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Name_______________________ Date____________ Street Wise by Elijah Anderson DO NOW: How would you judge day to day interactions in our high school, using the interactionist approach? “Because public interactions generally matter for only a few crucial seconds, people are conditioned to rapid scrutiny of the looks, speech, public behavior, gender, and color of those sharing the environment…. [T]he central strategy in maintaining safety on the streets is to avoid strange black males…. Many blacks perceive whites as tense or hostile to them in public. They pay attention to the amount of eye contact given. In general, black males get far less time in this regard than do white males. Whites tend not to “hold” the eyes of a black person. It is more common for black and white strangers to meet each other’s eyes for only a few seconds, and then to avert their gaze abruptly. Such behavior seems to say, “I am aware of your presence,” and no more. Women especially feel that eye contact invites unwanted advances, but some white men feel the same and want to be clear about what they intend. This eye work is a way to maintain distance, mainly for safety and social purposes. Consistent with this, some blacks are very surprised to find a white person who holds their eyes longer than is normal according to the rules of the public sphere. As one middle-ages white female resident comment: Just this morning, I saw a [black] guy when I went over to Mr. Chow’s to get some milk at 7:15. You always greet people you see at 7:15, and I looked at him and smiled. And he said “Hello” or “Good morning” or something. I smiled again. It was clear that he saw this as surprising… Many people, particularly those who see themselves as more economically privileged than others in the community, are careful not to let their eyes stray, in order to avoid an uncomfortable situation. As they walk down the street they pretend not to see other pedestrians, or they look right at them without speaking, a behavior many blacks find offensive…. Moreover, whites of the Village often scowl to keep young blacks at a social and physical distance. As they venture out on the streets of the Village and, to a lesser extent, of Northton, they may plant this look on their faces to ward off others who might mean them harm. Scowling by whites may be compared to gritting [looking “tough”] by blacks as a coping strategy. At times members of either group make such faces with little regard for circumstances, as if they were dressing for inclement weather. But on the Village streets it does not always storm, and such overcoats repel the sunshine as well as the rain, frustrating many attempts at spontaneous human communication. (Anderson 1990:208, 220-221) This study of “eye work” was part of extensive research into life on the street that sociologist Elijah Anderson conducted in two adjacent neighborhoods of Philadelphia— “the Village,” a racially mixed area with mixed incomes, and “Northton,” mostly Black and low-income. Anderson became intrigued with the nature of social interaction between strangers on the street shortly after moving into the Village community in 1975. Over the next 14 years he undertook a formal study. Using the interactionist perspective, he focused on how such a diverse group of people related to one another in everyday life. In particular, he was interested in their “public behavior,” including the way they used eye contact in their daily encounters. Like any good scientist, Anderson was thorough in his research. He interviewed residents, videotaped street scenes, took extensive notes, photographed settings, and hung out for hours at a time in the local bars, Laundromats, and corner stores in the course of his observations. As a black man, he was also able to draw on his own experiences with the Whites in his neighborhood. Anderson systematically traced how social changes— including gentrification of previously low-income areas, increasing drug use and crime, and declining city services—affected social relations and the ways people negotiated public spaces. Three of his books, A Place on the Corner (1978), Streetwise (1990), and Code of the Streets (1999), came out of this research, and he hopes other researches will make use of his database for their own studies. Critical Thinking Questions: 1. Why do we make assumptions about people’s intentions based merely on their gender or age or race? 2. Is there truth to Anderson’s conclusions? Explain your answer. 3. Have you ever encountered an instance where you feel you have had people make assumptions about you or your intentions? Describe the instance. How does studying Street Wise and Anderson’s methods help us understand the process of sociological research?