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Submission by Leigh Harkness to the Inquiry into the future monetary policy framework by the Finance and Expenditure Committee Causes of inflationary pressure While inflation can be imported through foreign prices and the exchange rate, the bulk of inflation can be traced to the growth of bank credit relative to the growth of the real economy. The following graph of the CPI uses RBNZ data for money and the NZ Statistics data for the GDP to calculate inflation. The model uses 1995 as the base year to link the modelled CPI to the actual CPI. New Zealand: Modelled CPI 1,150 Official CPI 1,100 Model CPI 1,050 Average Modelled CPI CPI 1,000 950 900 850 800 750 Mar. 2009 Mar. 2008 Mar. 2007 Mar. 2006 Mar. 2005 Mar. 2004 Mar. 2003 Mar. 2002 Mar. 2001 Mar. 2000 Mar. 1999 Mar. 1998 Mar. 1997 Mar. 1996 Mar. 1995 Mar. 1994 700 This graph, together with the worksheet used to calculate it is available at: http://www.buoyanteconomies.com/NZCADM3R.htm Inflation is modelled here as the square root of all of the following: the change in the money supply (M3R) over the change in the change in the real GDP. The same formula can be applied to Australian and USA data and the graphs and data for these economies are available from: http://www.buoyanteconomies.com/AustInflation.htm and http://www.buoyanteconomies.com/USACAD.htm respectively. Not all sources of money cause inflation. In the case of the USA in particular, it is difficult to isolate the inflationary money from the non-inflationary money. The USA Federal Reserve does not provide a statistic comparable with the M3R money supply that the RBNZ publishes. Members of the Finance and Expenditure committee would be aware that if forged money were to enter the economy, it would be inflationary. It would be entitling the forgers to goods and services that they had not earned any entitlement. It would generate demand without any supply. Forgery can be considered as theft from the economy. Similarly, if the government were to print money to finance its expenditure, it could have a similar effect. It would be entitling the government to goods and services to which it was not entitled. We only need to look to Zimbabwe to see the consequences of such excesses. There is another source of money that can have a similar effect. This is the growth of bank credit. If bank lending were equal to loan repayments, lending would equal loan repayments and the money supply from this source would not increase. However, if lending were greater than loan repayments, then the banks would be creating more money and entitling people to goods and services in much the same way as a forger or government financed by printing money. Of course, there is a difference in that the borrower from a bank would eventually repay the loan. But while bank were lending more than loan repayments, banks would be entitling people to goods that that the economy has not saved to make available to these borrowers. The effect of bank lending is obvious when one compares the growth of bank credit to the current account deficit as shown in the following graph. The creation of additional bank credit is entitling the economy to more goods than it has produced, and this causes current account deficits. NZ: M3R and Current Account Deficit 160 140 M 3R CAD NZ$ Billion . 120 100 80 60 40 20 Mar-08 Mar-06 Mar-04 Mar-02 Mar-00 Mar-98 Mar-96 Mar-94 Mar-92 Mar-90 -20 Mar-88 0 The committee is welcome to verify the data for this graph. It is available in the same workbook as above for New Zealand. Similar graphs between the current account deficit and the money supply are available for Australia and the USA. The money that causes current account deficits also causes inflation. The usual reaction to this information is to discredit the data and the person who provided it. Information that confirms what we already know is readily acceptable. But it is not very valuable as it does not tell us anything new. New information is valuable. But, it is an unfortunate human trait that the greater the impact of new information on what we are doing, the more rigorously we will oppose it.1 I first discovered this relationship while working as the economist for the tiny economy of the Kingdom of Tonga. We used the relationship to manage the growth of bank credit in the 1980’s so as to control the balance of payments. While that policy was in place, Tonga was one of the fastest growing economies in the Pacific. When later I joined the Australian Treasury, the Treasury considered the information threatening and tried to discredit it and discredit me. Eventually, I was told to leave the Treasury. Yet the validity of the relationship remains. Norman Dixon2 describes how General Percival in Singapore rejected the information that the Japanese were advancing down the Malay Peninsula. Rejection of that information led to the greatest defeat in military history. While the committee is free to reject this data, rejecting it could leave New Zealand in the same monetary situation that it currently finds unacceptable and which the committee is expected to overcome. 1 2 Norman Dixon., On the Psychology of Military Incompetence Op. cit. While the above monetary information seems to raise more questions than it answers, it is necessary to accept the validity of that information before measures can be developed that would enhance monetary policy in New Zealand. The RBNZ is aware of this information. It has responded saying that: The Bank does not currently use monetary aggregate measures to predict future inflation. Internal work at the Bank has shown that the relationship between changes in monetary aggregates and inflation is not particularly close, with changes in inflation appearing to lead changes in money over some periods - suggesting that people respond to higher prices by demanding more money, rather than increases in monetary aggregates causing increases in inflation.3 In attempting to discredit the information that I had provided to the RBNZ, it discredits its own monetary policy. It is tantamount to saying that the RBNZ does not believe that monetary policy is of any use in the control of inflation. It suggests the RBNZ is making a General Percival type of response to uncomfortable information. The effectiveness of current monetary policy in controlling inflation The RBNZ faces a dilemma in that if it allows the money supply to increase to provide employment and growth, it also causes inflation and raises the current account deficit. Using interest rates to control the growth of bank credit has implications for the exchange rate, also. Raising interest rates attracts foreign investment which inflates the exchange rate, reducing the incomes of exporters and making imports more attractive. When faced with multiple objectives but only one policy instrument to achieve them, monetary policy is doomed to fail. The interaction of monetary policy The graphs of the current account deficit for Australia and the USA show no clear relationship between the fiscal deficit and the current account deficit. The fiscal surplus/deficit is relevant to the current account deficit and inflation only in as far as it raises or reduces the growth of bank credit. Additional measures that could enhance monetary policy in New Zealand Monetary policy could be enhanced in New Zealand if it were to adopt a more open exchange rate system: that is, one that allowed exports to generate additional money and income for the economy. That is not to say that New Zealand should return to a fixed exchange rate. However, there is no need for New Zealand to quarantine money 3 Taken from an email from the RBNZ, a copy of which is available at: http://www.buoyanteconomies.com/RBNZ120308.htm from export growth: a source that raises foreign reserves and national saving. This source of money is not inflationary in the way that money from bank credit is. One approach to attaining such an outcome is to link the growth of bank credit to the foreign reserve holdings of each of the banks. For examples, banks could increase their lending by say NZ$10 for every US$1 increase in their foreign reserves. The provision for banks to hold foreign reserves would enable them to create money from a source other than bank credit. With such a monetary regime, it would not be possible for the banks to lend the country into balance of payments difficulties. Bank lending could rise only as foreign reserves increased. To manage inflation and employment, the RBNZ would need to regulate that for, say, every 1% that inflation exceeds 3% or unemployment exceeds 2%, the amount that banks could lend for every US$1 increase in foreign reserves would be reduced by NZ$1. This if inflation were 4% and unemployment 4%, the banks would be allowed to lend only NZ$7 for every US$1 increase in foreign reserves. Banks make money from lending, not from holding foreign reserves. To maximise their lending, banks would drive the exchange rate to a level that would achieve full employment and move it at a speed that would not breech the inflationary caps. If they needed more foreign reserves to enable them to increase their lending, banks could choose to: lower the exchange rate to raise exports and reduce imports; or, raise interest rates to attract foreign capital. In such an environment, the New Zealand economy could attain balance of payment stability, full employment and low inflation. Instead of just interest rates being the only instrument to attain its economies objectives, the economy would have the exchange rate, interest rates, the growth of bank credit and the growth of foreign reserves available as instrument to attain its objectives. A more thorough discussion of these policy options is considered in papers available at: http://www.buoyanteconomies.com/papers.htm . Leigh Harkness (Graphs updated September 2009)