa_Kemal.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
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File:Alexander I of Yugoslavia and Mustafa Kemal in 1933.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Alexander_I_of_Yugoslavia_and_Mustafa_Kemal_in_1933.jpg
License: Public Domain Contributors: Original photographer unknown. It is government property, which original photographer may not be listed.
File:Kemal Ataturk congratulation of the Hatay's decision.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Kemal_Ataturk_congratulation_of_the_Hatay's_decision.png License:
unknown Contributors: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk
File:Ataturk-Bursa-Cottonfactory.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk-Bursa-Cottonfactory.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original photographer
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File:Ataturk-Organized industrial complex.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Ataturk-Organized_industrial_complex.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors:
Docu, OttomanReference, Rateslines, Takabeg
File:1932 Mustafa Kemal Etimesgut airport.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:1932_Mustafa_Kemal_Etimesgut_airport.png License: unknown Contributors:
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File:Mustafa Kemal and Latife.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Mustafa_Kemal_and_Latife.jpg License: unknown Contributors: T.C.
File:Anitkabir.HB.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Anitkabir.HB.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Contributors: Helen P. Betts
File:Cumhuriyet Aniti.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Cumhuriyet_Aniti.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported Contributors:
Scisa
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