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Ballantyne, P.F. (2000) Hawthorne Research. Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences. London: Fitzroy Dearborn. Hawthorne Research From 1924[-]32, an innovative series of research studies was funded by the Western Electric Company at its Hawthorne plant in Chicago, then a manufacturing division of AT&T. The plant was one of the oldest in operation and employed approximately 25,000 of Western Electric's 45,000 workers. The research proceeded through five phases: (1) The initial Illumination studies (1924[-]27) were aimed at evaluating the effect of lighting conditions on productivity; (2) the Relay-assembly Room studies (August 1928[-]March 1929) assessed the effects of pay incentives, rest periods, and active job input on the productivity of five selected woman workers; (3) the Mica-Splitting Test group (October 1928[-]September 1930) in which a group of piece-workers were used to corroborate the relative importance of work-group dynamics vs. pay incentives; (4) the Bank Wiring Observation group (November 1931[-]May 1932) a covert observational design in which the dynamics of control in a work-group of 14 male employees on the regular factory floor were observed; and (5) the plantwide Interviewing program (September 1928[-]early 1931) essentially an attempt by the company to categorize concerns, mitigate grievances, and manipulate employee morale according to the principles of social control learned in the previous phases). The latter two phases were interrupted by the detrimental effects of the Great Depression on company production orders, but the interviewing phase was later reinstated as a "Personnel Counseling" program, and was even expanded throughout the Western Electric company system between 1936[-]1955. The Hawthorne effect, defined as the tendency under conditions of observation for worker productivity to steadily increase, was discovered during the earliest "scientific management" phases of the research. It was suggested that when human work relations (ie., supervision and worker camaraderie) were appropriate, adverse physical conditions had little negative effect upon worker productivity. If the company could only learn more about the human relations aspects of the workplace, they might soon be able to utilize them to increase overall plant production. The latter phases of research, therefore, become more sociopsychological in design. MAY0 was the most prominent early popularizer of these studies. His previous industrial psychology work included reducing turnover in a Philadelphia area textile mill by establishing a system of rest periods for workers but he now stressed a social relations interpretation of the ongoing Hawthorne research. This portrayal had the eventual disciplinary effect of extending the purview of industrial testing beyond the previous individualized placement of workers toward the wider realm of manipulation of work-place relationships. Mayo’s account is altogether more programmatic than the guarded comments of WHITEHEAD or of ROETHLISBERGER and DICKSON in their official company research report (where more of the messy empirical details of the early phases of research were presented). All three sources, however, intentionally portray the Harvard Business School researchers as equally benevolent toward worker and company interests. The standard portrayal of wholehearted cooperation between the workers and supervisors in the latter phases of research came under sharp attack from industrial sociologists from 1937 onward including: GILSON; LYND; MILLS; LANDSBERGER. It was BARITZ, however, who popularized the notion that industrial researchers were inevitably "servants of power." The counseling phase of research in particular was designed to apply the listening techniques of the "Catholic confessional" and the "psychiatric couch" (p. 116) with the aim of adjusting people to situations (rather than alleviating those situations from the workplace). An attempt at disciplinary damage control was then published by DICKSON and ROETHLISBERGER. A more convincing counter argument can be gained from other sources. Baritz clearly overstated his argument. Early 20th century immigrant workers were not simply hapless victims of capitalism. They used the limited opportunities presented by the industrial workplace to create their own conditions for the further development of their sub-cultures. ALTHENBAUGH; BERNSTEIN; SUSMAN; NELSON-ROWE all indicate that these self-made conditions included such features as parochial schools, organized labor unions, and even labor colleges. GILLESPIE follows up this line of historical reasoning by placing the Hawthorne research into the context of the rise of labor unions. The Hawthorne subject pool did not mindlessly react to industrial management techniques nor did they simply adjust or adapt to the less than subtle contingencies of social relations experiments. They recognized these contingencies for what they were: New company attempts to increase overall production and control union sentiment. HOGAN; WEISS indicate that transplanted peasant culture which emphasized family collectivism, religious devotion, and attitudes toward the value of work and formal education likely affected workplace relations as much as any company-based program. Whereas scientific management decorticated workers, and the mental testing tradition individualized workers, social relations research portrayed workers as ruled by a sentiment of interpersonal irrationality. This was, of course, an improvement; but not much of an improvement. BRAMEL & FRIEND caution modern researchers to bare in mind that the results of industrial research can not be fully understood by mere appeal to subject expectancy effects, nor even to contextualized social work group relations. They must be understood in the wider, shifting, societal-historical context of management-union relations. Paul F. Ballantyne Altenbaugh, Richard, "The children and the instruments of a militant labor progressivism Brookwood Labor College and the American Labor College movement of the 1920s and 1930s", History of Education Quarterly, 23 (1983): 395[-]411. Baritz, Loren, The Servants of Power: A history of the use of social science in American industry, New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1960. Bernstein, Irving, The Lean Years: A history of the American worker, 1920 [-]1933, Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1960. Bramel, Dana, & Ronald Friend, "Hawthorne, the Myth of the docile worker, and class bias in psychology", American Psychologist, 36 (1981): 867[-]878. Dickson, William & Frtiz Roethlisberger, Counseling in an organization: A sequel to the Hawthorne researchers. Boston: Graduate School of Business Administration, Harvard University, 1966. Gilson, Mary, "Review of Management and the Worker", Amer. J. of Sociology, 46 (1940): 98[-]101. Gillespie, Richard, Manufacturing Knowledge: A history of the Hawthorne experiments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Hogan, David, "Education and the making of the Chicago Working Class, 1880[]1930", Hist. Ed. Quart., 18 (1978): 227[-]270. Landsberger, Henry, Hawthorne revisited, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1958. Lynd, Robert, "Review of Whitehead's Leadership in a Free Society", Political Science Quarterly, 52 (1937): 590[-]592. Mayo, Elton, The Human Problems of an Industrial Civilization. New York: Macmillan, 1933. Mills, Charles, The Power Elite. New York: Oxford University Press, 1956. Nelson-Rowe, Shan, "Corporation schooling and the Labor Market at General Electric", Hist. of Ed. Quart., 31 (1991): 27[-]46. Roethlisberger, Fritz & William Dickson, Management and the Worker: An account of a research program conducted by the Western Electric Company, Chicago. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939. Susman, Warren, Culture as History: The transformation of American Society in the twentieth century. New York: Pantheon, 1983 Weiss, Bernard, American Education and the European Immigrant. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981. Whitehead, Thomas, The Industrial Worker (2 Vols.). Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938.