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Economic Research Department No. 119 – November 25, 2008 US housing crisis special features not generally present in Europe Traditionally, the credit cycle downturn and housing correction occur in the wake of interest rate increase triggered by central banks to calm down an overheating in economy. The weakening economic conditions and more importantly the accompanying rise in unemployment are factors that prompt credit defaults which in return heighten the cyclical adjustment on the lending side and on housing market. The US housing correction is partly running counter to this logical sequence as the direction of the causality this time ran mainly from the housing market, and the sharp increase in subprime mortgage defaults, to the rest of the economy. The collapse of the high-risk subprime sector added a new toxic twist to the downturn in the US housing market. However, housing booms or bubbles have arisen all over the world and their correction will be painful. In Europe, the economic adjustments will be more traditional in style, in step with the economic slowdown and the severity of the impact will vary among countries in line with the excesses seen during the upswing. Today it is tempting to draw a parallel between the severe housing correction that got underway in the United States at the end of 2005 and the more recent housing downturn in Europe. Although the property bubble has taken on a global cast, with price increases well in excess of those justified by the fundamentals alone, it would be a mistake to predict that the downturn will be as brutal in Europe as in the United States. The severity of the US correction is due to a number of factors specific to the US market which were not present in the European context. United States: a singular housing correction For starters, it is interesting to note that in the United States the rise in subprime mortgage defaults began long before there was any sign of economic slowdown or, more precisely, in the absence of any visible downturn in the labour market. Traditionally, the credit cycle downturn and housing correction occur in the wake of interest rate increase triggered by central banks to calm down an overheating in economy. The weakening economic conditions and more importantly the accompanying rise in unemployment are factors that prompt credit defaults which in return heighten the cyclical adjustment on the lending side and on housing market. Any income shock (often linked to the occurrence of a period of unemployment, divorce or medical emergency) is reflected in a sudden squeeze on household budgets. Those that find themselves unable to honour their financial commitments may be obliged to sell off their assets in a hurry, often at a substantial discount. Speculation also acts as an amplifier. During the cyclical upswing, some homebuyer investors (as opposed to owner-occupiers) take increasingly risky leveraged positions in the hope of realising a rapid capital gain when they re-sell a housing asset. Their financial balances are subject to severe pressures in a falling housing market. This all fuels fire sale prices and the rise in the default rate, notably when the proceeds from the sale fall short of the amount needed to retire the debt. Bank balance sheets are jeopardised and credit becomes less available. The US housing correction is running counter to this logical sequence as the direction of the causality this time ran from the housing market, and the sharp increase in subprime mortgage defaults, to the rest of the economy. Mortgage default rates began to rise as of mid-2005, with a surge in early 2006, whereas the unemployment rate only really began to rise from mid2007. Underlying this early downturn was the total collapse of a particularly fragile market segment, namely the notorious subprime mortgage. % (sa) US: delinquency rates on subprime loans 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 1998 2000 Source : MBA, CA. fixed interest rates adjustable interest rates 2002 2004 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 8 7 2006 2008 grey areas: US recessions It is worthwhile taking another look at the overall conditions that fostered the emergence of this highrisk market segment. Internet: http://www.credit-agricole.com - Economic Research Isabelle JOB [email protected] Post dotcom bubble1 global monetary activism and the global saving glut resulted in massive liquidity flows into the financial sphere, which were responsible for the abnormally low short- and longterm interest rates (the celebrated conundrum). In return, access to cheap funding allowed many people to take on debt, which fuelled housing demand and spiralling house prices. As prices rose, lending supply and demand both gradually became growing factors pushing home prices higher. Rising values for the underlying loan collateral and falling perceptions of risk led to an excessive easing of lending conditions. This enabled financially fragile households to become home-owners in line with public policy goals which promoted the idea of home ownership for all. Financial innovation and the development of the "originate-structure–distribute" model fed the growing imbalance. A banker or financier originates the loan and then sells it in the marketplace. In theory, loan securitisation is supposed to improve the efficiency of the financial system as a whole by spreading the risk more widely. In practice, the decoupling between the originator of the loan and the end-carrier of the risk lowers the incentive to assess and monitor risk. Driven by these various factors, a large volume of risky, and hence fragile, credits arose. . This is especially true in the United States, where the subprime market at its height weighed in at nearly USD 1.4 trillion, but it was also the case more generally in Anglo-Saxon countries, where the loan is made based on the value of the asset rather than on the borrower's income. The US property bubble was therefore above all a credit bubble, even if more traditional bubble mechanisms occurred in some regional markets, such as purely speculative purchases for rapid resale, marked risk-taking by promoters and real estate agents, and excess supply of new housing illsuited to demand. United States: collapse of an entire loan sector According to a study by the Bank of International Settlements2 (BIS), in the United States, the widespread approval of risky loans was on a par with the competition between increasing numbers of loan originators, in order to gain market share. The originators' imaginations were working overtime to increase the supply of credit to lend to an increasingly risky customer base, especially given that the loan originators could pass on the risk via securitisation. 1 The Fed Funds rate stayed below 2% between early 2002 and and 2004, with a low point of 1% in 2003, while the ECB's refi rate remained at 2% from mid-2003 to December 2005. 2 Lucy Ellis : The housing meltdown: Why did it happen in the United States. BIS Working papers No. 259, September 2008. No. 119 – November 25, 2008 In the first place, non-documented loans (ie, loans where no credit checks were carried out to verify the information supplied by the borrower) became legion. In 2001, around 30% of securitised subprime mortgages were relatively undocumented, with the proportion exceeding 50% for the 2006 vintage2. The same year, less than half of all ALT-A loans, despite being thought more risky than traditional mortgages, were granted on the basis of full documentation. This absence of background checks on borrower creditworthiness is not specific to the United States since the same trend was observed in the United Kingdom and Australia, although it was less pronounced in the latter where 10% of new loans originated in 2005 had a level of documentation deemed to be weak. Secondly, in a low interest rate environment, the supply of Adjustable Mortgage Rate loans, or ARMs spread considerably. Some products were made even more attractive with the introduction of a socalled "teaser" rate, a rate often below market levels, and designed to entice borrowers to buy more expensive homes by lowering the initial monthly mortgage payments. This form of "promotional" supply was sold particularly aggressively in the United States, since the teaser rates could be set anywhere from 3 to 4 percentage points below the going market rate. In comparison, the difference between the standard rate and the teaser rates never exceeded 1% in the United Kingdom or Australia. The easing of loan standards also took other forms, notably with the development of "piggyback" mortgages, the growing recourse to home equity loans or revolving mortgage mechanisms3. In the first case, in order to circumvent the 20% personal down-payment rule which is supposed to protect the creditor4, lending organisations proposed offers where by combining a primary and a secondary mortgage, borrowers could cover the total cost of the purchase without having to take out private mortgage insurance (which is normally mandatory when the personal down-payment is less than 20%). In the second case, households were able to benefit from the value of the home by taking out additional loans. The period also saw the rise of Interest-only mortgages, where the principal was repaid in fine (at maturity), or option adjustable rate mortgages that allowed negative amortisation, where the share of interest still owing was added to the balance of the principal with a view to subsequent 3 This mechanism may take several forms: -additional drawdown on a loan that was initially a mortgage (equity release, in the strict sense of the term). - refinancing a mortgage with the same lender, but with an increased amount in line with the increase in the value of the mortgaged asset. - independent mortgages, where the new lender only benefits from a second rank mortgage. 4 Generally a personal down-payment of 20% is seen as a minimum to ensure that the collateral can cover the amount of the loan in the event of a market downturn. 2 Isabelle JOB [email protected] repayment. In the first quarter of 2007, over 40% of new mortgages originated before restructuring belonged to one or other of these classes. With this aggressive credit enhancement policy, loan to value ratios spiralled, and 100% financing became more frequent. As a result, the likelihood grew that increasing numbers of households would find themselves in "negative equity" situations, where the amount of the loan is higher than the value of the asset) in the event of a market downturn. Thus, 18% of mortgages originated in 2006 exceeded the value of the collateral by the end of 20062. This should be compared with Bank of England estimates, which say that fewer than 5% of UK households are likely to find themselves in a position of negative equity in the event of a fall in house prices of more than 20%. yoy % 24 USA :Housing prices yoy % 24 20 16 20 16 12 8 12 8 4 0 4 0 -4 -8 -4 -8 -12 -16 -12 -16 -20 -20 1976 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 OFHEO median existing home price S&P Case-Shiller (10) Recession in grey Source : NAR, OFHEO, Global Insight, CA. Stalling house price gains and the higher cost of credit in the wake of the rising interest rates that began in mid-2004 led to big problems for many recent homebuyers as their financial solvency was sustainable only in an environment of low interest rates and rising home values). One final factor specific to the US situation accelerated the default spiral. Mortgage loans in many states are said to be non-recourse, insofar as only the mortgaged asset can be repossessed if the borrower defaults. In the case where the mortgage taken out exceeds the value of the real property and the value of the asset is unlikey to return to the value of the mortgage owed (negative equity) the incentive to default may become compelling.. When one realises that in some regions, property prices fell by 30% in the space of a year, one can understand why default rates rocketed. It is therefore not overstating to speak of the "subprime crisis" when referring to the unprecedented financial turmoil we are currently experiencing. The triggering event really did stem from the collapse of one segment of the market, which raised awareness not only of the excessive accumulation of a heavy global liability but also, and more importantly, of the sharp deterioration in the quality of that debt. No. 119 – November 25, 2008 United States/eurozone: wrong to compare The fact that one can highlight specific factors that explain the severity of the downturn in the US housing market does not mean that European housing markets are safe from a correction. The housing cycle has matured in Europe too and the markets will have to adjust in line with the slowdown in activity. Here though, it is a more traditional-style adjustment, corresponding to a logic that emerges when the slowing economy interacts with finance via the cyclical rise in the default rate. After a decade of marked price increases and strong sales in most European countries, a correction is not surprising. The scale of the adjustments will be on a par with the excesses seen during the cyclical upswing. In countries like Spain and Ireland, for example, the corrections could prove quite painful. Outside of Spain and Ireland, the over-valuation of prices remained limited and housing construction did not surge excessively, in our view. In the other eurozone countries, and notably in France and Italy, the adjustment has been gradual, until early 2008, when it picked up due to the worsening financial crisis and the deteriorating economic situation. 320 Housing Price Indices Index base 100=1990Q1 280 240 200 160 120 80 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 UK Spain France Source s : Halifax, Ministerio de Fomento,Fnaim, NAR US Overall, however, eurozone banks pursued very cautious lending policies. The lending decision focuses on the borrower's financial solvency, which in most cases made it possible to rein in the surge in lending by decoupling it from rising house prices. The banks remained attentive to borrowers' creditworthiness and their ability to cover their mortgage repayments, and did not develop a subprime segment. The boom in lending was nevertheless sustained more or less everywhere, with the notable exception of Germany, due to access to cheap funding. The countries that were lagging behind in terms of lending saw the most spectacular increases as they caught up with the field. At the top of the cycle, solvency ratios, although they had deteriorated, did not seem unsustainable in spite of the fact that one might reckon that they had reached their limit. The household debt burden, for example, amounts to 7080% of GDP for the most heavily indebted countries 3 Isabelle JOB [email protected] such as Ireland or Spain, while the eurozone average is around 50-60% (ie, in France, Germany and Belgium). Household debt, calculated as a percentage of disposable income runs about 80% in the eurozone, compared with 100% in the United States and 130% in the United Kingdom. Households' Mortgage debt % (mortgage debt/disposable income) 150 120 90 60 30 0 2002 2003 Germany 2004 Spain 2005 France UK 2006 2007 USA sources : Central Banks Europe's banks have also been less sensitive to financial innovation. Only Spain used the securitisation lever to the full and simultaneously relaxed its lending standards, with the generalisation of variable rate mortgages and excessive lengthening of maturities in order to fuel its lending machine. The supply of loans remained fairly traditional in structure, with historic features, specific to each individual country (fixed rates, average maturities of 15-20 years and fully amortizing loans for France; variable rates and generally longer maturities in Spain and Italy. Last, the regulatory framework for personal bankruptcies remains more restrictive in Europe and is subject to a lengthy verification process. In most countries, the banks can call in the mortgage if the borrower defaults. In such cases, the outstanding debt is prorated on the proceeds of the resale, with creditors retaining their rights on the other assets to cover any negative balance. The incentive to default thus seems limited and payment defaults mainly occur in cases of unemployment or other ups and downs. House price declines could be on a scale similar to or even greater than in the United States without triggering such a severe spiral of defaults with knock-on effects on finance. In fact, the distinguishing factor that will govern the rise in the cost of risk in bank balance sheets will depend more on the scale and length of the looming recession… Crédit Agricole S.A. — Economic Research Department 75710 PARIS Cedex 15 — Fax: +33 1 43 23 58 60 Chief Editor: Jean-Paul Betbèze Sub-editor: Fabienne Pesty Contact: [email protected] Website: http://www.credit-agricole.com - Economic Research Subscribe to our free online publications This publication reflects the opinion of Crédit Agricole S.A. on the date of publication, unless otherwise specified (in the case of outside contributors). Such opinion is subject to change without notice. This publication is provided for informational purposes only. The information and analyses contained herein are not to be construed as an offer to sell or as a solicitation whatsoever. Crédit Agricole S.A. and its affiliates shall not be responsible in any manner for direct, indirect, special or consequential damages, however caused, arising therefrom. Crédit Agricole does not warrant the accuracy or completeness of such opinions, nor of the sources of information upon which they are based, although such sources of information are considered reliable. Crédit Agricole S.A. or its affiliates therefore shall not be responsible in any manner for direct, indirect, special or consequential damages, however caused, arising from the disclosure or use of the information contained in this publication. No. 119 – November 25, 2008 4