Download Kingdom of Osroene

Osroene
Kingdom of Osroene
‫ܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܐܘܪܗܝ‬
Vassal of the Parthian
Empire (63 BC–114 AD) and
the Roman Empire (114–
244)
←
132 BC–AD 244
→
Map includes Osroene as a tributary
kingdom of the Armenian Empire
under Tigranes the Great
Capital
Edessa
Languages
Syriac, Greek
Government
Monarchy
Historical era
Hellenistic Age
- Established
-
132 BC
Disestablishe
d
AD 244
Roman dependency of Osroene (as of 31 BC)
Roman province of Osroene, 120, highlighted within the Roman Empire
This article is part of the series on the
History of the
Assyrian people
Early history
Old Assyrian period (20th–15th c. BC)
Aramaeans (14th–9th c. BC)
Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–612 BC)
Achaemenid Assyria (539–330 BC)
Classical Antiquity
Seleucid Empire (312–63 BC)
Osroene (132 BC – 244 AD)
Syrian Wars (66 BC – 217 AD)
Roman Syria (64 BC – 637 AD)
Adiabene (15–116 AD)
Roman Assyria (116–118)
Christianization (1st to 3rd c.)
Nestorian Schism (5th c.)
Asuristan (226–651)
Byzantine–Sasanian wars (502–628)
Middle Ages
Muslim conquest of Syria (630s)
Abbasid rule (750–1258)
Emirs of Mosul (905–1383)
Buyid amirate of Iraq (945–1055)
Principality of Antioch (1098–1268)
Ilkhanate Empire (1258–1335)
Jalayirid Sultanate (1335–1432)
Kara Koyunlu (1375–1468)
Aq Qoyunlu (1453–1501)
Modern History
Safavid Empire (1508-1555)
Ottoman Empire (1555–1917)
Schism of 1552 (16th c.)
Massacres of Badr Khan (1840s)
Massacres of Diyarbakir (1895)
Rise of nationalism (19th c.)
Adana Massacre (1909)
Assyrian genocide (1914–1920)
Independence movement (since 1919)
Simele massacre (1933)
Post-Saddam Iraq (since 2003)
See also
Assyrian continuity
Assyrian diaspora
Osroene, also spelled Osrohene and Osrhoene (Ancient Greek: Ὀσροηνή; Classical Syriac:
‫ ܡܠܟܘܬܐ ܕܒܝܬ ܐܘܪܗܝ‬Malkūṯā d-Bayt ʿŌrhai) and sometimes known by the name of its capital
city, Edessa (modern Şanlıurfa, Turkey), was a historical kingdom located in upper
Mesopotamia, [1] which enjoyed semi-autonomy to complete independence from the years of 132
BC to AD 244.[2][3] It was a Syriac-speaking kingdom.[4]
Osroene, or Edessa, acquired independence from the collapsing Seleucid Empire through a
dynasty of the nomadic Nabatean tribe called Orrhoei from 136 BC. The name Osroene is
derived from Osroes of Orhai, a Nabatean sheik who in 120 BC wrested control of this region
from the Seleucids in Syria.[5] Most of the kings of Osroene are called Abgar or Manu who
settled in urban centers.[6] Under its Nabatean dynasties, Osroëne became increasingly influenced
by Aramaic culture and was a centre of national reaction against Hellenism. By the 5th century,
Edessa had become the headquarters of Syriac literature and learning. In 608, Osroëne was taken
by the Sāsānid Khosrow II, and in 638 it fell to the Muslims.
The kingdom's area, the upper course of the Euphrates, became a traditional battleground for the
powers that ruled Asia Minor, Persia, Syria, and Armenia. On the dissolution of Seleucid
Empire, it was divided between Rome and Parthia. At this time Osrhoene was within Parthian
suzerainty. However, the Romans later made several attempts to recover the region.
Contents

1 History

2 Osroene in Roman Sources

3 Rulers of Osroene

4 Episcopal sees

5 See also

6 References

7 References

8 Sources
History
Osroene was one of several kingdoms arising from the dissolution of the Seleucid Empire. The
kingdom occupied an area on what is now the border between Syria and Turkey.This kingdom
was established by The Nabataeans or Arab tribes from North Arabia, and lasted nearly four
centuries (c. 132 BC to 214 AD), under twenty-eight rulers, who sometimes called themselves
"king" on their coinage
It was in this region that the "legend of Abgar" originated, for which see Abgarus of Edessa.
Osroene was absorbed into the Roman Empire in 114 as a semi-autonomous vassal state, after a
period under Arsacid (Parthian) rule, incorporated as a simple Roman province in 214. There is
an apocryphal legend that Osroene was the first state to have accepted Christianity as state
religion,[7][8] however there is not enough evidence to support this point of view.[9][10][11] The
independence of the state ended in 244 CE when it was incorporated in the Roman Empire.[12] It
was a frontier province, lying close to the Persian empires with which the Romans were at war
with many times. It was taken and retaken several times. Being a province on the frontier it had a
Roman legion stationed there, Legio III Parthica and its Castrum (homebase) was Resaena
though there are some doubts on that fact.
Map showing the Eastern Roman provinces, including Osroene, in the 5th century.
Since Emperor Diocletian's Tetrarchy reforms during his reign 284-305 CE, it was part of the
diocese of Oriens, in the praetorian prefecture of the same name. According to the late 4thcentury Notitia Dignitatum, it was headed by a governor of the rank of praeses, and was also the
seat of the dux Mesopotamiae, who ranked as vir spectabilis and commanded (c. 400) the
following army units:

Equites Dalmatae Illyriciani, garrisoned at Ganaba.

Equites Promoti Illyriciani, Callinicum.

Equites Mauri Illyriciani, Dabana.

Equites Promoti indigenae, Banasam

Equites Promoti indigenae, Sina Iudaeorum.

Equites Sagittarii indigenae, Oraba.

Equites Sagittarii indigenae, Thillazamana.

Equites Sagittarii indigenae Medianenses, Mediana.

Equites Primi Osrhoeni, Rasin.

Praefectus legionis quartae Parthicae, Circesium.

(an illegible command, possibly Legio III Parthica), Apatna.
as well as, 'on the minor roll', apparently auxiliaries:

Ala Septima Valeria Praelectorum, Thillacama.

Ala Prima Victoriae, Tovia -contra Bintha.

Ala Secunda Paflagonum, Thillafica.

Ala Prima Parthorum, Resaia.

Ala Prima nova Diocletiana, inter Thannurin et Horobam.

Cohors Prima Gaetulorum, Thillaamana.

Cohors Prima Eufratensis, Maratha.

Ala Prima Salutaria, Duodecimo constituta.
According to Sozomen's Ecclesiastical History, "there were some very learned men who
formerly flourished in Osroene, as for instance Bardasanes, who devised a heresy designated by
his name, and his son Harmonius. It is related that this latter was deeply versed in Grecian
erudition, and was the first to subdue his native tongue to meters and musical laws; these verses
he delivered to the choirs" and that Arianism —a more successful heresy— met with opposition
there.
Osroene in Roman Sources
Abgarus of Osrhoene had signed a peace treaty with the Romans during time of Pompey and was
initially an ally of the Roman general Crassus in his campaign against the Parthians in 53 BC.
Later on, however, he secretly switched sides and became a spy for the Parthian king Orodes II
in the war effort by providing faulty intelligence to Crassus. This was one of the main factors in
Crassus' defeat. He influenced Crassus' plans, convincing him to give up the idea of advancing to
the Greek city of Seleucia near the Euphrates, whose inhabitants were sympathetic to the
Romans. Instead Abgarus persuaded him to attack Surena; however, in the midst of the battle he
himself joined the other side.[13] Abgarus has been identified as an Arab shaikh in another source.
[citation needed]
In this campaign, an Armenian force of 16,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry
accompanied Crassus. Orodes also managed to keep the Armenian force out by making peace
with Artavazd.[14]
During Trajan's time, around 116 AD, the Roman general Lucius Quietus sacked Edessa and put
an end to Osrhoene's independence. After the war with Parthians under Marcus Aurelius, forts
were built and a Roman garrison was stationed in Nisibis. Osrhoene attempted to throw off the
Roman yoke, however in 216, its king Abgar IX[clarification needed] was imprisoned and exiled to Rome
and the region became a Roman province. In the period from Trajan's conquest (116) to 216,
Christianity began to spread in Edessa. Abgar IX (179-186 AD) was the first Christian King of
Edessa. It is believed that the Gospel of Thomas emanated from Edessa around 140 AD.
Prominent early Christian figures have lived in and emerged from this region such as Tatian the
Assyrian who came to Edessa from Hadiab (Adiabene). He made a trip to Rome and returned to
Edessa around 172-173. He had controversial opinions, seceded from the Church, denounced
marriage as defilement and maintained that the flesh of Christ was imaginary. He composed
Diatessaron or "harmony of the Gospels"(Ewangelion da-mhalte) in Syriac, which contained
eclectic ideas from Jewish-Christian and dualistic traditions. This became the Gospel par
excellence of Syriac-speaking Christianity until in the 5th century Rabbula, bishop of Edessa,
suppressed it and substituted a revision of the Old Syriac Canonical Gospels (Ewangelion damfarshe).[15]
After this, Edessa was again brought under Roman control by Decius and it was made a center of
Roman operations against the Persian Sassanids. Amru, possibly a descendant of Abgar, is
mentioned as king in the Paikuli inscription, recording the victory of Narseh in the Sassanid civil
war of 293. Historians identify this Amru as Amru ibn Adi, the fourth king of the Lakhmid
dynasty which was at that time still based in Harran, not yet moved to Hirah in Babylonia.[16]
Many centuries later, Dagalaiphus and Secundinus duke of Osrhoene, accompanied Julian in his
war against the Sassanid king Shapur II in the 4th century.[17]
In his writings Pliny refers to the natives of Osroene and Commagene as Arabs and the region as
Arabia.[18] According to Pliny, a nomadic Arab tribe called Orrhoei occupied Edessa about 130
BC.[19] Orrhoei founded a small state ruled by their chieftains with the title of kings and the
district was called after them Orrhoene. This name eventually changed into Osroene, in
assimilation to the Parthian name Osroes or Chosroes (Khosrau).[20]
Rulers of Osroene

Aryu (132–127 BC)

Abdu bar Maz'ur (127–120 BC)

Fradhasht bar Gebar'u (120–115 BC)

Bakru I bar Fradhasht (115–112 BC)

Bakru II bar Bakru (112–94 BC)

Ma'nu I (94 BC)

Abgar I Piqa (94–68 BC)

Abgar II bar Abgar (68–52 BC)

Ma'nu II (52–34 BC)

Paqor (34–29 BC)

Abgar III (29–26 BC)

Abgar IV Sumaqa (26–23 BC)

Ma'nu III Saphul (23–4 BC)

Abgar V Ukkama bar Ma'nu (Abgarus of Edessa) (4 BC–AD 7)

Ma'nu IV bar Ma'nu (AD 7–13)

Abgar V Ukkama bar Ma'nu (13–50)

Ma'nu V bar Abgar (50–57)

Ma'nu VI bar Abgar (57–71)

Abgar VI bar Ma'nu (71–91)

Sanatruk (91–109)

Abgar VII bar Ezad (109–116)

Roman interregnum 116–118

Yalur (118–122, co-ruler with Parthamaspates)

Parthamaspates (118–123)

Ma'nu VII bar Ezad (123–139)

Ma'nu VIII bar Ma'nu (139–163)

Wa'il bar Sahru (163–165)

Ma'nu VIII bar Ma'nu (165–167)

Abgar VIII (167–177)

Abgar IX (the great) (177–212)

Abgar X Severus bar Ma'nu (212–214)

Abgar (X) Severus Bar Abgar (IX) Rabo (214–216)

Ma’nu (IX) Bar Abgar (X) Severus (216–242)

Abgar (XI) Farhat Bar Ma’nu (IX) (242–244)
Episcopal sees
Ancient episcopal sees of Osrhoene listed in the Annuario Pontificio as titular sees:[21]

Batnae (Tell-Batnan, Suruç)

Birtha

Callinicum

Carrhae

Constantina

Dausara

Edessa in Osrhoëne

Hemeria

Marcopolis

Marida

Nea Valentia

Tell-Mahrê
See also
Syriac Christianity portal
Assyrians portal

Abgarus of Edessa

Edessa, Mesopotamia

Assyria (Roman province)

Lists of incumbents

Serapion of Antioch

Roman provinces
References
1.
 The Encyclopedia of Military History: From 3500 B.C. to the Present, Part 25.
Richard Ernest Dupuy, Trevor Nevitt Dupuy. Harper & Row, 1970. Page 115.
  Alexander Roberts & James Donaldson (eds.), The Writings of the Fathers
Down to AD 325: Ante-Nicene Fathers vol. 8 (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson
Publishers, 1994), 657-672. [1]
  Adrian Fortescue, The Lesser Eastern Churches, pp. 22. Published by Catholic
Truth Society, 1913. Original from the University of Michigan.[2]
  "The Ancient Name of Edessa," Amir Harrak, Journal of Near Eastern Studies,
Vol. 51, No. 3 (July 1992): 209-214 [3]
  C. Anthon, A System of Ancient and Medieval Geography for the Use of
Schools and Colleges, Harper Publishers, 1850, Digitized 2007, p.681
  http://books.google.com/books?
id=2_eAKmK7KkYC&pg=PA22&dq#v=onepage&q&f=false
  Ball, W (2001). Rome in the East: the transformation of an empire. Routledge.
p. 91. ISBN 978-0-415-24357-5.
  David Frankfurter. Pilgrimage and Holy Space in Late Antique Egypt. Irfan
Shahid. Arab Christian Pilgrimages. — BRILL, 1998 — p. 383 — ISBN
9789004111271
"It was around 200 c.e. that Abgar IX adopted Christianity, thus enabling Edessa to become the
first Christian state in history whose ruler was officially and openly a Christian."
  ABGAR dynasty of Edessa
The fame of Edessa in history rests, however, mainly on its claim to have been the first kingdom
to adopt Christianity as its official religion. According to the legend current for centuries
throughout the civilized world, Abgar Ukkama wrote to Jesus, inviting him to visit him at Edessa
to heal him from sickness. In return he received the blessing of Jesus and subsequently was
converted by the evangelist Addai. There is, however, no factual evidence for Christianity at
Edessa before the reign of Abgar the Great, 150 years later. Scholars are generally agreed that the
legend has confused the two Abgars. It cannot be proved that Abgar the Great adopted
Christianity; but his friend Bardais ṣan was a heterodox Christian, and there was a church at
Edessa in 201. It is testimony to the personality of Abgar the Great that he is credited by tradition
with a leading role in the evangelization of Edessa.
  The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature
Modern scholars have taken basically two very different approaches to this legend (which
obviously reflects the general search for apostolic origins, characteristics of the fourth century),
Some would dismiss it totally, while others prefer to see it as a retrojection into the first century
of the conversion of the local king at the end of the second century. In other words Abgar (V) the
Black of the legend in fact represents Abgar (VIII) the Great (c. 177-212), contemporary of
Badaisan. Attractive though this second approach might seem, there are serious objections to it,
and the various small supportive evidence that Abgar (VIII) the Great became Christian
disappears on closer examination.
  Warwick Ball. Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire. —
Routledge, 2000 — p. 95 — ISBN 9780415113762
"More significant than Bardaisan's conversion to Christianity was the conversion -reported by
Bardaisan - of Abgar the Great himself." The conversion is controversial, but whether or not he
became a Christian, Abgar had the wisdom to recognise the inherent order and stability in
Christianity a century before Constantino did. Ho encouraged it as essential for maintaining
Edessa's precarious balance between Rome and Iran. Thus, it is Abgar the Great who lays claim
to being the world's first Christian monarch and Edessa the first Christian state. More than
anything else, a major precedent had been set for the conversion of Rome itself. // The stories of
the conversions of both Abgar V and Abgar VIII may not be true, and have been doubted by a
number of Western authorities (with more than a hint at unwillingness to relinquish Rome's and
St Peter's own primogeniture?). But whether true or not. the stories did establish Edessa as one of
the more important centres for early Christendom."
  New International Encyclopedia
  Cassius Dio, Roman History,Book 40, Chapter 20, p.126, Project Gutenberg
[4].
  S. Beck, Ethics of Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian Empires
 L.W. Barnard, The Origins and Emergence of the Chu
A close-up view of the breastplate on the statue of Augustus of Prima Porta, showing
a Parthian man returning to Augustus the legionary standards lost by Marcus
Licinius Crassus at Carrhae
Along with the prince, Augustus also gave Phraates IV an Italian slave-girl, who later became
Queen Musa of Parthia. To ensure that her child Phraataces would inherit the throne without
incident, Musa convinced Phraates IV to give his other sons to Augustus as hostages. Again,
Augustus used this as propaganda depicting the submission of Parthia to Rome, listing it as a
great accomplishment in his Res Gestae Divi Augusti.[98] When Phraataces took the throne as
Phraates V of Parthia (r. c. 2 BC – 4 AD), Musa married her own son and ruled alongside him.
The Parthian nobility, disapproving of both the incestuous relationship and the notion of a king
with non-Arsacid blood, forced the pair into exile in Roman territory.[99] Phraates' successor
Orodes III of Parthia lasted just two years on the throne, and was followed by Vonones I of
Parthia, who had adopted many Roman mannerisms during time in Rome. The Parthian nobility,
angered by Vonones' sympathies for the Romans, backed a rival claimant, Artabanus III of
Parthia (r. c. 10–38 AD), who eventually defeated Vonones and drove him into exile in Roman
Syria.[100]
During the reign of Artabanus III, two Jewish commoners and brothers, Anilai and Asinai from
Nehardea (near modern Fallujah, Iraq),[101] led a revolt against the Parthian governor of
Babylonia. After defeating the latter, the two were granted the right to govern the region by
Artabanus III, who feared further rebellion elsewhere.[102] Anilai's Parthian wife poisoned Asinai
out of fear he would attack Anilai over his marriage to a gentile. Following this, Anilai became
embroiled in an armed conflict with a son-in-law of Artabanus, who eventually defeated him.[103]
With the Jewish regime removed, the native Babylonians began to harass the local Jewish
community, forcing them to emigrate to Seleucia. When that city rebelled against Parthian rule in
35–36 AD, the Jews were expelled again, this time by the local Greeks and Aramaeans. The
exiled Jews fled to Ctesiphon, Nehardea, and Nisibis.[104]
A denarius struck in 19 BC during the reign of Augustus, with the goddess Feronia
depicted on the obverse, and on the reverse a Parthian man kneeling in submission
while offering the Roman military standards taken at the Battle of Carrhae[105]
Although at peace with Parthia, Rome still interfered in its affairs. The Roman emperor Tiberius
(r. 14–37 AD) became involved in a plot by Pharasmanes I of Iberia to place his brother
Mithridates on the throne of Armenia by assassinating the Parthian ally King Arsaces of
Armenia.[106] Artabanus III tried and failed to restore Parthian control of Armenia, prompting an
aristocratic revolt that forced him to flee to Scythia. The Romans released a hostage prince,
Tiridates III of Parthia, to rule the region as an ally of Rome. Shortly before his death, Artabanus
managed to force Tiridates from the throne using troops from Hyrcania.[107] After Artabanus'
death in 38 AD, a long civil war ensued between the rightful successor Vardanes I of Parthia and
his brother Gotarzes II of Parthia.[108] After Vardanes was assassinated during a hunting
expedition, the Parthian nobility appealed to Roman emperor Claudius (r. 41–54 AD) in 49 AD
to release the hostage prince Meherdates to challenge Gotarzes. This backfired when Meherdates
was betrayed by the governor of Edessa and Izates bar Monobaz of Adiabene; he was captured
and sent to Gotarzes, where he was allowed to live after having his ears mutilated, an act that
disqualified him from inheriting the throne.[109]
In 97 AD, the Chinese general Ban Chao, the Protector-General of the Western Regions, sent his
emissary Gan Ying on a diplomatic mission to reach the Roman Empire. Gan visited the court of
Pacorus II of Parthia at Hecatompylos before departing towards Rome.[110] He traveled as far
west as the Persian Gulf, where Parthian authorities convinced him that an arduous sea voyage
around the Arabian Peninsula was the only means to reach Rome.[111] Discouraged by this, Gan
Ying returned to the Han court and provided Emperor He of Han (r. 88–105 AD) with a detailed
report on the Roman Empire based on oral accounts of his Parthian hosts.[112] William Watson
speculates that the Parthians would have been relieved at the failed efforts by the Han Empire to
open diplomatic relations with Rome, especially after Ban Chao's military victories against the
Xiongnu in eastern Central Asia.[110] However, Chinese records maintain that a Roman embassy,
perhaps only a group of Roman merchants, arrived at the Han capital Luoyang in 166 AD, during
the reigns of Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) and Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168 AD).[113]
Continuation of Roman hostilities and Parthian decline
Further information: Roman Armenia
Map of the troop movements during the first two years of the Roman–Parthian War
of 58–63 AD over the Kingdom of Armenia, detailing the Roman offensive into
Armenia and capture of the country by Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo
After the Iberian king Pharasmanes I had his son Rhadamistus (r. 51–55 AD) invade Armenia to
depose the Roman client king Mithridates, Vologeses I of Parthia (r. c. 51–77 AD) planned to
invade and place his brother, the later Tiridates I of Armenia, on the throne.[114] Rhadamistus was
eventually driven from power, and, beginning with the reign of Tiridates, Parthia would retain
firm control over Armenia—with brief interruptions—through the Arsacid Dynasty of Armenia.
[115]
Even after the fall of the Parthian Empire, the Arsacid line lived on through the Armenian
kings.[116]
When Vardanes II of Parthia rebelled against his father Vologeses I in 55 AD, Vologeses
withdrew his forces from Armenia. Rome quickly attempted to fill the political vacuum left
behind.[117] In the Roman–Parthian War of 58–63 AD, the commander Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo
achieved some military successes against the Parthians while installing Tigranes VI of Armenia
as a Roman client.[118] However, Corbulo's successor Lucius Caesennius Paetus was soundly
defeated by Parthian forces and fled Armenia.[119] Following a peace treaty, Tiridates I traveled to
Naples and Rome in 63 AD. At both sites the Roman emperor Nero (r. 54–68 AD)
ceremoniously crowned him king of Armenia by placing the royal diadem on his head.[120]
A long period of peace between Parthia and Rome ensued, with only the invasion of Alans into
Parthia's eastern territories around 72 AD mentioned by Roman historians.[121] Whereas Augustus
and Nero had chosen a cautious military policy when confronting Parthia, later Roman emperors
invaded and attempted to conquer the eastern Fertile Crescent, the heart of the Parthian Empire
along the Tigris and Euphrates. The heightened aggression can be explained in part by Rome's
military reforms.[122] To match Parthia's strength in missile troops and mounted warriors, the
Romans at first used foreign allies (especially Nabataeans), but later established a permanent
auxilia force to complement their heavy legionary infantry.[123] The Romans eventually
maintained regiments of horse archers (sagittarii) and even mail-armored cataphracts in their
eastern provinces.[124] Yet the Romans had no discernible grand strategy in dealing with Parthia
and gained very little territory from these invasions.[125] The primary motivations for war were
the advancement of the personal glory and political position of the emperor, as well as defending
Roman honor against perceived slights such as Parthian interference in the affairs of Rome's
client states.[126]
A Parthian soldier (right) wearing a Phrygian cap, depicted as a prisoner of war in
chains held by a Roman (left); Arch of Septimius Severus, Rome, 203 AD
Hostilities between Rome and Parthia were renewed when Osroes I of Parthia (r. c. 109–
128 AD) deposed the Armenian king Tiridates and replaced him with Axidares, son of Pacorus
II, without consulting Rome.[127] The Roman emperor Trajan (r. 98–117 AD) had the next
Parthian nominee for the throne, Parthamasiris, killed in 114 AD, instead making Armenia a
Roman province.[128] His forces, led by Lusius Quietus, also captured Nisibis; its occupation was
essential to securing all the major routes across the northern Mesopotamian plain.[129] The
following year, Trajan invaded Mesopotamia and met little resistance from only Meharaspes of
Adiabene, since Osroes was engaged in a civil war to the east with Vologases III of Parthia.[130]
Trajan spent the winter of 115–116 at Antioch, but resumed his campaign in the spring. Marching
down the Euphrates, he captured Dura-Europos, the capital Ctesiphon and Seleucia, and even
subjugated Characene, where he watched ships depart to India from the Persian Gulf.[131]
In the last months of 116 AD, Trajan captured the Persian city of Susa. When Sanatruces II of
Parthia gathered forces in eastern Parthia to challenge the Romans, his cousin Parthamaspates of
Parthia betrayed and killed him: Trajan crowned him the new king of Parthia.[132] Never again
would the Roman Empire advance so far to the east.
On Trajan's return north, the Babylonian settlements revolted against the Roman garrisons.[133]
Trajan was forced to retreat from Mesopotamia in 117 AD, overseeing a failed siege of Hatra
during his withdrawal.[134] His retreat was—in his intentions—temporary, because he wanted to
renew the attack on Parthia in 118 AD and "make the subjection of the Parthians a reality,"[135]
but Trajan died suddenly in August 117 AD.
During his campaign, Trajan was granted the title Parthicus by the Senate and coins were minted
proclaiming the conquest of Parthia.[136] However, only the 4th-century AD historians Eutropius
and Festus allege that he attempted to establish a Roman province in lower Mesopotamia.[137]
Trajan's successor Hadrian (r. 117–138 AD) reaffirmed the Roman-Parthian border at the
Euphrates, choosing not to invade Mesopotamia due to Rome's now limited military resources.
[138]
Parthamaspates fled after the Parthians revolted against him, yet the Romans made him king
of Osroene. Osroes I died during his conflict with Vologases III, the latter succeeded by
Vologases IV of Parthia (r. c. 147–191 AD) who ushered in a period of peace and stability.[139]
However, the Roman–Parthian War of 161–166 AD began when Vologases invaded Armenia and
Syria, retaking Edessa. Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius (r. 161–180 AD) had co-ruler Lucius
Verus (r. 161–169 AD) guard Syria while Marcus Statius Priscus invaded Armenia in 163 AD,
followed by the invasion of Mesopotamia by Avidius Cassius in 164 AD.[140]
The Romans captured and burnt Seleucia and Ctesiphon to the ground, yet they were forced to
retreat once the Roman soldiers contracted a deadly disease (possibly smallpox) that soon
ravaged the Roman world.[141] Although they withdrew, from this point forward the city of DuraEuropos remained in Roman hands.[142]
When Roman emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193–211 AD) invaded Mesopotamia in 197 AD
during the reign of Vologases V of Parthia (r. c. 191–208 AD), the Romans once again marched
down the Euphrates and captured Seleucia and Ctesiphon. After assuming the title Parthicus
Maximus, he retreated in late 198 AD, failing as Trajan once did to capture Hatra during a siege.
[143]
Around 212 AD, soon after Vologases VI of Parthia (r. c. 208–222 AD) took the throne, his
brother Artabanus V of Parthia (d. 224 AD) rebelled against him and gained control over a
greater part of the empire.[144] Meanwhile, the Roman emperor Caracalla (r. 211–217 AD)
deposed the kings of Osroene and Armenia to make them Roman provinces once more. He
marched into Mesopotamia under the pretext of marrying one of Artabanus' daughters, but—
because the marriage was not allowed—made war on Parthia and conquered Arbil east of the
Tigris river.
The Sassanid relief at Naqsh-e Rustam showing the investiture of Ardashir I
Caracalla was assassinated the next year on the road to Carrhae by his soldiers.[144] After this
debacle, the Parthians made a settlement with Macrinus (r. 217–218) where the Romans paid
Parthia over two-hundred million denarii with additional gifts.[145]
But the Parthian Empire, weakened by internal strife and wars with Rome, was soon to be
followed by the Sassanid Empire. Indeed shortly afterward, Ardashir I, the local Iranian ruler of
Persis (modern Fars Province, Iran) from Estakhr began subjugating the surrounding territories
in defiance of Arsacid rule.[146] He confronted Artabanus V at the Battle of Hormozdgān on 28
April 224 AD, perhaps at a site near Isfahan, defeating him and establishing the Sassanid
Empire.[146] There is evidence, however, that suggests Vologases VI continued to mint coins at
Seleucia as late as 228 AD.[147]
The Sasanians would not only assume Parthia's legacy as Rome's Persian nemesis, but they
would also attempt to restore the boundaries of the Achaemenid Empire by briefly conquering
the Levant, Anatolia, and Egypt from the Eastern Roman Empire during the reign of Khosrau II
(r. 590–628 AD).[148] However, they would lose these territories to Heraclius—the last Roman
emperor before the Arab conquests.
Native and external sources
Parthian gold jewelry items found at a burial site in Nineveh (near modern Mosul,
Iraq)
Local and foreign written accounts, as well as non-textual artifacts have been used to reconstruct
Parthian history.[149] Although the Parthian court maintained records, the Parthians had no formal
study of history; the earliest universal history of Iran, the Khwaday-Namag, was not compiled
until the reign of the last Sassanid ruler Yazdegerd III (r. 632–651 AD).[150] Indigenous sources
on Parthian history remain scarce, with fewer of them available than for any other period of
Iranian history.[151] Most contemporary written records on Parthia contain Greek as well as
Parthian and Aramaic inscriptions.[152] The Parthian language was written in a distinct script
derived from the Imperial Aramaic chancellery script of the Achaemenids, and later developed
into the Pahlavi writing system.[153]
The most valuable indigenous sources for reconstructing an accurate chronology of Arsacid
rulers are the metal drachma coins issued by each ruler.[154] These represent a "transition from
non-textual to textual remains," according to historian Geo Widengren.[155] Other Parthian
sources used for reconstructing chronology include cuneiform astronomical tablets and
colophons discovered in Babylonia.[156] Indigenous textual sources also include stone
inscriptions, parchment and papyri documents, and pottery ostraca.[155] For example, at the early
Parthian capital of Mithradatkert/Nisa in Turkmenistan, large caches of pottery ostraca have been
found yielding information on the sale and storage of items like wine.[157] Along with parchment
documents found at sites like Dura-Europos, these also provide valuable information on Parthian
governmental administration, covering issues such as taxation, military titles, and provincial
organization.[158]
Parthian golden necklace, 2nd century A.D., Iran, Reza Abbasi Museum
A Parthian ceramic oil lamp, Khūzestān Province, Iran, National Museum of Iran
The Greek and Latin histories, which represent the majority of materials covering Parthian
history, are not considered entirely reliable since they were written from the perspective of rivals
and wartime enemies.[159] These external sources generally concern major military and political
events, and often ignore social and cultural aspects of Parthian history.[160] The Romans usually
depicted the Parthians as fierce warriors but also as a culturally refined people; recipes for
Parthian dishes in the cookbook Apicius exemplifies their admiration for Parthian cuisine.[161]
Apollodorus of Artemita and Arrian wrote histories focusing on Parthia, which are now lost and
survive only as quoted extracts in other histories.[162] Isidore of Charax, who lived during the
reign of Augustus, provides an account of Parthian territories, perhaps from a Parthian
government survey.[163] To a lesser extent, people and events of Parthian history were also
included in the histories of Justin, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, Cassius Dio, Appian,
Josephus, Pliny the Elder, and Herodian.[164]
Parthian history can also be reconstructed via the Chinese historical records of events.[165] In
contrast to Greek and Roman histories, the early Chinese histories maintained a more neutral
view when describing Parthia,[166] although the habit of Chinese chroniclers to copy material for
their accounts from older works (of undetermined origin) makes it difficult to establish a
chronological order of events.[167] The Chinese called Parthia Ānxī (Chinese: 安息), perhaps after
the Greek name for the Parthian city Antiochia in Margiana (Greek: Αντιόχεια της Μαργιανήs).
[168]
However, this could also have been a transliteration of "Arsaces", after the dynasty's
eponymous founder.[169] The works and historical authors include the Shiji (also known as the
Records of the Grand Historian) by Sima Qian, the Han shu (Book of Han) by Ban Biao, Ban
Gu, and Ban Zhao, and the Hou Han shu (Book of Later Han) by Fan Ye.[170] They provide
information on the nomadic migrations leading up to the early Saka invasion of Parthia and
valuable political and geographical information.[165] For example, the Shiji (ch. 123) describes
diplomatic exchanges, exotic gifts given by Mithridates II to the Han court, types of agricultural
crops grown in Parthia, production of wine using grapes, itinerant merchants, and the size and
location of Parthian territory.[171] The Shiji also mentions that the Parthians kept records by
"writing horizontally on strips of leather," that is, parchment.[172]
Government and administration
Central authority and semi-autonomous kings
Coin of Kamnaskires III, king of Elymais (modern Khūzestān Province), and his wife
Queen Anzaze, 1st century BC
Compared with the earlier Achaemenid Empire, the Parthian government was notably
decentralized.[173] An indigenous historical source reveals that territories overseen by the central
government were organized in a similar manner to the Seleucid Empire. They both had a
threefold division for their provincial hierarchies: the Parthian marzbān, xšatrap, and dizpat,
similar to the Seleucid satrapy, eparchy, and hyparchy.[174] The Parthian Empire also contained
several subordinate semi-autonomous kingdoms, including the states of Caucasian Iberia,
Armenia, Atropatene, Gordyene, Adiabene, Edessa, Hatra, Mesene, Elymais, and Persis.[175] The
state rulers governed their own territories and minted their own coinage distinct from the royal
coinage produced at the imperial mints.[176] This was not unlike the earlier Achaemenid Empire,
which also had some city-states, and even distant satrapies who were semi-independent but
"recognised the supremacy of the king, paid tribute and provided military support", according to
Brosius.[177] However, the satraps of Parthian times governed smaller territories, and perhaps had
less prestige and influence than their Achaemenid predecessors.[178] During the Seleucid period,
the trend of local ruling dynasties with semi-autonomous rule, and sometimes outright rebellious
rule, became commonplace, a fact reflected in the later Parthian style of governance.[179]
Nobility
Further information: Seven Parthian clans
A bronze statue of a Parthian nobleman from the sanctuary at Shami in Elymais
(modern-day Khūzestān Province, Iran, along the Persian Gulf), now located at the
National Museum of Iran.
The King of Kings headed the Parthian government. He maintained polygamous relations, and
was usually succeeded by his first-born son.[180] Like the Ptolemies of Egypt, there is also record
of Arsacid kings marrying their nieces and perhaps even half-sisters; Queen Musa married her
own son, though this was an extreme and isolated case.[180] Brosius provides an extract from a
letter written in Greek by King Artabanus II in 21 AD, which addresses the governor (titled
"archon") and citizens of the city of Susa. Specific government offices of Preferred Friend,
Bodyguard and Treasurer are mentioned and the document also proves that "while there were
local jurisdictions and proceedings to appointment to high office, the king could intervene on
behalf of an individual, review a case and amend the local ruling if he considered it
appropriate."[181]
The hereditary titles of the hierarchic nobility recorded during the reign of the first Sassanid
monarch Ardashir I most likely reflect the titles already in use during the Parthian era.[182] There
were three distinct tiers of nobility, the highest being the regional kings directly below the King
of Kings, the second being those related to the King of Kings only through marriage, and the
lowest order being heads of local clans and small territories.[183]
By the 1st century AD, the Parthian nobility had assumed great power and influence in the
succession and deposition of Arsacid kings.[184] Some of the nobility functioned as court advisers
to the king, as well as holy priests.[185] Of the great noble Parthian clans listed at the beginning of
the Sasanian period, only two are explicitly mentioned in earlier Parthian documents: the House
of Suren and the House of Karen.[186] The historian Plutarch noted that members of the Suren
clan, the first among the nobility, were given the privilege of crowning each new Arsacid King of
Kings during their coronations.[187] Later on, some of the Parthian kings would claim Achaemenid
descent. This has recently been corroborated via the possibility of an inherited disease
(neurofibromatosis) demonstrated by the physical descriptions of rulers and from evidence of
familial disease on ancient coinage.[188]
Military
A Parthian stucco relief of an infantryman, from the walls of Zahhak Castle, East
Azarbaijan Province, Iran
The Parthian Empire had no standing army, yet were able to quickly recruit troops in the event of
local crises.[189] There was a permanent armed guard attached to the person of the king,
comprising nobles, serfs and mercenaries, but this royal retinue was small.[190] Garrisons were
also permanently maintained at border forts; Parthian inscriptions reveal some of the military
titles granted to the commanders of these locations.[190] Military forces could also be used in
diplomatic gestures. For example, when Chinese envoys visited Parthia in the late 2nd century
BC, the Shiji maintains that 20,000 horsemen were sent to the eastern borders to serve as escorts
for the embassy, although this figure is perhaps an exaggeration.[191]
The main striking force of the Parthian army was its cataphracts, heavy cavalry with man and
horse decked in mailed armor.[192] The cataphracts were equipped with a lance for charging into
enemy lines, but were not equipped with bows and arrows which were restricted to horse archers.
[193]
Due to the cost of their equipment and armor, cataphracts were recruited from among the
aristocratic class who, in return for their services, demanded a measure of autonomy at the local
level from the Arsacid kings.[194] The light cavalry was recruited from among the commoner class
and acted as horse archers; they wore a simple tunic and trousers into battle.[192] They used
composite bows and were able to shoot at enemies while riding and facing away from them; this
technique, known as the Parthian shot, was a highly effective tactic.[195] The heavy and light
cavalry of Parthia proved to be a decisive factor in the Battle of Carrhae where a Persian force
defeated a much larger Roman army under Crassus. Light infantry units, composed of levied
commoners and mercenaries, were used to disperse enemy troops after cavalry charges.[196]
The size of the Parthian army is unknown, as is the size of the empire's overall population.
However, archaeological excavations in former Parthian urban centers reveal settlements which
could have sustained large populations and hence a great resource in manpower.[197] Dense
population centers in regions like Babylonia were no doubt attractive to the Romans, whose
armies could afford to live off the land.[197]
Currency
Usually made of silver,[198] the Greek drachma coin, including the tetradrachm, was the standard
currency used throughout the Parthian Empire.[199] The Arsacids maintained royal mints at the
cities of Hecatompylos, Seleucia, and Ecbatana.[35] They most likely operated a mint at
Mithridatkert/Nisa as well.[19] From the empire's inception until its collapse, drachmas produced
throughout the Parthian period rarely weighed less than 3.5 g or more than 4.2 g.[200] The first
Parthian tetradrachms, weighing in principle around 16 g with some variation, appear after
Mithridates I conquered Mesopotamia and were minted exclusively at Seleucia.[201]
Society and culture
Hellenism and the Iranian revival
Parthian horseman, now on display at the Palazzo Madama, Turin.
Although Greek culture of the Seleucids was widely adopted by peoples of the Near East during
the Hellenistic period, the Parthian era witnessed an Iranian cultural revival in religion, the arts,
and even clothing fashions.[202] Conscious of both the Hellenistic and Persian cultural roots of
their kingship, the Arsacid rulers styled themselves after the Persian King of Kings and affirmed
that they were also philhellenes ("friends of the Greeks").[203] The word "philhellene" was
inscribed on Parthian coins until the reign of Artabanus II.[204] The discontinuation of this phrase
signified the revival of Iranian culture in Parthia.[205] Vologases I was the first Arsacid ruler to
have the Parthian script and language appear on his minted coins alongside the now almost
illegible Greek.[206] However, the use of Greek-alphabet legends on Parthian coins remained until
the collapse of the empire.[207]
A ceramic Parthian water spout in the shape of a man's head, dated 1st or 2nd
century AD
Greek cultural influence did not disappear from the Parthian Empire, however, and there is
evidence that the Arsacids enjoyed Greek theatre. When the head of Crassus was brought to
Orodes II, he, alongside Armenian king Artavasdes II, were busy watching a performance of The
Bacchae by the playwright Euripides (c. 480–406 BC). The producer of the play decided to use
Crassus' actual severed head in place of the stage-prop head of Pentheus.[208]
On his coins, Arsaces I is depicted in apparel similar to Achaemenid satraps. According to A.
Shahbazi, Arsaces "deliberately diverges from Seleucid coins to emphasize his nationalistic and
royal aspirations, and he calls himself Kārny/Karny (Greek: Autocratos), a title already borne by
Achaemenid supreme generals, such as Cyrus the Younger."[209] In line with Achaemenid
traditions, rock-relief images of Arsacid rulers were carved at Mount Behistun, where Darius I of
Persia (r. 522–486 BC) made royal inscriptions.[210] Moreover, the Arsacids claimed familial
descent from Artaxerxes II of Persia (r. 404–358 BC) as a means to bolster their legitimacy in
ruling over former Achaemenid territories, i.e. as being "legitimate successors of glorious kings"
of ancient Iran.[211] Artabanus III named one of his sons Darius and laid claim to Cyrus' heritage.
[209]
The Arsacid kings chose typical Zoroastrian names for themselves and some from the "heroic
background" of the Avesta, according to V.G. Lukonin.[212] The Parthians also adopted the use of
the Babylonian calendar with names from the Achaemenid Iranian calendar, replacing the
Macedonian calendar of the Seleucids.[213]
Religion
Parthian votive relief from Khūzestān Province, Iran, 2nd century AD
The Parthian Empire, being culturally and politically heterogeneous, had a variety of religious
systems and beliefs, the most widespread being those dedicated to Greek and Iranian cults.[214]
Aside from a minority of Jews[215] and early Christians,[216] most Parthians were polytheistic.[217]
Greek and Iranian deities were often blended together as one. For example, Zeus was often
equated with Ahura Mazda, Hades with Angra Mainyu, Aphrodite and Hera with Anahita,
Apollo with Mithra, and Hermes with Shamash.[218] Aside from the main gods and goddesses,
each ethnic group and city had their own designated deities.[217] As with Seleucid rulers,[219]
Parthian art indicates that the Arsacid kings viewed themselves as gods; this cult of the ruler was
perhaps the most widespread.[220]
The extent of Arsacid patronism of Zoroastrianism is debated in modern scholarship.[221] The
followers of Zoroaster would have found the bloody sacrifices of some Parthian-era Iranian cults
to be unacceptable.[214] However, there is evidence that Vologeses I encouraged the presence of
Zoroastrian magi priests at court and sponsored the compilation of sacred Zoroastrian texts
which later formed the Avesta.[222] The Sassanid court would later adopt Zoroastrianism as the
official state religion of the empire.[223]
Although Mani (216–276 AD), the founding prophet of Manichaeism, did not proclaim his first
religious revelation until 228/229 AD, Bivar asserts that his new faith contained "elements of
Mandaean belief, Iranian cosmogony, and even echoes of Christianity ... [it] may be regarded as
a typical reflection of the mixed religious doctrines of the late Arsacid period, which the
Zoroastrian orthodoxy of the Sasanians was soon to sweep away."[224]
There is scant archaeological evidence for the spread of Buddhism from the Kushan Empire into
Iran proper.[225] However, it is known from Chinese sources that An Shigao (fl. 2nd century AD),
a Parthian nobleman and Buddhist monk, traveled to Luoyang in Han China as a Buddhist
missionary and translated several Buddhist canons into Chinese.[226]
Art and architecture
Further information: Parthian art
A barrel vaulted iwan at the entrance at the ancient site of Hatra, modern-day Iraq,
built c. 50 AD
Parthian art can be divided into three geo-historical phases: the art of Parthia proper; the art of
the Iranian plateau; and the art of Parthian Mesopotamia.[227] The first genuine Parthian art, found
at Mithridatkert/Nisa, combined elements of Greek and Iranian art in line with Achaemenid and
Seleucid traditions.[227] In the second phase, Parthian art found inspiration in Achaemenid art, as
exemplified by the investiture relief of Mithridates II at Mount Behistun.[228] The third phase
occurred gradually after the Parthian conquest of Mesopotamia.[228]
Common motifs of the Parthian period include scenes of royal hunting expeditions and the
investiture of Arsacid kings.[229] Use of these motifs extended to include portrayals of local rulers.
[227]
Common art mediums were rock-reliefs, frescos, and even graffiti.[227] Geometric and stylized
plant patterns were also used on stucco and plaster walls.[228] The common motif of the Sassanid
period showing two horsemen engaged in combat with lances first appeared in the Parthian
reliefs at Mount Behistun.[230]
In portraiture the Parthians favored and emphasized frontality, meaning the person depicted by
painting, sculpture, or raised-relief on coins faced the viewer directly instead of showing his or
her profile.[231] Although frontality in portraiture was already an old artistic technique by the
Parthian period, Daniel Schlumberger explains the innovation of Parthian frontality:[232]
'Parthian frontality', as we are now accustomed to call it, deeply differs both from ancient Near
Eastern and from Greek frontality, though it is, no doubt, an offspring of the latter. For both in
Oriental art and in Greek art, frontality was an exceptional treatment: in Oriental art it was a
treatment strictly reserved for a small number of traditional characters of cult and myth; in Greek
art it was an option resorted to only for definite reasons, when demanded by the subject, and, on
the whole, seldom made use of. With Parthian art, on the contrary, frontality becomes the normal
treatment of the figure. For the Parthians frontality is really nothing but the habit of showing, in
relief and in painting, all figures full-face, even at the expense (as it seems to us moderns) of
clearness and intelligibility. So systematic is this use that it amounts to a complete banishment de
facto of the side-view and of all intermediate attitudes. This singular state of things seems to
have become established in the course of the 1st century A.D.[232]
A wall mural depicting a scene from the Book of Esther at the Dura-Europos
synagogue, dated 245 AD, which Curtis[233] and Schlumberger[234] describe as a fine
example of 'Parthian frontality'
Parthian art, with its distinct use of frontality in portraiture, was lost and abandoned with the
profound cultural and political changes brought by the Sassanid Empire.[235] However, even after
the Roman occupation of Dura-Europos in 165 AD, the use of Parthian frontality in portraiture
continued to flourish there. This is exemplified by the early 3rd-century AD wall murals of the
Dura-Europos synagogue, a temple in the same city dedicated to Palmyrene gods, and the local
Mithraeum.[236]
Parthian architecture adopted elements of Achaemenid and Greek architecture, but remained
distinct from the two. The style is first attested at Mithridatkert/Nisa.[237] The Round Hall of Nisa
is similar to Hellenistic palaces, but different in that it forms a circle and vault inside a square
space.[237] However, the artwork of Nisa, including marble statues and the carved scenes on ivory
rhyton vessels, is unquestionably influenced by Greek art.[238]
A signature feature of Parthian architecture was the iwan, an audience hall supported by arches
and/or barrel vaults and open on one side.[239] Use of the barrel vault replaced the Hellenic use of
columns to support roofs.[228] Although the iwan was known during the Achaemenid period and
earlier in smaller and subterranean structures, it was the Parthians who first built them on a
monumental scale.[239] The earliest Parthian iwans are found at Seleucia, built in the early 1st
century AD.[228] Monumental iwans are also commonly found in the ancient temples of Hatra and
perhaps modeled on the Parthian style.[240] The largest Parthian iwans at that site have a span of
15 m (50 ft).[241]
Clothing and apparel
A statue of a young Palmyran in fine Parthian trousers, from a funerary stele at
Palmyra, early 3rd century AD
The typical Parthian riding outfit is exemplified by the famous bronze statue of a Parthian
nobleman found at Shami, Elymais. Standing 1.9 m (6 ft), the figure wears a V-shaped jacket, a
V-shaped tunic fastened in place with a belt, loose-fitting and many-folded trousers held by
garters, and a diadem or band over his coiffed, bobbed hair.[242] His outfit is commonly seen in
relief images of Parthian coins by the mid-1st century BC.[205]
Examples of clothing in Parthian inspired sculptures have been found in excavations at Hatra, in
northwestern Iraq. Statues erected there feature the typical Parthian shirt (qamis), combined with
trousers and made with fine, ornamented materials.[243] The aristocratic elite of Hatra adopted the
bobbed hairstyles, headdresses, and belted tunics worn by the nobility belonging to the central
Arsacid court.[240] The trouser-suit was even worn by the Arsacid kings, as shown on the reverse
images of coins.[244] The Parthian trouser-suit was also adopted in Palmyra, Syria, along with the
use of Parthian frontality in art.[245]
Parthian sculptures depict wealthy women wearing long-sleeved robes over a dress, with
necklaces, earrings, bracelets, and headdresses bedecked in jewelry.[246] Their many-folded
dresses were fastened by a brooch at one shoulder.[240] Th
Waste sorting is the process by which waste is separated into different elements.[1] Waste sorting
can occur manually at the household and collected through curbside collection schemes, or
automatically separated in materials recovery facilities or mechanical biological treatment
systems. Hand sorting was the first method used in the history of waste sorting.[2]
Waste can also be sorted in a civic amenity site.
Waste segregation means dividing waste into dry and wet. Dry waste includes wood and related
products, metals and glass. Wet waste, typically refers to organic waste usually generated by
eating establishments and are heavy in weight due to dampness. Waste can also be segregated on
basis of biodegradable or non-biodegradable waste.
Landfills are an increasingly pressing problem.[citation needed] Less and less land is available to deposit
refuse, but the volume of waste is growing all time. As a result, segregating waste is not just of
environmental importance, but of economic concern, too.
Contents
[hide]

1 Methods

2 By country

3 See also

4 References

5 External links
Methods[edit]
Waste is collected at its source in each area and separated. The way that waste is sorted must
reflect local disposal systems. The following categories are common:

Paper

Cardboard (including packaging for return to suppliers)

Glass (clear, tinted – no light bulbs or window panes, which belong with
residual waste)

Plastics

Scrap metal

Compost

Special/hazardous waste

Residual waste
Organic waste can also be segregated for disposal:


Leftover food which has had any contact with meat can be collected
separately to prevent the spread of bacteria.
o
Meat and bone can be retrieved by bodies responsible for animal waste
o
If other leftovers are sent, for example, to local farmers, they can be
sterilised before being fed to the animals
Peel and scrapings from fruit and vegetables can be composted along with
other degradable matter. Other waste can be included for composting, too,
such as cut flowers, corks, coffee grindings, rotting fruit, tea bags, egg- and
nutshells, paper towels etc.
Chip pan oil (fryer oil), used fats, vegetable oil and the content of fat filters can be collected by
companies able to re-use them. Local authority waste departments can provide relevant
addresses. This can be achieved by providing recycling bins.
By country[edit]
In Germany, regulations exist that provide mandatory quotas for the waste sorting of packaging
waste and recyclable materials such as glass bottles.[3]