Download Revising Devotion: the role of wooden sculptures in affecting

RevisingDevotion:theroleofwoodensculpturesinaffectingpaintingand
devotionintheLateMedievalperiodinItaly(XII-XVcentury)
DanieleDiLodovico
Adissertation
Submittedinpartialfulfillmentofthe
requirementsforthedegreeof
DoctorofPhilosophy
UniversityofWashington
2016
ReadingCommittee:
StuartLingo,Chair
EstelleLingo
IvanDrpić
ProgramAuthorizedtoOfferDegree
ArtHistory
©Copyright2016
DanieleDiLodovico
UniversityofWashington
Abstract
RevisingDevotion:theroleofwoodensculpturesinaffectingpaintingand
devotionintheLateMedievalperiodinItaly(XII-XVcentury)
DanieleDiLodovico
ChairoftheSupervisoryCommittee:
ProfessorStuartLingo
ArtHistory
Thisdissertationoffersareconsiderationofmedievalwoodensculpturesand
anewperspectiveforunderstandingtheirroleinaffectingdevotionandpictorial
productioninlatemedievalandRenaissanceculture.Mystudyfocusesonthe
diffusionanduseofthesculpturesfromthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross
throughthedevelopmentoftheanimatedsculpturesofChristfromaround1100to
around1560.
Historicallytheseobjectshavebeenconsideredprincipallyasdevotional
objectsandutilizedtounderstanddevotionalpracticesandceremonies;conversely,
Iassertthattheyrepresentedthecatalystofanew,unfilteredexperienceofthe
sacredinwhichthelaitywereabletoaccessandshapeapowerfulanddirect
relationshipwiththehumansideofChrist,eludingthecontrollingroleofthe
Church.
Eveniftheiconographyofthesesculpturesdidnotbringanythingnewin
comparisonwiththeirpictorialcounterpart,Iarguethattheutilizationofthese
sculpturesguaranteedaconnectionwiththedivinethroughphysicalityandthe
abilitytocreateaspatialexperienceofthesacred.Thedevotionaluseofthese
sculpturescontributedtoanidentificationofthefaithfulwiththescene,which
alloweddevoteestobegintostandinforthecharactersintheDescentfromthe
Cross.Asaconsequencethefaithfulcreatedadimensioninwhichtheywerereal
participantsinthescene,transcendingtimeandspaceratherthancreatingemere
reenactmentofthisdramaticmomentofthePassionofChrist.Thedistinctivemedia,
qualitiesandadornmentsthatthesesculptureshadendorsedthemtobecomereal
infrontofthefaithfulinawaythatwasnotpossibletoreplicatewiththepictorial
medium.Thisnewrelationshipwiththesculpturesandthecreationofarealsacred
sceneinwhichthefaithfulparticipated,Iargue,greatlyinfluencedthepictorial
medium,especiallyintheshifttowardamorenaturalisticrepresentationofthe
sacredsceneduringthelaterMiddleAgesandbeginningoftheRenaissance.
Painterstranslatedvisuallywhattheyexperiencedinthecontemporarydevotional
contextofthisnew,compelling,effectiveandphysicalrelationshipbetween
sculpturesandfaithful,becauseoftheirconvictionthatwhattheywitnessedcould
beunderstoodtoberealandauthentic,notamererepresentation.Asa
consequencesculpturesattainedsuchanimportantroleinpromotingthe
experienceofthesacredthatwoodenrepresentationsofthebodyofChristwere
treatedandidentifiedasifittheyweretherealhumanbodyofChrist.
Acknowledgments
This study would not have been possible without the assistance and support of
many individuals and institutions. This research was undertaken both in United
States and Italy, through museums, libraries, confraternities, Dioceses, churches,
archives.
Iwouldliketotakethisopportunitytoexpressmydeepestappreciationandesteem
to the members of my committee and mentors: Professor Stuart Lingo, Professor
EstelleLingoandProfessorIvanDrpić.Theirexpertise,understandingandgenerous
guidancemadeitpossibleformetolearncontinuouslyduringtheseyearsofstudy.
Because of that I am endlessly grateful and feel very fortunate to have had the
chancetoworkwithsuchamazingandrefinedscholarsandgreatpersons.
IamhugelyindebtedtoProfessorCorradoFratinibecauseofthepossibilitytoshare
withhimtheloveofMedievalartandlife.
IwouldliketothankalsoProfessorElvioLunghiforthetimehededicatedtomeand
forhishelpinsupportingthisresearch.
MythoughtsinthisspecialmomentsgotomydearestfriendDott.ChristianMassari
forhisendlesssupportineverymomentofmylifehereasagraduatestudentand
becausethepossibilitytolaughevenindifficultmomentsandtoseelifethroughthe
lensofirony.
IwouldliketothankallthepeoplethatImetduringtheseyears,withwhomIhad
compelling and interesting conversations about this topic from which I benefitted
for this research. It would be impossible to name all of them, but it is true that I
remember all of them and the meaningful and rewarding moments I shared with
them.
IwanttoexpressmydeepestgratitudetoJillJermynfortheinvaluablesupport,help
andfriendshipinthefinalpartofthisproject.ThesamegratitudegoestoSteven
Bunnforthegreatamountofhelpandforendlessandenrichingconversations
aboutartandmusic.
Iwouldliketothankmyparents,mysisterMariaLaura,mybrotherinlawAntonio
mynieceIrene,mynephewGiordano,andmygrandparentsEmilio,Leondina,Rivo
AntonioandCeciliafortheircontinuingandprecioussupportandpresenceduring
mylifeandespeciallytheseyearsofgraduateschool.
This“experience”isdedicatedtoDinoandMariaRita.
I
TableofContents
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………...1
TheScholarship………………………………………………………………………………………………….14
CorpusofSculptures…………………………………………………………………………………………..25
StructureoftheDissertation………………………………………………………………………………32
Chapter1
DiffusionandIconographyofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross…………………35
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtherelationshipwiththeBenedictineorder……….49
Chapter2
TheDescentfromtheCrossandMedievalPiety…………………………………………………..68
TheRoleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross……………………………69
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheliteratureoftheperiod………………………………...95
Chapter3
ThesculptureasthebodyofChrist…………………………………………………………………...121
LayConfraternitiesandthelaicizationofthesacred………………………………………….130
Thelauda,thepictorialproductionandtheimportanceofsculpture………………….145
Sculptureas“real”body……………………………………………………………………………...........154
Chapter4
Theinfluenceofwoodensculptures
onthepictorialproductionoftheperiod…………………………………………………………...175
Chapter5
Christas“sculpture”andhisbodilypresenceinpainting…………………………………...246
TheMiraculousCrucifixofSaintGiovanniGualberto………………………………………….258
TheVisionofSaintThomasAquinas…………………………………………………………............264
ThecaseoftherepresentationofStigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena……….266
II
Chapter6
PolychromeWoodenCrucifixesinHistoryandHistoriography…………………………..295
ConservationandCriticalReception………………………………………………………………….298
TheDevotionalUseofWoodenSculpturesandQuestionsofIdolatry…………………301
TheuseofimagesintheWest………………………………………………………………………..…303
TheReliquaryofSainteFoy…………………………………………………………………………..….305
TheGeroCrossandMedievalDevotionoftheWoodenCrucifix……………………..…..308
VisualizingChrist…………………………………………………………………………………………......312
CorporealLegitimacy……………………………………………………………………………………….316
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheDevelopmentofPolychromeSculpturein
MedievalCentralItaly………………………………………………………………………………………318
FromDescentfromtheCrosstoAnimatedCrucifix:theSpectatorandthe
TransformationoftheRitualExperience…………………………………………………………...327
TheSchiavellationeandaPracticalCasefortheUseofSculpture……………………….332
AlterationsandSubstitutionstoPolychromeSculpture……………………………………..335
Devotion,Art,andMedium:theCaseofLandodiPietro’sCrucifix………………………341
MedievalRenaissance:thepolychromewoodenCrucifixintheQuattrocento……..347
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………….357
III
ListofFigures
Chapter1
Fig1–HeadofChristfromCurvaCrux,middleofthe11thcentury,Lauvain,Churchof
SaintPierre.
Fig2-DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo,
Tivoli(Rome),Italy.
Fig3–DescentfromtheCross:detailfromBronzeDoors,ca.1080;Verona,SanZeno
(Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross,fig1pagI).
Fig4–StBlasienPsalter,DescentfromtheCross,1230-35;f.93;PrivateCollection
(Bober,StBlasienPsalter,frontispiece-Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross,fig6pag
III).
Fig5–DescentfromtheCross,AngersGospels:DescentfromtheCrossand
Entombment,ca.980;Trier,Stadtbibliothek,cod.24,F84b.(Schiller,Iconographyof
ChristianArt,Volume2ThePassionofChrist,fig545).
Fig6–ScenesofthePassion,11thcentury,Ivoryplaque,Louvre,Paris.
Fig7–SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk
MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen.
Fig8–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo,
Tivoli(Rome),Italy.
Fig9–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,fresco,Cripta,Basilica,Aquileia,Italy.
Fig10–BendettoAntelami,DescentfromtheCross,1178,Duomo,Parma,Italy.
Fig11-DescentfromtheCross,AngersGospels:DescentfromtheCrossand
Entombment,ca.980;Trier,Stadtbibliothek,cod.24,F84b.(Schiller,Iconographyof
ChristianArt,Volume2ThePassionofChrist,fig545).
Fig12–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,ChartresCathedral,Chartres,France.
Fig13–DescentfromtheCross,12thcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo,
Tivoli(Rome),Italy.
Fig14–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra.
Fig15–DescentfromtheCross,13thcentury,fresco,SantaMariadiCastello,Udine.
Fig16–HolySepulcher,14thcentury,paintedwood,StMichael’sParishChurch,
Cowthorpe,Yorkshire,England.
Fig17–SaintBernardembracingChrist,late15thcentury,woodcut,Oeffentliche
Kunstsammlung,Basel.
CHAPTER#2
Fig1–GeroCross,960-970,paintedwood,Cathedral,Cologne,Germany.
IV
Fig2–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra.
Fig3-SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk
MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen.
Fig4–BenedettoAntelami,TheDescentfromtheCross,1178,Duomo,Parma.
Fig5-VirginandChildinMajesty,1150–1200,French;MadeinAuvergne
Walnutwithpaint,tinreliefonaleadwhitegroundandlinen;MetropolitanMuseum
ofArt,NewYork.
Fig6–DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra.
Fig7–VirginMary,13thcentury,paintedwood,CathedralofSanLorenzo,Scala
(Salerno),Italy.
Fig8–JohntheEvangelist,13thcentury,paintedwood,CathedralofSanLorenzo,
Scala(Salerno),Italy.
Fig9–VirginMary,fromthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,1260-70,Museo
ComunalediSanFrancesco,Montone(Perugia).
Fig10–DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthefourteenthcentury,MuseodiPalazzo
Santi,Cascia(Perugia).
Fig11–Detailoffigure16
Fig12–Maestranzadell’Italiacentral,DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe
thirteenthcentury,SanMiniatoalTedesco,ConfraternitadellaMisericordia.
Fig13–Maestranzadell’Italiacentral,DescentfromtheCross(beforerestoration),
firsthalfofthethirteenthcentury,SanMiniatoalTedesco,Confraternitadella
Misericordia.
Fig14–DeposedChrist,secondhalfofthe13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof
SanCatervo,Tolentino(Macerata).
Fig15–SaintBevignateandFlagellants,15thcentury,fresco,ApseofChiesadiSanta
MariaAssunta,VallodiNera(Perugia).
Fig16-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe13thcentury(1211),paintedwood,
PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa.
Fig17–DeposedChrist,1236,painetdwood,PievediSantaMaria,Roncione(Deruta
–Perugia).
Fig18–UmbrianSchool,TriumphantChrist,12thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,
VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,London.
CHAPTER#3
Fig1-DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthe14thcentury,MuseodiPalazzoSanti,
Cascia(Perugia).
Fig2-DeposedChrist,secondhalfofthe13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof
SanCatervo,Tolentino(Macerata).
V
Fig3–RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi.
Fig4–UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,Oratoriodell’Annunziata,nowinthe
MuseoDiocesano,Perugia.
Fig5–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1277-83,fresco,BasilicaSuperiorediAssisi.
Fig6–HansMemling,ScenesfromthePassionofChrist,1470-71,oilonwood,
GalleriaSabauda,Torino.
Fig7–GiovanniTeutonic,Crucifix,part.Mechanismtomovethetongue,Chiesadi
SantaMariadegliAngeli,Pordenone.
Fig8-UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,Oratoriodell’Annunziata,nowinthe
MuseoDiocesano,Perugia.
Fig9-DeposedChrist,firstquarterofthe14thcentury,MuseodiPalazzoSanti,
Cascia(Perugia).
Fig10–AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury,paintedwood,
ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa.
Fig11–MestrodellaCrocediGubbio(CorradodaOffida),VirginMaryandchildand
Donor,ChiesadiSanDamiano,Assisi(Perugia).
Fig12–Cimabue,Crucifix,1287-88,Distemperonwoodpanel,BasilicadiSanta
Croce,Florence.
Fig13–A–FollowerofGiotto,Crucifix,1295,paintedwood,ChiesadiSant’Andrea,
Spello.
BMaestrodiSanFrancesco,Crucifix,13thcentury,temperaonwood,lostartwork.
Fig14–MaestrodelCrocifissodiVisso,Crucifix,13thcentury,SeminarioVescovile,
Foligno(Perugia).
Fig15–DetailofFig14
Fig16–Germansculptor,Crucifix,endofthe13thcentury,SS.Domenicoand
Giacomo,Bevagna(Perugia).
Fig17–Crucifix,1510,Stadtmuseum,Döbeln(Sachsen).GesineundJohannes
Taubert,MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen,pag80,fig3.
Fig18–Crucifix,13thcentury,paintedwood,SantuariodiSantaMargherita,Cortona.
Fig19–Crucifix/AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,Oratoriodi
SantaCrocedellaFoce,Gubbio.
Fig20-Crucifix/AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,Chiesadi
SantaMariaMaggiore,CittàdiCastello.
Fig21-UmbrianSculptor,Crucifix,14thcentury,paintedwood,Pinacoteca
Comunale,Spello.
Fig22-VirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist,13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedralof
SanLorenzo,Scala(Salerno),Italy.
VI
Fig23–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce,
Firenze.
CHAPTER#4
Fig1–TheNativitySceneatGreccio,fromthelifeofSaintFrancisinAssisi,12921296,fresco,BasilicaSuperioreinAssisi(Perugia).
Fig2-St.JeromeCheckingtheStigmataontheBodyofSt.Francis,1292-1296,fresco,
BasilicaSuperioreinAssisi(Perugia).
Fig3–Giotto,TheLamentationovertheDeadBodyofChrist,1303,1305,fresco,
ScrovegniChapel,Padova.
Fig4-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthe13thcentury(1211),paintedwood,
PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa.
Fig5-SimoneMartini,DescentfromtheCross,1333,temperaonwood,Koninklijk
MuseumvoorSchoneKunsten,Antwerpen.
Fig6–GiottodiMastroStefano(Giottino),LamentationovertheDeadChrist,ca.
1357-59,TemperaonWood,GalleriadegliUffizi,Florence.
Fig7–DetailofFig23
Fig8-Cimabue,Crucifix,1287-88,Distemperonwoodpanel,BasilicadiSantaCroce,
Florence.
Fig9–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1277-80,fresco,BasilicaSuperiorediAssisi.
Fig10-A–FollowerofGiotto,Crucifix,1295,paintedwood,ChiesadiSant’Andrea,
Spello.
Fig11–GiovannidiPaolo,FranciscanSaintLevitatinginfrontofaCrucifix,15th
century,temperaonwood,Siena.
Fig12–GiovannidiPietrodaNapoli,CrucifixionwithSaintsandDonor,1404-05,
Fresco,MuseoNazionalediSanMatteo,Pisa.
Fig13–Crucifixion,FirstHalfoftheFifteenthCentury,fresco,CappelladiCiuccio
TarlatiMaestrodelVescovado,Cathedral,Arezzo.
Fig14–SeneseArtists,FuneraryMonumenttoCinodaPistoia,beginningofthe14th
century,Duomo,Pistoia.
Fig15–MaestrodelleTempereFrancescane,Crucifixion,14thcentury,Private
Collection(BookIlDuecentoeilTrecento,Vol2,pag499).
Fig16–PsalterHoursofYolandeofSoissons,PortraitoftheBookOwneratPrayer,
MatinsoftheVirgin,1280-90,ThePierpontMorganLibrary,NewYork.
Fig17–EnthronedMadonnaandChild,c.1210
Wood,PaintedwithIsetSemipreciousStones,MuseodiPalazzoVenezia,Rome.
VII
Fig18–GiovannidiPaolo,MadonnaandChildwithTwoAngelsandaDonor,1445,
TemperaonWood,TheMetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork.
Fig19–JacquesvonBesançon,VitaChristibyLudolphofSaxony,1474,Illuminated
Manuscript,CarthusianMonastery,UniversityofGlasgowLibrary,Special
CollectionsDepartment,SpCollT.C.L.f10Vol.1,Glasgow.
Fig20–Masaccio,HolyTrinity,1427,Fresco,SantaMariaNovella,Florence.
Fig21–GiovannidiPaoloCrucifixionwithDonorJacopodiBartolomeo,1455,
temperaandgoldleafonpanel.NationalGalleryofAustralia.
Fig22-AnimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury,paintedwood,
ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa.
Fig23–FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:LamentationovertheDeadChrist,1438,
AltePinakothek,Münich.
Fig24-FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:MadonnawithChild,Saintsand
Crucifixion,about1438-1440,Florence,MuseodiSanMarco.
Fig25–DetailofFig40
Fig26–FraAngelico,SanMarcoAltarpiece:LamentationovertheDeadChrist,1438,
AltePinakothek,Münich
Fig27–PietroLorenzetti,ManofSorrow,between1340and1345,LindenauMuseum,Altenburg.
Fig28–DescentfromtheCross,between12thand13thcentury,paintedwood,Chiesa
diSant’AntonioAbate,Pescia.
Fig29–GiovanniPisano,Crucifix,1270-80,PaintedWood,Museodell’Operadel
Duomo.
Fig30-Unknown,St.DominicinPrayerfromDeModoOrandi,13thCenturySpanish
copy,15thCenturyVatican,BibliotecaApostolicaVaticanaMSLat.Rossianus3.
Fig31–LandodiPietro,Crucifix(Head),1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaint
Bernardinoall’Osservanza,Siena.
Fig32–BacciodaMontelupo,Crucifix,1502,paintedwood,SantaMariaNovella,
Florence.
Fig33–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce,
Firenze.
Fig34–GiovanniTeutonico,Crucifix,beginningofthe16thcentury,SaintCatherine
ofAlexandriaChapel,BasilicaInferiore,Assisi.
Fig35–RogiervanderWeyden,Lamentation,c.1460-63,OilonPanel,Uffizi
Gallery,Florence.
Fig36–GiovannidaMilano,ManofSorrow(Pietà),1365,temperaonwood,Galleria
dell'Accademia,Firenze.
VIII
Fig37–LorenzoMonaco,ManofSorrow(Pietà),1404,TemperaonPanel,Galleria
dell’Accademia,Florence.
Fig38-Giotto,TheLamentationovertheDeadBodyofChrist,1303,1305,fresco,
ScrovegniChapel,Padova.
Fig39/40-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi.
Fig41–CelebrationoftheHolyFriday,ChurchofDivineMercyinPanamaCity,
Thursday,March28,2013,Panama.
Fig42-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi.
Fig43-DescentfromtheCross,between12thand13thcentury,paintedwood,Chiesa
diSant’AntonioAbate,Pescia.
Fig44-AndreaMantegna,DeadChrist,1475-1478ca.,temperaonCanvas,
PinacotecadiBrara,Milano.
Fig45-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi.
Fig46-CelebrationoftheHolyFriday,ChurchofDivineMercyinPanamaCity,
Thursday,March28,2013,Panama.
Fig47–Michelangelo,Entombment,1500-01,TemperaonPanel,NationalGallery,
London.
Fig48-RöttgenPietà,c.1300-25,paintedwood,RheinischesLandesmuseum,Bonn.
Fig49-RitualoftheSchiavellatione,CathedralofSanRufino,Assisi.
Fig50-Passionskruzifix,unbekannterMeister(um1300);Köln,St.MariaimKapitol
CHAPTER#5
Fig1–AlbertoSotio,Crucifixion,1187,CattedralediSantaMariaAssunta,Spoleto,
Italy.
Fig2–GiuntaPisano,Crucifix,1236,BasilicadiSantaMariadegliAngeli,Assisi.
Fig3-Crucifixion,1138.Temperaonwood,300x210cm.Cathedral,Sarzana.
Fig4–HolyFaceofLucca,13thcentury,paintedwood,Cathedral,Lucca,Italy.
Fig5-Tuscanpainter,CrossofSaintGiovanniGualberto,13thcentury,heavily
repaintedcross,ChurchofSaintTrinita,Florence.
Fig6–GiovannidelBiondo,SaintGiovanniGualbertoandhistoryfromhislife,ca.
1370,paintedwoodpanel,GallerieFiorentine,Florence.
Fig7–LorenzodiNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandhisenemybeforetheCrucifix
inSanMiniato,endofthe14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,TheMetropolitan
MuseumofArt,NewYork.
IX
Fig8-LorenzodiNiccolò,Crucifix,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSan
Domenico,Prato,Italy.
Fig9–GiovannidelBiondo,SaintGiovanniGualbertoandhistoryfromhislife,ca.
1370.Paintedwoodpanel,GallerieFiorentine,Florence.
Fig10–MaestrodellaPaladiSanNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandEpisodesfrom
hislife,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSanMiniatoalMonte,Florence,
Italy.
Fig11-MaestrodellaPaladiSanNiccolò,SanGiovanniGualbertoandEpisodesfrom
hislife,14thcentury,paintedwoodpanel,ChiesadiSanMiniatoalMonte,Florence,
Italy.
Fig12–Sassetta,VisionofSaintThomasAquinas,1423,PinacotecaVaticana,Rome.
Fig13–CrucifixofSaintThomasAquinas,13thcentury,SanDomenicoMaggiore,
Napoli.
Fig14–SantidiTito,VisionofSaintThomasinfrontoftheCrucifix,1593,SanMarco,
Florence.
Fig15–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherineDictatingherDialogue,1460ca.,tempera
ongoldonwood,DetroitInstituteofArt,Detroit.
Fig16–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherinereceivingtheCommunion,1460ca.,
temperaongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork.
Fig17-GiovannidiPaolo,TheMysticalMarriageofSaintCatherine,1460ca.,
temperaongoldonwood.
Fig18–GiovannidiPaolo,St.CatherineofSienaBeseechingChristtoResuscitateHer
Mother,1460ca.,temperaongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork.
Fig19–GiovannidiPaolo,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmata,1460ca.,tempera
ongoldonwood,MetropolitanMuseumofArt,NewYork.
Fig20-PisanArtist,Crucifix,1150-1200,temperaongoldonwood,Santuario
Cateriniano,Siena.
Fig21–GiovanniPisano,Crucifix,1280,paintedwood,OperadelDuomodiSiena,
Siena.
Fig22–Giotto,SaintFrancisReceivingtheStigmata,1320ca.,fresco,BardiChapel,
SantaCroce,Florence.
Fig23–SeneseArtist,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmata,16thcentury
(beginning),MuseodelTesorodellaBasilicadiS.FrancescoeCollezioneF.M.
Perkins,Assisi,Italy.
Fig24–RutilioManetti,SaintCatherineReceivingtheStigmatafromtheCrucifix,
1630,SantuarioCasadiSantaCaterina-ChiesadelCrocifisso,Siena.
Fig25–ModusOrandiSantiDominici,IlluminatedManuscript.13thCenturySpanish
copy,15thCenturyVatican,BibliotecaApostolicaVaticanaMSLat.Rossianus3
Fig26-Crucifix,1100,paintedwood,BasilicadiSantaChiaraAssisi.
X
Fig27–Giotto?,ThePrayerofSanDamiano,1295-99,fresco,BasilicaSuperiore,
Assisi.
Fig28–RinaldodaSiena,SaintFrancisandscenesfromhislife,1275,Pinacoteca
Nazionale,Siena.
Fig29–RinaldodaSiena,SaintFrancisandscenesfromhislife,1275,Pinacoteca
Nazionale,Siena.
Fig30-GiuntaPisano,Crucifix,1236,BasilicadiSantaMariadegliAngeli,Assisi.
Fig31–Giotto,Crucifixion,1300,tempera,SantaMariaNovella,Florence.
Fig32–Cimabue,Crucifixion,1287-88,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Florence.
Fig33-GiovanniPisano,Crucifixion,1280,paintedwood,OperadelDuomodiSiena,
Siena.
Fig34–AlbertoSotio,Crucifixion,late12thcentury,temperaoncanvaslaidonpanel,
VictoriaandAlbertMuseum,London.
Fig35-Cimabue,Crucifixion,1287-88,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Florence.
Fig36-Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,PolychromeWood,BasilicadiSantaCroce,
Firenze.
Fig37–GiovanniTeutonico,AnimatedSculptureofCrucifiedChrist,15thcentury,
polychromewood,BasilicaInferiore,Assisi.
Fig38–AnimatedSculptureofCrucifiedChrist,14thcentury,paintedwood(poor
condition),ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Siena.
Fig39–AnimatedSculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,16thcentury,polychromewood,
ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Gubbio.
CHAPTER#6
Fig1–Donatello,Crucifix,1406-08,paintedwood,BasilicadiSantaCroce,Firenze.
Fig2-FilippoBrunelleschi,Crucifix,ca.1410,paintedwood,SantaMariaNovella,
Florence,Italy
Fig3-Crucifix,secondhalfof15thcentury,paintedwood,MuseoDiocesano,Cittàdi
Castello.
Fig4–ReliquaryStatueofSainte-Foy(SaintFaith),late10thtoearly11thcentury
withlateradditions,gold,silvergilt,jewels,andcameosoverawoodencore,331/2
inches,Treasury,Sainte-Foy,Conques,France.
Fig5-GeroCross,960-970,paintedwood,Cathedral,Cologne,Germany.
Fig6–Crucifix,12thcentury,paintedwood,MuseodiArteSacra,Certaldo.
Fig7–Crucifix,12thcentury,paintedwood,SaintPierre,Moissac.
XI
Fig8–Giotto,Crucifix,1290-1300,temperaonwood,SantaMariaNovella,Florence.
Fig9-DescentfromtheCross,twelfthcentury,paintedwood,DuomoofSanLorenzo,
Tivoli(Rome),Italy.
Fig10-DescentfromtheCross,firsthalfofthethirteenthcentury(1211),painted
wood,PievediSantaMaria,Vicopisano,Pisa.
Fig11-DescentfromtheCross,1227,paintedwood,Cathedral,Volterra.
Fig12–RitualoftheSchiavellatione,ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Leonessa.
Fig13–AnimatedSculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist,16thcentury,polychromewood,
ChiesadiSanFrancesco,Gubbio.
Fig14–LandodiPietro,Crucifix,1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaintBernardino
dell’Osservanza,Siena.
Fig15-LandodiPietro,Crucifix,1338,paintedwood,BasilicaofSaintBernardino
dell’Osservanza,Siena.(beforebombingduringtheSecondWorldWar).
Fig16–LandodiPietro,Crucifix,detailofthelegsandparchment
Fig17–LandodiPietro,detailofthesecondparchment.
Fig18–LandodiPietro,textdetail.
Fig19–LandodiPietro,textdetail.
Fig20–DucciodiBuoninsegna,Maestà,1308-11,temperaandgoldonwood,
Museodell’OperaMetropoliatanadelDuomo,Siena.
Fig21-DucciodiBuoninsegna,Maestà,detail.
Fig22-LandodiPietro,text,detail.
Fig23-LandodiPietro,text,detail.
Fig24–Gabelkreuz,end13thbeginningof14thcentury,paintedwood,St.Mariaim
Kapitol,Köln.
Fig25–Michelangelo,Crucifix,1493,paintedwood,ChiesadiSantoSpirito,
Florence.
Fig26–GiulianodaSangallo,Crucifix,1481-82,Firenze,SantissimaAnnunziata.
Fig27–FrancescodaSangallo,Crucifix,1520,paintedwood,SantaMariaNuova,
Florence.
Fig28–AntoniodaSangallotheElder,Crucifix,beginning16thcentury,Cappella
dellaCompagniadis.Luca,Vestibolo.
Fig29–BenedettodaMaiano,Crucifix,endof15thcentury,paintedwood,Cattedrale
diSantaMariadelFiore,Florence
XII
INTRODUCTION
TherapidgrowthoftheMendicantOrders,particularlywiththefoundingof
theDominicanOrderin1216andtheFranciscanOrderin1223,andtheriseof
variouspenitentialconfraternities—groupsoflaymenandwomenthattogetherreenactedthedifferentmomentsofthePassionofChrist1-resultedinarangeof
uniquepracticesthatencourageddevotionandpromotedcharityamongthelaity
duringthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturiesincentralItaly.Flagellantspracticed
anextrememortificationoftheirownflesh,theLaudesipromotedhymnsthrough
singing,andmembersoftheConfraternityoftheRosaryprayedtheentireHoly
Rosaryweekly.Theseexamplesreflectsomeofthewiderangeofuniquedevotional
practicesthatencourageddevotionandpromotedcharityamongthelaity
throughoutItaly—andbeyond—overthesubsequentcenturies.Asaresult,the
associatedartisticcommissionsandtheuseofart,bothbyMendicantOrdersandlay
confraternities,contributedtothereligious,devotionalandartisticlifeofLate
MedievalItaly.
Inparticular,carvedandpolychromewoodensculptures,suchasthe
CrucifiedChrist,theDeadChrist,andDescentfromtheCrossgroups,were
significantbecausetheyreflectthedevotionalpracticesoftheLateMedievalperiod
andtheyareindicativeofthechangesinreligiousobservationinwakeofpopular
pietyatthetime.Theyweremadenotonlytoprovideanartworkforasacralspace
1BarbaraWisch,andDianeColeAhl.ConfraternitiesandtheVisualArtsinRenaissanceItaly:Ritual,
Spectacle,Image.(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2000),13.
1
thatrepresentedaspecificmomentfromthelifeofChrist,butalsoservedaritual
functionandprovidedadistinctexperienceofthesacred.Theywereoftenusedas
processionalsculpturesthathadspecificphysicalfeatures,suchasbeingextremely
lifelikeorhavingmovablelimbs,thatmadethemuniqueanddifferentiatedthem
fromotherkindsofartworkinportrayingandembodyingtheholy.
Theintentionofthisdissertationistoreevaluatetheroleofthesesculptures
morecompletelywithinthearthistoricaldiscourseanditscriticalperspectives,
drawingonamultidisciplinarysetofsources.Traditionallythesesculptureshave
beenconsideredmostlyasdevotionalobjectsorasevidenceforotheraspectsofthe
devotionalpracticessuchasliturgy,para-liturgicalceremoniesandthe
contemporaryliteraryproductionoftheperiod.Conversely,Iarguethatthese
sculpturesneedamoredetailedstudyandalargercontextinwhichtheycanbe
reconsideredinordertounderstandtheirroleandimportance.
Astudythatcanbeconsideredasasuccessfulexampleofthisapproachis
SusanVerdiWebster’sArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternities
andtheProcessionalSculpturesofHolyWeek(1998),inwhichsheassertsthe
technicallyexcellentandsuperbcraftwithwhichtheseobjectsweremade.Her
studyanalyzestherelationshipbetweentheSevillianConfraternitiesandthe
processionalsculpturesoftheHolyWeekandhowtheseobjectswereutilizedand,
aboveall,activatedwhilecarriedinprocessions;especiallybecausethepresenceof
thefaithfulduringtheseprocessionswasfundamentalfortheperformanceofthese
2
sculptures.Shehighlightshowthiscraftsmanshipwasspecificallymeantfortheir
ritualfunctionsandhowthesecarvedwoodobjectswouldbecomethecatalystofa
powerfulandmovingexperienceforthefaithful.2SusanVerdiWebsterpresentsan
interestingapproachtoreevaluatethesesculpturesandtheperformativerolein
conjunctionwiththepresenceandroleoftheaudienceduringtheprocessionsfor
theHolyWeek.Thisstudyprovidesastrongstartingpointfromwhichtoreconsider
thesculpturesproducedduringthemedievalperiod.
TheDescentfromtheCrossasaniconographicalsubjectwasnotnewinart.
Itisknownfrommanuscriptilluminationsandpaintings,forexample.However,in
thecontextofLateMedievaldevotion,whichsawtheriseofthemendicantorders
andlayconfraternities,life-likeandoftenanimatedsculpturalrepresentationsof
ChristnotonlyreflectedchangesoccurringinLateMedievaldevotionalpractices
butalsoinfluencedthem.Thisisanaspectthathasbeenundervaluedinscholarship.
Inthisstudy,IfocusonhowDescentfromtheCrosssculpturalgroups,inparticular,
transformedfrommerelyrepresentingaspecificmomentfromthePassionofChrist
intoenactingadimensionofextra-temporalreality.Iarguethatthecreationof
thesesculpturesinitiatedapowerfullyaffectivewayofperceivingandlivingthe
sacred.TheLateMedievalrelationshipofthefaithfulbeforethebodyofChristin
sculpturalformimpactedthewaysthatartworksportrayingmomentsfromthelife
ofChristinothermediawereperceived,represented,andsymbolized,aswell.Also,
becauseofthefeaturesofthesesculpturesandtheirperformativefunctions,these
2SusanVerdi,Webster,ArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternitiesandthe
ProcessionalSculptureofHolyWeek(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),8.
3
objectscreatedunprecedenteddirectaccesstothesacredforgroupsoflaypeople
thatdramaticallyimpactedtheexperienceofwhatwasholy.Previously,this
relationshipwasonlyaccessibletotheclergy.Thisshiftwasextremelycritical
becauseitinfluencedtheartproductionoftheperiodandthewaythefaithful
perceivedandapproachedboththelifeofChristandtherepresentationofit.
Iarguethattheintrinsicfeaturesofthesesculptures,suchasverisimilitude
andlife-sizescale,wereimportantstartingpointsforthebeholders’heightened
engagementandself-identificationwiththeobjects.Althoughoftencreatingan
emotionalresponsespecificallyduringHolyWeekcelebrations,Iarguethattheir
presenceinsidethechurchalreadyexistedasapowerfulmediumfordevotionand
identificationthatwouldlastallyearlong,affectingthefaithful’sperceptionofthe
sacredandthesacredobject.
Asaconsequence,apivotalpointforthisstudy,alongwiththeattentionto
theobjectsthemselves,isgoingtobeacarefulconsiderationoftherelationship
betweentheviewerandtheimage,especiallyforthosesculptureswhosefunction
extendedbeyondstaticdisplaytoinduceaveryactiveresponsebytheirbeholders.
DavidFreedberg,inhisstudyThePowerofImages,discussessuchrelationships
betweenthebeholderandtheimage,notingthat“suchaviewofresponseis
predicatedontheefficacyandtheeffectiveness(imputedorotherwise)ofimages.”3
Boththeclergyandfaithfulfromtheaudienceinteractedwithandanimated
thesesculpturesindifferentways,andthemeaningoftheseinteractionshasnever
3DavidFreedberg,ThePowerofImages:StudiesintheHistoryandTheoryofResponse,(Chicago:
UniversityofChicagoPress,1989),xxii.
4
beenstable.Morespecifically,thisrelationshipchangedthroughtimesandamong
thedifferentindividualsthatfoundthemselvesinfrontoftheseobjects.
Additionally,becausetheroleofthesesculpturesispredominatelyperformative,we
cannotrelyonlyonthesymbolicmeaningofwhattheyrepresent.Instead,theyare
theresultofthedifferentandendlesswaysthatclergyandlaypeople,collectivity
andindividually,engagedwiththesculpturessymbolically,materially,and,above
all,physically.Thepowerofthesesculpturesliesintheircapabilitytoengagethe
divinethroughphysicalitywiththeirabilitytoinvolvethebeholderfully;beholders’
interactionswiththesculpturesextendedwellbeyondmerespectatorship.
EspeciallyduringtheprocessionofHolyWeek,thecrowdparticipatedontwolevels.
“Ononelevel,theyparticipatedasthehistoricalcrowdthatwitnessedtheeventsof
Christ’sPassion,andontheotherleveltheiremotionalengagementwithand
responsetotheprocessionsdissolvedthedistinctionbetweentheaudienceand
event,producingahybridizedstatusinwhichtheyweresimultaneouslyobservers,
participants,andprotagonists.”4
Thesesculptureshavethecapabilitytobeontologicallybothinthepastand
inthepresent.Theyrepresentahistoricalevent,buttheutilizationofthesculptures
transcendsthesimplecategoriesoftimeandplace,andthemerereenactment
becomes“reality”andtruth.Inthisspecificcontext,thesculptureswereinasense
‘activated’,andtheymovedthespectatorstowardamoredirectdevotionand
4SusanVerdi,Webster,ArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternitiesandthe
ProcessionalSculptureofHolyWeek.(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),165.
5
engagement.Ishowhowthecombinationofthephysicalrealismwiththefunctional
useofthesesculpturesmadetheseartworksadistinctivedevotionalartformthat
completelydifferentiateditselffrompaintingandotherdevotionalobjects,andat
thesametimebecamethemediumtofullyunderstandthecrucialpointsofthe
Christianfaith.
Thisstudyshowshowsculpture,infact,precededpaintinginthedecisive
movetowardincreasingmimeticismduringthelatethirteenthandfourteenth
centuries,andhowthecombinationofthemedia(thatis,howsculpturewaspainted
andadornedtomakeitaslifelikeaspossible)madeitanall-encompassingartthat
wasdeeplycompellingforbeholders.
Thisdissertationcontributestothereevaluationofmedievalwooden
sculptureinthecontextofthecultureofmedievalart.Manyoftheexamplesbeing
consideredareunattributedorbyanonymousartists,whilesomewereexecutedby
prominentsculptorssuchasGiovanniPisano,DonatelloandBrunelleschi.Morethe
casewiththeformercategorythanthosemadebywell-knownsculptors,thecritical
assessmentofmanyoftheseworkshasbeengenerallynegativeor,atbest,
overlooked.Whentheyareconsideredonparwiththeaestheticqualityof
sculpturesmadeinmarbleorbronze,theexcessiverealismandotheradditions—
suchasclothinganddevotionalobjects—areoftencitedascharacteristicsthat
renderthem“impure”or“inappropriate”forseriousscholarlyattention.5
5Webster,7-8.
6
However,itispreciselytheongoingmaintenanceandadditionsmadeto
theseworksthatinformmyresearch.Iaminterestedinmorebroadlyconsidering
howtheseworksactasaculturalcarrierofmeaning,ratherthanprimarilywithin
theiraestheticcontext.ForstyleasaculturalcarrierofmeaningIintendthatthese
sculpturesmeantsomethingdeeperthanjustrepresentingtheDescentfromthe
Crossinadifferentmedium.Infact,Iarguethattheiconographywasnotnew,and,
attimes,drawsuponexistingpaintedexamplesofthismomentfromthePassionof
Christ.ThewoodengroupsoftheDescent,however,arenottobeconsideredas
replicasofpaintedversionsinthree-dimensionalform.Thesesculptures,through
theirdistinctivemedia,qualitiesandadornments,becamerealtothepeoplewho
witnessedtheminamannerthatexistingtwo-dimensionalrepresentationsdidnot.
Asdevotionalobjects,theyrecreatetherealityoftheoriginalmomentofthe
DescentfromtheCrossthroughtherealpresenceoflife-sizesculpture.Drawingon
thecriticalnotionofthe“anachronic”lifeoftheobject,theypermittedthebeholder
toconnectthepresentmomentofthecelebration,experiencedthroughthe
sculpture,withitsoriginalevent.6Iarguethatsubsequentchangestotheworks—
includingadornments,damageandwearcausedbytheiractivedevotionaluse,or
repaintingandoverpainting—shouldnotbeconsideredasdeteriorationsofan
originalstate,butasindicatorsoftheirimportanceandongoingdevotionalfunction.
TheDescentfromCrossgroupsand,perhapsevenmorethesubsequentanimated
sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatbegantoappeararound1300,areobjectsthat,
6AlexanderNagelandChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.:
ZoneBooks;DistributedbyMITPress,2010),7-19.
7
throughtheircontinualdialoguewiththecontemporaryfaithfulinpresentingthe
originalmomentoftheDescentfromtheCross,havenecessitatedalterationinorder
to“belongtomorethanonehistoricalmoment.”7Inthiscontext,wecanreevaluate
theideaofstyleandhowitintertwineswiththefunctionthroughthecenturiesand
howthismakestheseartworksuniqueandworthyofinvestigation.
IconographicalreadingswithinthedevotionalcontextoftheMiddleAges
assistintheevaluationoftheliturgicalfunctionsofthesculptures.Whileprevious
scholarshiphasprimarilyfocusedonstyleandiconography,8morerecentworkhas
beenbroadeningthediscourseinordertofurtherourunderstandingoftheobjects.
Indeedthevery‘style’oftheseworks,ifunderstoodincontext,revealsitselftobea
powerfulpointofsignificance,respondingtoandenhancingthecorporeal
effectivenessofsculpturesofthesufferingorthedeadChristwhentheyoperateat
thecenteroftheHolyWeekprocessionsandthere-enactmentofthemomentsof
thePassion.Inthisreading,styleiscritical,butthefocusofanalysisisnolonger
aestheticappreciationbutratheritsintersectionwithfunctionandculture.The
increasedlifelikenessachievedthroughpolychromerealisminthesesculptures
fulfilledthechangingdevotionaldesiresofthefaithful,and,inturn,increasedthe
emotionalexperiencesoftheparticipantsinritual.Subsequently,thesculptures
becameincreasinglymimeticand“authentic”asaresponsetotheirreceptionin
ordertofulfillthemodesofuse.Approachingthesesculpturesinabroader
7Ibidem.,30-31.
8HenkVanOs,TheArtofDevotionintheLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.(Princeton,N.J.:
PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),8.
8
perspectivewillallowonetoviewtheminthe“activated”contextthattheywere
intendedforandallowthepossibilitytoconsidertheminrelationtocurrent
interestsinanthropology,performance,andmateriality.Iwillconsiderthese
sculpturesinthewiderart-historicalcontextandshowhowtheycancommunicate
toamultiplicityofinterests,whichinturnwilldemonstratethevalidityoffurther
investigations.
Infact,recentstudiesfocusedonthematerializationofthedivineandthe
agencyoftheseobjectsthatrepresentandembodythedivine.AccordingtoCaroline
WalkerBynum,“thecapacityofmedievalobjectstorepresentorimitatethedivine
didnotrestinmimeticlikeness.”9Whileagreeingwiththisstatement,Iarguethat
thegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrosscanbeconsideredasanexceptionofthis
aspectofmedievalartproductionandobjects.Thesesculpturesnotonlyfunctionas
symbolicrepresentationsofChrist’sPassion,but,becausetheirlikenessguaranteed
directaccesstothedivineandthesacredscene,theybecomethelivingbeingsofthe
PassionofChristpreciselyduetotheirmimeticism.InhisAnthropologyofImages,
HansBeltingconnectspicturesinvariousmediatoourmentalimagesandasa
consequencetoourbody.Hewrites:“Themediumisnot‘inthemiddle’between
imageandspectator.[…]Imagesareexchangedbetweenusandapictorialmedium
inthedoubleactoftransmissionandperception.Themedium,thecarrieror
artificialsupport,remains‘outthere,’whiletheimage,amentalconstruct,is
9Bynum,ChristianMateriality,282.
9
negotiatedbetweenusandthemedium.”10Asaconsequence“thehumanbeingis
thenaturallocusofimages,alivingorganforimages,asitwere.Notwithstandingall
thedevicesthatweusetodaytosendandstoreimages,itiswithinthehumanbeing,
andonlywithinthehumanbeing,thatimagesarereceivedandinterpretedina
livingsense;thatistosay,inasensethatiseverchanginganddifficulttocontrolno
matterhowourmachinesmightseektoenforcecertainnorms.”11Thelocus,
accordingtoBelting,isthebody,anditbecomesthe“locusinwhichimagesare
generatedandidentified.”12Furthermore,Beltingmakesadistinctionbetweena
workofartwhichis“atangibleobjectwithahistory,anobjectthatcanbeclassified,
datedandexhibited”,whileanimage“defiessuchattemptsofreification,eventothe
extentthatitoftenstraddlestheboundarybetweenphysicalandmentalexistence.
Itmightliveinaworkofart,buttheimagedoesnotnecessarilycoincidewiththe
workofart.”13HansBelting’stheoryonimagesprovidesaninterestingapproach
thatcanbedeepenedandexpandedifappliedtothegroupoftheDescentfromthe
Cross.Infact,heconsidersthebodyasamedium.Moreprecisely,itisaliving
mediumforhim,onethatiscapableofprocessingimagesandisalsoabletoaddinto
thisprocessmemoryandimaginationthatmergeboththephysicalandthemental
aspectsoftheimage.Belting’sideasarehelpfulinexplaininghowDescentfromthe
Crosssculpturesinquestionultimatelyfunctioned.Therelationshipbetweenthe
viewerandtheimagehereisnotonlybasedonwhatisseenandwhattheDescent
10HansBeltingandThomasDunlap,AnAnthropologyofImages:Picture,Medium,Body(Princeton:
PrincetonUniversityPress,2011),36.
11Ibidem.,37.
12Ibidem.,37.
13Ibidem.,2.
10
fromtheCrossstandsfor,butleadsmorepreciselytoanidentificationwiththeholy
narrativethatenactsasubstitutivefunction,anactioninwhichthefaithfulbecomes
onewiththeimage.Theymergecompletelyintoeachother.
Theissueofthepersonalconnectionwiththedivinityrepresentedbyan
artworkraisessomequestionsabouttheproblemof“popularpiety”andclerical
control.Officiallytheexpression“popularpiety”means“thosediversecultic
expressionsofaprivateorcommunitynaturewhich,inthecontextoftheChristian
faith,areinspiredpredominantlynotbytheSacredLiturgybutbyformsderiving
fromaparticularnationorpeopleorfromtheirculture.”14Thisistheofficialversion
offeredbytheVaticanbutifweconsiderthedifferentideasthatscholarsprovided
inthestudyofarthistoryinthematterof“popularpiety”,weneedtobeawareof
newinsightsandapproachesthatexpandandcomplicatetheunderstandingofthis
concept.
Firstofall,recentscholarshipismovingfromcleardistinctionsbetween
popularandelitereligiontowardsincreasinglyconsideringhowthesocietyasa
wholeaimedtoadimensionofappropriationandmanipulationofthesacred.15In
general,literatureonlatemedievaldevotiondemonstratesthatscholarsareaware
ofthedynamicregardingtheparticipationofthefaithfulindevotionalcontexts,and
14“CongregationfortheDivineWorshipandtheDisciplineoftheSacraments,DirectoryonPopular
pietyandtheLiturgy,PrinciplesandGuidelines”,
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/ccdds/documents/rc_con_ccdds_doc_20020513
_vers-direttorio_en.html.(accessedNovember12,2011).
15CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope(New
York:ZoneBooks,2011),129-130.
11
addressesapassagefromavisualizationofChrist’ssufferingtoanexperiencethat
impliesanemotionalandphysicalengagement.Asaconsequence,inordertobe
fullyawareofthedynamicof“popularpiety”affectinglatemedievaldevotional
practicesinItalyweneedtoconsiderthisshiftasithasbeenpresentedfrom
variousscholarlyperspectives.Thiswillallowadeepercomprehensionofthisnew
relationshipwiththesacredestablishedbythefaithfulandwhatkindof
contributionwoodensculptureshadinthismoredirectengagementwiththe
sacred.16
Seeingisthemostimportantpartofparticipatinginofficialliturgy,17sothe
developmentofthedevotionalpracticespromotedbytheuseofthesesculptures
meansarepossessionofthesacred,arecuperationofthatdimensionthatimpliesa
participationinthereligiousevent.18Thenaturalismandtheheightenedemotion
thatisconveyedinthesesculptureshasneverbeenstudiedasmuchasthat
16Alargeamountofliteratureexistson“populardevotion,”seeinparticular:Derbes,Anne.Picturing
thePassioninlateMedievalItaly:NarrativePainting,FranciscanIdeologies,andtheLevant
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996).EllenM.Ross,TheGriefofGodImagesofthe
SufferingJesusinLateMedievalEngland(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1997).Gertsman,Elina.
VisualizingMedievalPerformance:Perspectives,Histories,Contexts(Aldershot,England:Ashgate,
2008).Swanson,R.N.ReligionandDevotioninEurope,c.1215-c.1515(Cambridge[England]:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1995).KateCooper,andJeremyGregoryeds.EliteandPopularReligion:
PapersReadatthe2004SummerMeetingandthe2005WinterMeetingoftheEcclesiasticalHistory
Society(Woodbridge:PublishedfortheEcclesiasticalHistorySocietybytheBoydellPress,2006).
Bornstein,DanielEthan.TheBianchiof1399:PopularDevotioninLateMedievalItaly(Ithaca:Cornell
UniversityPress,1993).AronI.Gurevich,MedievalPopularCulture:ProblemsofBeliefandPerception
(Cambridge[Cambridgeshire]:CambridgeUniversityPress1988).H.W.vanOs,TheArtofDevotionin
theLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994).Miri
Rubin,CorpusChristi:theEucharistinLateMedievalCulture(Cambridge[England]:Cambridge
UniversityPress,1991).Shinners,JohnRaymond.MedievalPopularReligion,1000-1500:aReader
(Peterborough,Ont.,Canada:BroadviewPress,1997).Mara,Nerbano.IlTeatrodellaDevozione:
ConfraterniteeSpettacolonell'UmbriaMedievale(Perugia:Morlacchi,2006).Enrico,Menestò.Ugolino
Nicolini,andFrancescoSantucci.LeFraterniteMedievalidiAssisi:LineeStoricheeTestiStatutari
(Assisi:AccademiaproperzianadelSubasio,1989).
17SilvioMaggiani,“LaLiturgiaelaLaudaDrammaticaespressionediliminalità”,inLelaudi
drammaticheumbredelleorigini:atti,(Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983),72.
18LuigiAllegri,TeatroeSpettacolonelMedioevo(Bari:Laterza,1988),208.
12
recognizedinthepaintingsmadeduringthesameperiodofmid-Duecento/early
Trecento.Instead,arthistorianscreditalloftheperiod’sinnovationstopaintings.A
focusedinvestigationoftheveristicnaturalism,size,anddetailsinrelationtothe
specificfunctionalandritualcontextinwhichwoodensculpturesoperatedwilllet
usunderstandwhytheirvisualfeaturesdevelopedastheydidandtheeffectthis
hadonbeholdersandlaypeoplewhointeractedsointenselywithsuchsculptures.
Inthisdissertation,insteadofconsideringpaintingsandsculpturesas
separaterepresentationsofthePassionofChrist,Iwanttoexploretheconnections
andsimilaritiesintheuseofbothmedia.Inthemakingofmedievaldevotion,both
greatlycontributedtotheunderstandingofthemysteryofthefaith,andatthesame
timedevelopeddifferentwaystoconnectwiththedivine.Whatwasillustratedand
contemplatedinpaintingsturnedouttobearealparticipationwithwooden
sculptures,avisceralrelationshipwiththesculptureandthuswiththehumanityof
Christ.Whatmendicantorderstaughtthroughpaintings,peoplereceivedand
appliedwiththeuseanddevotiontowardwoodensculptures.Oftenthesewooden
artformsweremadewitharealismthatwasunusualfortheperiod,which
demonstrateshowthestylisticinnovationswerestrictlycorrelatedwiththe
functionandhowpeoplethoughtaboutthem.Thefactthatrealismplaysapartin
thefunctionrequiresthepiecetobestudiedwithanewapproachinwhichboth
functionandstylecreateadialoguethatspeaksforthereligiousneedsofpeople.
13
TheScholarship
CriticalassessmentoflateMedievalandRenaissancewoodensculpturehas
notbeenasrichorilluminatingasthescholarlyattentiongiventopaintingoreven
marblesculpture.Frequently,whenthemediumisconsidered,woodensculptureis
relegatedintothecategoriesofdevotionalobject,folkartorevenpartofthe
liturgicalfurnishing.
GiorgioVasari,writinginhisLivesoftheArtists(1550,revisedandexpanded
in1568),providesoneearlyrelevantperspectiveonwoodensculpture,
emphasizingthelimitationsofthemedium.Notingtheactualpopularityofwooden
sculpture[‘thissortoffigureismuchusedintheChristianreligion,seeingthat
numberlessmastershaveproducedmanycrucifixesandotherobjects’],heremarks
thatexampleslack“thatflesh-likeappearanceandsoftnesstowoodthatcanbe
giventometalandtomarbleandtothesculpturedobjectsthatweseeinstucco,
wax,orclay.”19
Inthetwentiethcentury,attentionbegantobegiventowoodensculpture,
initiatingacursorydiscoursethatneverreachesthesamelevelofcomplexityor
articulatedinterpretationsaswithsculpturemadeinothermedia,suchasmarbleor
clay.Oneofthescholarswhostartedthestudyandreevaluationofwooden
19GiorgioVasari,LouisaMaclehose,&Brown,G.Baldwin,Vasariontechnique;beingtheintroduction
tothethreeartsofdesign,architecture,sculptureandpainting,prefixedtotheLivesofthemost
excellentpainters,sculptors,andarchitects(NewYork:DoverPublications,1960),173.
14
sculptureproductionistheItalianarthistorianGézadeFràncovich.20Whileaware
ofthisphenomenoninthewholeEurope,hefocusedhisstudyinItalyandespecially
intheregionsofLazio,UmbriaandTuscany,inwhichhebelievedintheexistenceof
aschoolofsculpturethatelaboratedadistinctivestyle.Healsofocusedonthe
identificationoftheiconographyofthemedievalsculpturalproduction.
AnotherItalianscholar,EnzoCarli,acknowledged,likeVasari,thediffusionof
thepracticeofcreatingwoodensculpturesandhowonlyinshortperiodsoftimeit
reachedasortof“artisticquality.”21Carlirecognizedthatdespitethelackofnames
linkedtomuchofthesurvivingwoodensculpturesincetheRomanesqueperiod,he
wasawareofthehighqualityoftheseworksandthefactthatscholarshipwas
largelyabsentonthisparticularartisticproduction.Partlyinfluencingthelackof
cohesiveresearchonthesesculpturesistheirwidespreaddiffusion,including
frequentlyinsmalltowns,throughouttheItalianpeninsula.
Oneofthemostrelevantstudiesonthesubject,andstillakeytextforanyone
researchingthisarea,isGesineandJohannes’sarticle“MittelalterlicheKruzifixemit
SchwenkbarenArmen.EinBeitragzurVerwendungvonBildwerkeninder
Liturgie.”22Publishedin1969,GesineandTaubert’sworkprovidesaninvestigation
oftheoriginanduseofCrucifixeswithmovablearms,payingattentiontotheirform
20Amonghisstudy:GézadeFràncovich,SculturaMedievaleinLegno(Tumminelli,Roma:1943).Also
“UnGruppodiSculgtureinLegnoUmbro-Marchigiane”inBollettinod'artedelMinisterodella
PubblicaiItruzione:NotiziedeiMusei,delleGallerieedeiMonumentid'Italiav.8n.10(Milano
Roma:1939).“CrocifissiLigneinelSecoloXIIinItalia”inBollettinod’Arte,v29,(1936).
21CarliEnzo,SculturaLigneaSenese,(Milano-Firenze,ElectaEditrice,1951),9.Seealsoofthesame
author:EnzoCarli,LasculturaligneaitalianadalXIIalXVIsecolo(Milano:Electa,1961).
22GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen.EinBeitragzur
VerwendungvonBildwerkeninderLiturgie”,inZeitschriftdesDeutschenVereinsfür
Kunstwissenschaft23(1969),79-121.
15
andconstruction.Italsodrawsupondocumentssuchaspastoralvisitsinorderto
recreatethedynamicoftheceremonyoftheDepositioCrucisduringtheHoly
Week.23Furthermore,thetextrepresentsthefirstcatalogofextantexamplesofthis
genreofsculptures,whichincludessculpturesfromdifferentcountriesinEurope
suchasAustria,Germany,France,Italy,theCzechRepublic,Slovakia,and
Switzerland.
AnotherstudyistheHolzkruzifixeinFlorenzundinderToskana(1970)by
MargritLisner.Lisner’sworkfocusesondates,style,andattributions.Whilethis
workprovidesneitherinformationregardingliturgicalusenoranattempttorevise
theroleofthesesculpturesinthehistoryofart,herstudystillrepresentsan
importantreferenceforstudyinthisfield,inadditiontoprovidingagreatstarting
pointforananalysisofthosesculpturesofChristwithmovablearmsinItalyand,
morespecifically,Tuscany.
Additionally,TanyaJung’sdissertation,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovable
ChristSculptures(2006),featuresanapproachnotbasedincataloguing.Instead,she
investigatesthecultural,functional,andhistoricalconditionsunderwhichthese
sculpturesweremade,aswellashowtheseconditionsalteredovertime,
particularlywithintheliturgicalandparaliturgicalcontextsoftheHolyWeek,
Easter,andAscensionDay.PhenomenalLivesalsodiscusseshowtheseimages
wouldhavefunctionedinthevisualcultureofthetimeandthewaysinwhichtheir
usagecreatedadimensionthatsurpassedthesimplyrepresentative,affecting
23Ibidem.,79-121.
16
instead,inaverypotentway,thedevotionofthefaithful.24Sheacknowledgesthat
thesesculpturesinparticularneedtobestudiedandanalyzed,beforeanyother
consideration,intermsoftheirperformativefunctionandrelationshipwiththe
viewer,inawidercontextofpracticeandofreceptionandresponse,asopposedto
simplycategorizingthemassculpturesusedfordevotionalpurposesduringthe
liturgicalyear.
Twootherinterestingcontributionsonthefieldofwoodensculptures,
amongothers,andtheirdiffusioninItalyandinEuropearetheworksbyLorenzelli
JacopoandPietroandAlbertoVecawithCustodedell’Immagine.SculturaLignea
EuropeaXII-XV(1987)andthecatalogoftheexhibitLaDeposizioneLigneain
Europa.L’Immagine,IlCultoelaForma(2004).25Thefirststudyrelatestothe
diffusionandcatalogofwoodensculpturesintheformoftheCrucifiedChrist,the
groupoftheDepositionsandtheVirginandChildnotjustinItalybutalso
throughoutEurope.Thesecondisanexhaustiveoverviewofwhatremainsofthe
productionandexistenceofthegroupoftheDepositionsinEuropeandtheirrolein
theliturgyinthemedievalperiod.Italsoprovidesausefulcatalogoftheextant
examplesoftheDescentfromtheCrossinEurope,andthethematiccontributions
analyzenumerousissuesrelatingtotheseobjects,suchasthegeographical
24TanyaAnnJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,(Ph.D.Dissertation,University
ofMaryland,CollegePark,2006),17-19.
25Jacopo,Lorenzelli,Pietro,LorenzelliandAlbertoVecaandGalleriaLorenzelli.Custode
Dell'immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XVSecolo(GalleriaLorenzelli,1987).GiovannaSapori
andBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:L'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma(Catalogo
regionaledeibeniculturalidell'Umbria.Studieprospettive,2004).
17
distribution,restoration,liturgicaluseandthereligiousmeaningoftheseobjects
withinthesocialcontextoftheperiod.26
Themostrecentworkonwoodensculptures,andspecificallyonthewooden
Christwithmovablearms,isthePolishscholarKamilKopania’s2010publication,
AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligiousCultureoftheLatinMiddle
Ages.AtthebeginningofKopania’sbook,henotesthat,particularlyforhisanalysis,
thenomenclaturemovablearmsisnotentirelyappropriatebecausetheseobjects
couldhave,alongwithmovablearms,alsomovablelegs,head,andtongues.27Asa
consequence,theuseofthetermanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristismore
appropriatetodesignatetheseobjects,despitethepossibledifferentuseinthe
liturgicalcontext..Heclassifiestheseobjectsasbelongingtooneofthreegroups:
sculptureswithmovablearms,sculptureswithaninternalmechanismthatallows
theheadorthetonguetobemoved,and,finally,sculpturesfeaturingdifferentparts
ofthebody(legs,arms,tongue,andhead)whichcanbemovedsimultaneously.28
WhileIembraceKopania’snomenclatureanditsmovetoincludethese
differentcategoriesofsculptures,whichwillbepartofmystudyaswell,my
26Alongwiththetwostudiesjustmentionedthereareotherimportantstudiesonwooden
sculpturesintherecentyears,especiallyconferencesandexhibitionsthatshowarenewedinterest
onthesubject.FrancescaFloresD’Arcais,IlTeatrodelleStatue.GruppiLigneidiDeposizionee
AnnunciazionetrailXIIeXIIISecolo(VitaePensiero,Milano:2005),GiovanBattistaFidanza(acura
di),SculturaeArredoinLegnofraMarcheeUmbria,AttidelPrimoConvegno,Pergola24/25Ottobre
1997,(Perugia,Quattroemme:1999),GiovanBattistaFidanza(acuradi),L’artedelLegnoinItalia.
EsperienzeedIndaginiaConfronto.AttidelConvegno,Pergola10/12Maggio2002(Perugia,
Quattroemme:2005),FrancoBoggeroPieroDonati(acuradi),LaSacraSelva.SculturaLigneain
LiguriatrailXIIeXVIsecolo,(Ginevra-Milano,Skira:2004),RaffaeleCasciaro,LaSculturaLignea
LombardadelRinascimento(Milano:Skira,2000),MariaGiannatiempoLópez,LaCulturaLigneanelle
AlteVallidelPotenzaedell’Esino(Milano,FedericoMottaEditore:1999).
27KamilKopania,AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligiousCultureoftheLatin
MiddleAges(Warszawa:Wydawn."Neriton",2010),29.
28Ibidem.,240.
18
discussionwillentailadistinctapproachtostudyingthesesculptures.Kamil
Kopaniawasabletocatalogagreatnumberofanimatedsculpturesofthecrucified
ChristalloverEurope,oratleastwheretheextantexamplesremain,expandingthe
researchbyGesineandJohannesTaubert.ThecountriesinwhichKopania
cataloguedtheseimagesare:Italy,Spain,Germany,Austria,Switzerland,Portugal,
Belgium,theCzechRepublic,Poland,France,andSlovakia.Incountriesdominated
byProtestantdenominations,suchasDenmark,Holland,Sweden,Finland,orGreat
Britain,hewasunabletolocatesculptures(whichmostlikelywouldhavebeen
destroyed),buthewasabletofindevidenceoftheirexistencethroughdocuments.29
Hisstudyshowsclearlythewidediffusionsoftheseartifacts,andhefocusesonthe
Easterweekprocessionsanddramatoshowhowthesculptureswereused,
particularlyfortheceremoniesoftheDepositio,whentheywouldfunctionas
stationarydevotionalobjectsfortherestoftheliturgicalyear.
Whilemanyofthesecontributionsfocuslargelyoncatalogingextant
examples,otherscholarshipexploringthesubjecttendstotreatwoodensculptures
lessasanindependentartobjectthanasaliturgicalanddevotionalpiece.For
example,KarlYoung’stwo-volumeDramaoftheMedievalChurch(1933)considers
woodensculpturesofChrist,especiallythosewithmovablearms,withinthe
dynamicoftheliturgicaldramaoftheChurchduringtheHolyWeekmoreasan
elementoftheRomanliturgyandthedramaoftheChurch.Amorerecentstudythat
followsasimilarlineofinvestigationisClaudioBernardi’sLaDrammaturgiadella
29Ibidem.,239.
19
SettimanaSanta.30Themainfocusisthestudyoftheritualsandthetheatrical
aspectofthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeekfromtheMiddleAgestotoday.
Thereis,withoutadoubt,increasedinterestinwoodensculpture,andwe
havegreateropportunitiestoknowmoreabouttheobjectsthemselves,their
diffusionanduseinreligiouscontexts.However,woodensculptureasatopichas
notbeenfullyintegratedintotheoverridingarthistoricaldiscoursethatprivileges
paintingoversculpture.Therefore,manyquestionsremainunansweredregarding
thedynamicbetweenthetwomedia,theirrepresentationsofChrist’sPassionand
theirrelationshipstodevotionalpractice.Eveninmoregeneraldiscussionsonthe
historyofimages,woodensculpturedoesnotreachacriticalindependence.Instead,
examplesareoftenconsideredasliturgicalobjectsusedtosupportthestudyof
otheraspectsofMedievalorRenaissanceart,suchasfrescos,panelpainting,liturgy,
dramaanddecorationofchurches.Inadditiontocontextualizingwoodensculpture
morefirmlywithinthearthistoricalcontext,Iwilllooktorelatedstudiesoutsideof
thefield,includingworkonthehistoryofimages,materiality,religiousvisual
cultureandtheanthropologyofimages.
IntheaforementionedThePowerofImages,DavidFreedberg’sapproachis
basedontheawarenessofaninstinctivereactionviewershavetoimages,and,in
theprocess,heestablishesamethodologythathashadanotableimpactonour
understandingofart.Movingbeyondtraditionalanalysesofshapeandcolor—a
breakmadeinhistreatmentofviewerresponsestoTitian’sVenusofUrbinoin
30ClaudioBernardi,LaDrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSantainItalia(Milano:VitaePensiero,1991).
20
chapterone—Freedbergfrequentlyintegratesimagesfrompopularpiety,including
woodencrucifixes,thatarenotoftenpartofarthistoricaldiscussions.31By
contextualizingthespecificfunctionsoftheseobjectsandtheirimportancetothe
societythatusesthem,hisbookprovidesausefulstartingpointforour
understandingofthoseaspectsbeyondtheimmediateaestheticresponsetotheart
object.Ultimately,itaidsininformingthepresentstudy’sexaminationoftheroleof
woodensculptureswithinthegreaterdiscussionofarthistory.
MichaelCamille,inhisTheGothicIdol,focusesontheperceptionofimagesby
themedievalspectators,developinganiconologicalapproachthatfocusesonthe
poweroftheworksovertheircontent.32AlthoughCamille’sworkonlybrieflycovers
woodensculpture,andnotinacontextdirectlybeneficialtothisstudy,hisapproach
tofunctionandthereceptionofimageshelpssituatethemwithinthearthistorical
discoursewhenappliedtothedevotionalcontextofwoodensculpturesfromthe
endofthetwelfthcenturyonwards.
Helpfulforbetterunderstandingthecontinuingfunctionandvisualpractice
ofreligiousimagery,especiallyastheyapplytopopularpiety,isDavidMorgan’s
VisualPiety,AHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages.33Heexplorestopics
relatedtohistory,devotionalpracticesandaestheticsofimagerywithintheirsocial
realityanduse,demonstratinghowpopularreligiousartcanbeinterpretedthrough
thelensofthefunctionalaestheticofthebeholders.Althoughhedoesnotdirectly
31See,forexample,chapter11.
32MichaelCamille,TheGothicIdol:IdeologyandImage-makinginMedievalArt.(CambridgeNewArt
HistoryandCriticism.Cambridge;NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989).
33DavidMorgan,VisualPiety:AHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages.(Berkeley:University
ofCaliforniaPress,1998).
21
addresswoodensculptures—and,infact,histheoreticalapproachfocusesonmany
modernexamplesandontheiractivereceptioninrecenttimes—Morgan’swork
contributestoadeeperunderstandingofthesacredanditshistoricalcontexts
throughalensofvisualculture,addressingtheeffectsofimagerythatareisoften
overlookedinarthistoricalscholarlydebates. Studiesattentivetomaterialityandtheanthropologyoftheimagearealso
importanttounderstandingpopularreligioussculpture’slateMedievaland
Renaissancecontext.Oneofthemostinfluentialcontributionsinthisveinis
CarolineWalkerBynum’sChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedieval
Europe.34Shecarefullyhighlightstheperformativeandtransformativepotentialof
physicalobjects—consideringexamplesfromhighandlowculturewithoutnotable
distinction—exploringtheinvisibilityofGodandhowHerevealshimselfthrough
materialobjectssuchaswoodensculptures,thebreadandwineusedforthe
Eucharistandalsothebodyofsaintsveneratedasrelics.Specificexamplesof
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristareonlybrieflyaddressed.However,
highlightingthattheywerefrequentlyalteredwithnewparts,newcolors,clothesor
objectstoembellishthesculptureinordertoadaptthemtothenewsocialtasteand
currentreligiousdevotionalpractices,shedemonstratesthatattitudestowardthe
bodyfluctuateovertimeandareaffectedbythechangingmaterialqualitiesofthe
objectsthemselves.Suchchangeshaveoftenbeenconsideredanegativequalityfor
scholarshipevaluatingandclassifyingwoodensculpturesfromanaestheticpointof
34CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope.New
York:Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;DistributedbytheMITPress.
22
view.Hercriticalapproachtothemateriallifeoftheseobjectsasitrelatestotheir
culturalfunction,however,canbeusedasanimportantstartingpointtoreassess
theseobjectswithintheirhistoricalcontext.
AlsousefulforanthropologicalstudyofthesesculpturesisAlfredGell’sArt
andAgency:anAnthropologicalTheory.35Explainingissuesofagency,Gellclarifies:
“evenifGodistheultimateauthorofhisresemblanceintheformofmagnificent
structuresandworksofart,itremainsthecasethat,atacriticalpointinthe
sequenceofcauses,instruments,andresults,humanagencyisessential.Since,in
thisworld,God’spresenceisinherentintheseworksofhumanagency,heisbound
tohumanpurposes,thethis-worldlyprosperityandother-worldlysalvationofhis
ostensibleservantsratherthantopurposesentirelyhisown.Hisagencyis
enmeshedinours,byvirtueofourcapacitytomake(andbe)hissimulacrum.”36
Inthisperspective,woodensculpturescanbeseenasaresultof“human
design”andtheirfeaturesasreal“physicalchannelsofaccess”todivinities,an
objectificationofaperceivedinnersubjectiveself,projectionsofhuman
consciousness.Theanthropologicalstudysucceedsindealingwithwooden
sculpturesinadeeperandbroaderway,insteadofsimplyastylisticapproach.The
interactionbetweenhumanbeingsanddivinitysignifiestheimportanceofthese
objectsandallowsthepossibilitytoreevaluatetheminthebroadercontextthat
includesnotonlydevotionalpracticesingeneral,butalsoamorepersonal
relationshipwiththedivinityitself.
35AlfredGell,ArtandAgency:anAnthropologicalTheory,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1998)
36Ibidem.,114.
23
ArecentstudyonthissubjectisHansBelting’sAnAnthropologyofImages:
Picture,Medium,Body,inwhichthebodyisconsideredasa“livingmedium”ora
“locusofimages”,inwhichimagesleaveaninvisibletracethatshapesthememory
ofit.37Thesequalitiescanbecomeextremelycomplexifappliedtotheuseof
woodensculpturesfordevotionalpurposessincethevisionanduseofthe
sculpturesnotonlybringsupapotentialmemoryofthescenerepresented,butalso
involvesanactiveparticipationandactualizationofthelastmomentsofthelifeof
Christ.
Anotherareaofconcernistherelationshipoftheobjectstohistorical
descriptionsoftheiruse,especiallyinregardstovernacularperformance.Professor
PietroScarpellinihasbeguntodefinetherelationshipbetweenfigurativeartand
literaryproductioninthenorthofUmbriabetween1280and1350.38Hedescribes
howdifficultitistofindacaseinwhichatextcorrespondstoapaintingorviceversa,aswellastheproblemstiedtoestablishingwhetheracertainideacomesfirst
frompaintingsorfromthetexts.Inhisanalysis,however,heprovidessome
examplesemphasizingthattheexchangeswerefrequentandcontinuousbetween
paintingandLaudeinartinUmbriabetweentheendofthetwelfthandthemiddle
ofthefourteenthcentury.39Whilehisapproachisimportanttounderstandthis
correspondencebetweenpaintingandtexts,hestilldrawsattentiontothecentrality
37HansBelting,AnAnthropologyofImages:Picture,Medium,Body.(Princeton:PrincetonUniversity
Press,2011),38.
38PietroScarpellini,“EchidellalaudanellapitturaumbradelXIIeXIVsecolo”,inLeLaudi
DrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:AttidelVConvegnodiStudio,Viterbo,22-23-24-25Maggio1980,
(Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983),166.
39Ibid.,168.
24
ofpaintingoverwoodensculpturesinordertohaveanexplanationofthecultureof
thelateMedievalreligioussociety.Iwanttoextendthisresearchtothestudyof
woodensculpturesandconsiderhowclosethelaudaaretotheseartobjectsin
comparisontopainting.Infact,thereisaninteractionbetweenthetextinthelauda
andtheactions(boththeatricalandliturgical)inwhichwoodensculpturesare
involvedthatneedstobestudiedmorecarefully.Theconnectionbetweenthe
literarysourcesandtheartworkssupportstheideaadvancedbefore,inwhichthe
styleofthesewoodensculpturesisstrictlyconnectedtothereligiousneedsof
laymenandfaithful.Oncewethinkaboutthesurvivingimagesandthecontextsin
whichtheywereused,wemustalsoconsiderallthose“countlessstories,miracles,
legendsinwhichthoseimagesaresaidtomove,speak,weep,strikeoutandeat.”40
CorpusofSculptures
Forthisstudy,Iwanttoconcentrateonthosepolychromesculpturesthat
wereusedforthecelebrationoftheHolyWeek,thegroupoftheDescentfromthe
CrossandtheAnimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Ifollowtheir
chronologicaldevelopmentinthemakingofdevotionduringtheLateMedieval
periodinItaly.Ichosetofocusonthesesculpturesbecausetheirusedoesnotimply
solelydevotion,butalsoparticipationanddirectcontact.Infact,itisstillpossibleto
seethemtodaycarriedinprocessions,suchaswiththeexampleofthewooden
40Freedberg,291.
25
depositionofVicopisano(fig1),ortheChristwithmovablearmsintheriteof
Scavigliazione(literallyreferringtothepullingoutofthenails,thetermdescribes
theenactmentofdetachingChristfromtheCrossandthefollowingvenerationofhis
bodybythefaithful)41inthechurchofSanRufinoinAssisi(fig2).Evenifthe
examplesofthesesculpturesarefoundanddiscoveredmostlyincentralItaly,a
completeunderstandingoftheirfunctionandtheartisticandreligiousvalueof
theseobjectsrequiresonetogobeyondthegeographicalgeneralizationsandlook
closelyatavarietyofindividualdynamics,contextsandconditions.42Eachcase
presentsitsownuniquesituation,eachoneofwhichmightdifferintermsofthe
space,time,religiousbackground,andsocialenvironment.Moreover,thestudycan
provideabroaderpictureofthestateofmedievalwoodensculptureovertime.
Thesepolychromesculpturesrepresentanartisticexampleofstyleandiconography
inaspecificplaceandtime.
AllofthesculpturesexaminedwerecarvedinwoodcommonlyfoundinItaly,
andquestionsofhowthematerialitselfinfluencesthenaturalisticrepresentations
arecentraltothediscussionathand.Theseissuesofmatterextendinmydiscussion
totheintersectionofmaterialityandsymbolicform.43Theverydynamicproperties
oftheseobjectspermitthemtobeapproachedinavarietyofways,anditis
necessarytopayattentiontoeachobject’sindividualcontextandtheirdiverse
41PaolaMercurelliSalari,AdolfoBroegg,“IlRitodellaScavigliazionenellaCattedralediAssisi,
(Assisi:EditriceMinerva,2006),9.
42PietroScarpellini,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLignea:daunaMostraaunaSumma”,inIl
teatrodellestatue(Milano:V&P,2005),30.
43SeeChristinaNeilson,“CarvingLife:theMeaningofWoodinEarlyModernEuropeanSculpture”in
TheMatterofArt:Materials,Practices,CulturalLogics,c.1250-1750,edAnderson,C.,Dunlop,Anne,&
Smith,PamelaH.(ManchesterUniversityPress,2015).
26
patrons,includingconfraternities,mendicantorders,orbishopsresponsibleof
sanctuaries.Theroleoftheartists(acombinedeffortofsculptors,woodcarvers,
andpainters)wasimportanttoeachwork’sstyle.However,andaboveall,thestyle
istheresultoftheneedsofthespectatorsthatinteractwiththesesculptures,either
inchurchorwhentheyareactivatedintheprocessionorsacredtheater.Thestudy
oflaudeispivotalforthecomprehensionoftheroleofthemovableChristandhow
theseaffectedtheaccessibilityofthelaymentothesacred;eventhoughithasnot
yetbeennotedwhetherthelaudausedduringtheHolyFridayinAssisiwasthe
developmentofanewlay(religious)liturgyorsimplythetranslationforlaymenof
thereligiousliturgyoftheDeposition.44Asamatteroffact,theanalysisofthelauda
anditsrelationshipwiththeliturgyduringthecelebrationoftheHolyFridayis
strictlylinkedtotheuseofwoodsculptures,whichwillgreatlycontributetoclarify
theroleoftheseartobjectsinlateMedievalandRenaissancereligioussociety.
Auniqueaspectofthisgenreofstatuesisthattheyarestillinuseduringthe
contemporarypracticeofthecelebrationofHolyFriday.Insomecases,especially
withtheolderexamplessuchastheChristwithmovablearmspreservedinthe
MuseumofCascia,theyweresubstitutedwithanothersculpture,usuallyadead
Christthatgenerallycoveredthesamefunction.Inothercases,however,suchasthe
ChristwithmovablearmsinthechurchofSaintFrancisinLeonessa(Lazio),the
ritualofScavigliazioneisstillperformedduringHolyWeekusingthesamesculpture
withwhichtheconfraternitystartedtocelebratethisrite.Similarly,the
44Bernardi,2005,82.
27
ScavigliazioneandsubsequentprocessionthroughthestreetsofAssisistillfollows
itsoriginalarrangement.45Thestudyofthechangesandcontinuitiesoftheserituals
thatstartedintheMiddleAgesandcontinuetodayinsomepartsofItaly46isa
significantsegmentandpotentialdevelopmentofthisresearch.Thefactthatsome
ritualsarestillpracticeddoesnotmeanthatnothinghaschangedovertime.Onthe
contrary,thechangesarelikelysubstantialifnotradical.Withacareful
examination,Iwillbeabletoevaluatetheroleoftheseobjectsasahistorical
testimonybeginningintheMiddleAgesandcontinuingtotoday.Iwillshowhowthe
“culturalstyle”ofthesesculpturesreflectsarealismthatremainspowerful,despite
theamountoftimethathaspassed.Thewoodensculpturesoftherepresentationof
Christ,usedduringthecelebrationoftheHolyFriday,representauniqueartistic
creationthatembodiesdifferentmeaningsandroles.Notwithstandingthedominant
“official”historyofartthatcommonlyclassifiesthesesculpturesasamereobjectsof
populardevotion,anddespitethefactthatthematerialitselfhasbeenhighly
susceptibletodamageovertime,thesewoodenstatueshadasignificantroleinthe
social,artistic,andreligiouscontextoflatemedievalItaly.Theyarenotsimply
devotionalobjects.Theyembodyadeepermeaningthattouchesdifferentavenues
oflatemedievalsociety.Amultidisciplinaryapproachispivotaltounderstanding
thecomplexityoftheseobjects.Theystandatthecrossroadsofdifferentdisciplines
wherearthistoryintersectsandcombineswithhistory,religioushistory,
anthropologyandtheater.
45MercurelliSalari,21.
46Bernardi,2005,83.
28
ThecorpusofsculpturesIamdealingwithspecificallyrelatestoexamples
presentinItaly,andtheyinvolvethecategoryofthegroupoftheDescentfromthe
CrossandtheAnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Therearethirty-three
examplesoftheDescentfromtheCrosssurvivinginvariouslevelsofpreservation
andnumberoffigures,mostlyspreadaroundcentralItaly.47Thecatalogof
sculpturesoftheAnimatedCrucifiedChristpresentssixty-fourextantexamples.48
Mostofthesesculpturesareingoodcondition,butfrequentlysomefiguresfromthe
originalDescentgroupsaremissing.ThesculptureofChristis,insomecases,the
onlyfigureleft,andattimestheseworkswerelatermodifiedfordevotional
purposes.Forexamplesinwhichamechanismallowingthearmstomovewas
addedtoaChristfigurefromaDescentgroup,thesculptureisincludedinthe
DescentfromtheCrosscatalogsincethatwasitsinitialfunction.Moreover,
restorationshavebroughtmanyofthesesculpturesbacktotheiroriginalsplendor,
highlightingtheircontinualchangeandadaptationsfordifferentreligiousand
devotionalcontexts.
ThecatalogoftheDescentgroup,however,isnotfullyrepresentativeoftheir
historicalusageanddistribution,whichinitiallysuggestsamoreunusualgeographic
diffusionoftheobjectsthanarevisedreadingprovidesuswith.Thatis,mostofthe
47GiovannaSaporiandBrunoToscano,“Proposteperunordinamentodimaterialieproblemi”inLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa:L'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,ed.GiovannaSaporiandBruno
Toscano(Catalogoregionaledeibeniculturalidell'Umbria.Studieprospettive,2004),18-19.
48KamilKopania,AnimatedSculptures,260-273.However,thelistcanbeexpanded.InfactasIwas
workingonthisstudy,IwasabletoidentifynewsculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChristthat
werenevertakenintoaccountbythescholarshipofthefield.Forexamplethereisoneofthese
sculptureintheChurchofSaintFrancisinAsissiandothersintheUmbriancitiesofGubbioandCittà
diCastello.
29
extantexamplesarefoundinscatteredaroundsmallertownsinsteadofinlarger
cities.Ithasbeensuggestedthatthisdistributionwasinfluencedbytheavailability
ofthewooditself.49However,IwilldemonstratethattheDescentfromtheCross
sculptureswereactuallymoreoftentheproductsofurbancentersthansmaller
towns,andasaconsequenceitislegitimatetobelievethattheyweremore
numerousthantheexistingsampletodaysuggests.Therefore,whatremainsisjusta
smallselectionoftheoriginalandmorespreadoutproduction.
Therearedocuments,forexample,thatattesttothefrequentpresenceof
thesesculpturesinbiggercitieseventhoughtheyaremissingtoday.Vasari’sLives,
forone,atteststothishistory.HedescribesanexampleoftheDescentfromthe
CrossthatusedtobeatthePieveofSantaMariainArezzo.Eventhoughthereisno
longeratraceofthiswoodengroupoftheDescent,Vasariwritesoffourfiguresthat
werepartofaDescentfromtheCrossinthisarea.50Iofferanalternative
explanationofthelackofthesegroupsfromurbancenterstoday:thesculpturesin
biggercitiesandmajorcentersweremoresusceptibletochangingdevotional
climates,andtheeffectsofCounterReformationbeingparticularlyharmfultotheir
survivability.Theywereremovedfromchurchesordestroyedbecausetheydidnot
alignwiththeneworderspromotedbytheChurch,51andthistendencyseemsto
havebeenmoreforcefullyundertakeninthebiggercitiesthaninthesmalltownsof
theItalianpeninsula.
49CarliEnzo,Mostradellaanticasculturaligneasenese:PalazzoPubblicodiSiena(Firenze:Electa,
1949)7.
50GiorgioVasari,“LeVitede’piùeccellentipittoriscultoriedarchitettorinelleredazionidel1550e
1568”(Milano,1962),291.
51Sapori,Toscano,27.
30
AsfortheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,scholarshipsofarhas
beenabletocatalogsixty-fourexamplesthroughoutItaly.52Iamawarethatthis
typologyofsculpturewasspreadoutindifferentcountriesinEurope,butremain
herefocusedonthecentralItaliancorpus.53Eveninthiscase,theextantexamplesof
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristrepresentasmallernumberthanthe
potentialoriginalnumber.ThereareanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist
knownfromhistoricalsourcessuchasinventoryofChurches,confraternitiesand
sacristies.54WhilepursuingthisresearchIwasabletocatalogmoreexamplesof
animatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist,additionsofwhichtothecorpuswillbe
lefttofurtherprojects.
52Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,273.
53Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,seethecatalogofMedievalAnimatedSculpturesofChrist,pag246-
287.
54InformationoftheStatutiofConfraternitiesandhistoricalsourcescanbefoundin:AngelaMaria
Terruggia,“InQualeMomentoiDisciplinatihannodatoinizioalloroteatro?”inIlmovimentodei
disciplinatinelsettimocentenariodalsuoinizio(Perugia,1260);convegnointernazionale:Perugia,2528settembre1960.[Spoleto]:(ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),434-459.ElvioLunghi,La
PassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento.Foligno:Edizioni
OrfiniNumeister,2000.ElvioLunghi,“LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo.”InL'Umbrianel
XIIISecolo.EditedbyEnricoMenestò.299-331.Spoleto:FondazioneCentroItalianodiStudisull'Alto
Medioevo2010.ClaudioBernardi,“DevozionieRappresentazionidiCristoneltardoMedioevo,”in
CiviltàBresciana,volVIII,no.2,1999,6-17.ClaudioBernardi,LadrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSanta
inItalia.Milano:Vitaepensiero,1991.ClaudioBernardi“LaDeposizionediCristoneiTeatridella
Pietà”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVsecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi.1518.Milano:F.Motta,2000.
31
StructureoftheDissertation
InthefollowingchaptersIconstructareevaluationofthestudyandtherole
ofwoodenmedievalsculptures,focusingthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross
andtheanimatedsculpturesofChristandmyintentionistoprovideadifferent
readingofthesesculpturesinaffectingthedevotionandtheartproductionofthe
period.
Chapter1offersanoverviewofthecorpusofsculptures,thedevelopment
anddiffusionoftheiconographyoftheDescentfromthecross,andtheoriginofthe
sculpturalgroupsandtheconnectionwiththeBenedictineorder.
InChapter2,Ireconsidertheroleofthesculptureandtheideaof
approachingitbeyondtheconsiderationofasimpledevotionalobject.Iarguethat
theroleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross,despiteits
iconographicalsimilaritieswiththepaintedversion,hadadifferentimpactin
affectingdevotionduringthelatemedievalperiod.Infact,alongwiththeuseofthe
laude(vernacularsacredsong),theypromotedanidentificationwiththescenethat
ledtoasubstitutionofthecharactersofthisgroup,theVirginMary,Johnthe
Evangelist,JosephofArimatheaandNicodemusbythefaithful.Thisactionof
substitutioncreatednotonlyareenactmentofthesceneduringthecelebrationsof
theHolyFriday,butratherarealparticipationthatwouldtranscendtimeandspace.
Chapter3focusesonhowthesculptedrepresentationofthecrucifiedChrist
wouldcometobeperceivedastherealbodyofChristandhowlaitywereableto
32
attainaprivilegedaccesstothesacredthroughtheuseandinteractionwiththese
sculptures.
InChapter4Iwillexploretheroleoftheuseofwoodensculpturesfor
devotionalpurposesandarguethatitinfluencedthepictorialmediumduringthe
sameperiod.Thisdiscussionpromotesascholarlyrevisionandredefinitionofthe
roleandcontributionoftheseobjectsintheproductionofmedievalart.
Chapter5discussesthedevelopmentassertedinthepreviouschapters.I
examinehowthesculpturesofthecrucifiedChristweretreatedandperceivedas
therealbodyofChristbythefaithful.Whenweseeacrucifixinthepictorial
productionduringtheMiddleAges,Iarguethatwhatisrepresentedisnotasmucha
realbody,butratherthewoodenrepresentationofthebodyofChristthatwasseen
andtreatedastherealbodyofChrist.Iwanttodemonstratehowthecrucified
Christdepictedduringthemedievalperiodwouldconnecttheviewertothe
sculpturalrepresentationofthecrucifiedChrist,simulacrumoftherealpresence
andbodyofChrist.
Inthefinalchapter6,IdiscusshowthewoodengroupoftheDescentfrom
theCrossandtheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristeludedtheproblemof
idolatrybecauseofspecificfeaturesandtherelationshipestablishedwiththe
faithful.Despitethepresenceofcasesinwhichthesesculptureshadacavityto
containarelic(asaconsequencetheywouldworkas“container”fortherelic),from
theinitialproductionoftheseobjectstheywereconsideredasrealparticipantsand
theywerenotmeanttoholdrelics.ThisisespeciallytrueofthegroupoftheDescent
33
fromtheCross.Asaconsequence,theyweretreatedasrealpeopleandfaithfulwere
abletoidentifythemselveswiththemand“who”theyadorewasnotthesculpture
butratherthe“person”thatthesesculptureswouldbecome.Atthesametimethese
sculptureswerelookedatwithskepticismbytheecclesiasticalinstitutionbecause
ofthefearandtheriskofidolatrybythefaithful.Thisveryinterestingrelationship
wastheresultofacombinationofadevotionaldynamicbetweenthepopularpiety
andthesesculpturesbecauseoftheircapabilitytoembodyandsatisfytheneedof
thefaithfulintheconnectionwiththe“body”ofChrist.
TheChurchestablishedofficiallythe“presenceofChrist”intheEucharistand
thedevoteesexperiencedasenseofthispresencealsoindifferentmaterialsand
objectssuchasforexampleiconsandsculptures.AtthesametimeIarguethatthe
Churchseemstotoleratethepeculiarrelationshipthatthefaithfulhadwiththese
sculptures,evenifitcouldhavebeendefinedas“idolatrous,”becauseofthe
particular,effectiveandpowerfulcapabilityoftheseobjectstopersonifyand
representtheincarnationandbodilypresenceofChristthatallowedadeeperand
physicalconnectionbetweenthefaithfulandtheobject.
34
Chapter1
DiffusionandIconographyofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross
ThediffusionofthethemeoftheDescentfromtheCrossanditsiconography
hasbeenalreadysubjectofstudybyarthistorians,atthesametimeboththe
woodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossandthefollowinganimatedwooden
sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristhavenotbeenconsideredasmuchastheir
pictorialcounterpart.Thischapterfocusesonthediffusionofthethemeofthe
DescentfromtheCross,itsiconography,andsomeconsiderationsofitsorigin,
relationship,andpossiblelinkwiththeBenedictineorder.
BoththeDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimatedwoodensculpturesofthe
crucifiedChristwereutilizedduringHolyFridaycelebrations.Theyservedthe
doublefunctionofrepresentingChristasbothcrucifiedanddead,mainlyduetoa
mechanismthatallowedmovementinasculpture’sarms.Currentstudyofthese
figuresisstrictlylimitedtoextantexamples.Woodensculpturesrepresentingthe
DescentfromtheCrossarepreservedinfourEuropeancountries:Belgium,France,
Italy,andSpain.Italy,particularlycentralItaly,haspreservedthemajorityofthese
woodensculptures,whichareusuallyfoundinsmalltownsandareconsidered
relativelylessimportantthanthosefoundinlargercitiesinthesamearea.Thesame
canbesaidforanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist:theyarespread
35
throughoutEurope,butthemajorityoftheextantexamplesarepreservedinItaly.
Thischapterwillshowthegeographicaldistributionofextantwoodensculpturesin
ItalyandtheirconnectionswithpreviousiconographicalexamplesoftheDescent
fromtheCross.
ThegeographicaldistributionofthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosscan
beconsideredunusual,inaway.Theextantexamplessurvivedinsmalltownsand
villages,mostlyinthecenterofItalyratherthaninbigcities.Thiscouldhavebeen
theresultofadifferentrelationshipwiththewoodengroupingeneral,butaboveall
anexclusionorindependencefromthechangesthataffectedlargercities.Another
reasonisthattheexistenceofthesegroupscentersaroundthenatureofthewood
itself,whichwaseasiertofindinItaly,likeintherestofEurope,thanmarble.
Woodwasadesirablematerialwithwhichtocreatethesesculptures
becauseitallowedamorenaturalisticrepresentationofthereligioussubjects.1
However,thisinterpretationdoesnotcorrelatewiththehistoricaldiffusionofthese
objects.Thoughthemajorityofthemnolongerexist,DescentfromtheCross
sculptureswereproducedbothinsmallandlargecities,thusitisprobablethatthe
extantcollectionisonlyaminimalpartoftheoriginalandmorespreadout
production.Historicaldocumentationilluminatesthediffusionofthesesculpturesin
1EnzoCarli,MostradellaAnticaSculturaLigneaSenese:PalazzoPubblicodiSiena(Firenze:Electa,
1949),7.
36
largercities,thoughtheynolongerexist.OnesuchdocumentationisinVasari’s
Lives,inwhichhedescribesanexampleoftheDescentfromtheCrossinthePieveof
SantaMariainArezzo.2Thedisappearanceofthisandotherwoodengroupsofthe
Descent,particularlyinmajorcentersandlargecities,canbeexplainedbytwo
events:achangeinthedevotionalclimate,andtheactionsoftheCounter
Reformation.Thesesculptureswereremovedfromchurchesordestroyedbecause
theydidnotmatchthepracticalityoftheneworderpromotedbytheChurch;3this
actionwasmoreforcefullyundertakeninthelargercitiesthaninthesmalltownsof
theItalianpeninsula.
Unfortunately,wehaveonlyageneralaccountofthediffusionofthese
woodengroups;basedontheknowledgewehaveoftheiroriginswecanonly
looselylinkthemtodiocesesorBenedictinecentersintheItalianterritory.4
Consideringthemediumitself,itsculturaluse,anditseasytransportability,scholars
wereabletodistinguishandestablishtheoriginallocationsofonlyafewofthese
sculptures,whileotherlocationscanonlybeassumed.Today,therearethirty-three
woodengroupsofDescentfromtheCross;theyaredividedbetweencitiesinwhich
therewasadiocese,suchGubbio,SanSepolcro,Tivoli,orVolterra,insmallcities
2GiorgioVasari,LeVitede’piùEccellentiPittoriScultoriedArchitettorinelleRedazionidel1550e
1568(Milano,1962),291.
3Sapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,la
Forma,(Perugia,Electa:2004),27.
4Ibidem,24.
37
suchasBarga,Pescia,Vicopisano,andCascia,orinverysmallcommunitiessuchas
Roccatamburo.5Theconfirmedandassumedlocationsofthesegroupsinclude
cathedrals,pieves,localparishchurches,BenedictineandAugustinianchurches,and
oratoriesbelongingtoconfraternities.Thesediverselocationsshowthevarietyof
contextsinwhichthesesculptureswereutilizedandthecapillarydiffusionofthem
inthecenterofItaly.
TheoldestextantexampleofaDeposedChristthatwouldhavebeenpartofa
groupoftheDescentfromtheCrossistheCurvaCruxfromLouvain,datingbackto
themiddleoftheeleventhcentury(Fig1).TheDeposedChristfromPisa(Fig2)is
theonlyoneinItalythatcanbedatedbacktoaroundthetwelfthcentury,anditis
alsotheonlyoneinItalythatreflectsastylisticinfluencefromNorthernEurope.6
Theextantexamples,however,arefarfewerthanwhathasbeenlostthroughoutthe
centuries.Accordingtorecentstudies,itseemsalmostimpossibletofully
understandtheeventslinkedtothedevelopmentoftheseartworks.Yetitisstill
importanttoconsidersurvivingexamplesandtoinvestigatehowwoodengroupsof
theDescentfromtheCrossaffecteddevotioninlateMedievalandEarlyRenaissance
art.Scholarshipoftenconcentratestooheavilyonthestylisticfeaturesoftheseart
objectsandtheirprobableiconographicoriginswithoutattemptingtounderstand
5Ibidem.,19.
6GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.
(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),62.
38
andcontextualizetheirroleinadevotionalcontext,inawaythatcanemancipate
themfromthestatusofdevotionalobjects.Thoughthereisalackofprimary
sourcesthatwouldfacilitateadifferentanalysisandapproachtostudyingthe
DescentfromtheCross,scholarshavedevelopedaplausibleconnectionbetween
thesesculpturesandtheSacreRappresentazioni,theatricalsacredrepresentations
thatdevelopedinItalyduringthethirteenthcentury.
ItisimportanttonotethattheDescentfromtheCrossisathemethathas
beenrepresentedwidelyinart,evenifthetopicalliteraturedoesnotprovidethe
accuracy,specificity,andvarietyofdetailthatwefindinothertypesofart
production.Infact,thereareonlyafewdetailsabouttheactualscenerecordedby
thefourEvangelistsintheirGospels.Luke,Mark,andMatthewprovideanessential
accountofthemomentoftheDescentfromtheCross;theymentionJosephof
ArimatheaasthedisciplewhoaskedPilateforthebodyofChristandhelpedforhis
burial.John,however,istheonlyonewhoalsomentionsNicodemus;thelatteris
oftenartisticallyrepresentedtobeatthesceneoftheDescentfromtheCross7.Some
7“TheGospelaccordingtoJohn”TheBurialofChrist,
http://www.utoronto.ca/religion/synopsis/meta-4g.htm
EvenifJohnistheonlyonewhomentionedNicodemusalongwithJosephofArimathea,thewayhe
described the burial is very simple and similar to the other Evangelists. “After this Joseph of
Arimathe'a,whowasadiscipleofJesus,butsecretly,forfearoftheJews,askedPilatethathemight
take away the body of Jesus, and Pilate gave him leave. So he came and took away his body. 19.39
Nicodemusalso,whohadatfirstcometohimbynight,camebringingamixtureofmyrrhandaloes,
aboutahundredpounds'weight.19.40TheytookthebodyofJesus,andbounditinlinenclothswith
thespices,asistheburialcustomoftheJews”.19.41
39
apocryphalsourcesliketheActaPilati8andtheGospelsofNicodemusprovideother
informationabouttheDescentfromtheCross,butonlyintheGospelofNicodemus
andtheGospelofJohnisNicodemuspresentandpartoftheevent.Onlyinthis
formertextistheVirginMarypresentfortheburialofherSon.Despitethepresence
ofbothJosephofArimatheaandNicodemus,alongsidetheVirginMaryandJohnthe
Evangelist,JosephofArimatheahasanhonorableroleinthePassionbecausehe
embracesthebodyofChrist.Inlateraccountssuchasthethirteenth-centurywriting
ofSaintBonaventura,theimportanceofJosephofArimatheaisrecognized.9The
presenceofthesedifferentcharactersisimportantnotonlybecauseoftheir
contributiontohistoricalaccuracy,butalsobecausetheyprovidethefaithfulwith
thechancetoaccessthebodyofChristduringthedevotionaldevelopmentsinthe
thirteenthcentury.
8GeorgeSlutered,TheActaPilati,ImportantTestimonyofPontiusPilateRecentlyDiscovered,Being
HisOfficialreporttotheEmperorTiberiusConcerningtheCrucifixionofChrist(ShelbyvilleInd:M.B.
Robins,PublisherandPrinter,1879),67-68.
9IsaRagusaandRosalieB.Green,MeditationsontheLifeofChrist:AnIllustratedManuscriptofthe
FourteenthCentury(Paris:BibliotèqueNationale,1961),341–342.“Twoladdersareplacedonthe
oppositesidesofthecross.Josephascendstheladderplacedontherightsideandtriestoextractthe
nailfromHishand.Butthisisdifficult,becausethelong,heavynailisfixedfirmlyintothewood;and
itdoesnotseempossibletodoitwithoutgreatpressureonthehandoftheLord.Yetitisnotbrutal,
becauseheactsfaithfully;andtheLordacceptseverything.Thenailpulledout,Johnmakesasignto
Josephtoextendthesaidnailtohim,inorderthattheVirginmaynotnoticeit.Afterwards
NicodemusextractstheothernailfromthelefthandandsimilarlygivesittoJohn.Nicodemus
descendsandcomestothenailsinthefeet.JospehsupportedthebodyoftheLord;happyindeedis
thisJoseph,whohasdeservedthustoembracethebodyoftheLord!ThentheLadyrespectfully
receivesthehangingrighthandandplacesitagainsthercheck,gasuponitandkissesitwiththe
heavytearsandsorrowfulsighs”.
40
Beforeitwasrepresentedinart,theDescentfromtheCrosswasmostlikely
considered as a sequence of moments that carefully described the action of the
complete Deposition.This term, from the Latin depositio, usually implies the act of
burial as well. In relation to Christ, however, this term signifies the moments in
whichChristwastakendownfromtheCross,afterwardsknownastheDescentfrom
the Cross. The iconography of the Descent from the Cross has been considered
according to its composition and its progression. The image progresses from the
image of Christ with both arms attached to the cross while Joseph of Arimathea is
embracinghisbodyandNicodemus,theVirginMary,andJohntheEvangeliststand
aside (Fig 3), to the version in which Joseph is passing the body of Christ to the
VirginMaryformourningbeforetheburial.(Fig4)10
TheoldestsurvivingexampleoftherepresentationoftheDescentfromthe
Crossisinailluminatedmanuscriptdatedtothesecondhalfoftheninthcentury.11
10ElizabethC.Parker,TheDescentfromtheCross:ItsRelationtotheExtra-Liturgical"Depositio"
Drama.(NewYork:GarlandPub:1978),2,providesadetailedaccountofthisiconographical
progressivechangeintherepresentationoftheDescentfromtheCross.Sheargueshowamore
traditionalversiondevelopedintheEastwasfollowedbyamoretheatricalandelaborateversionin
whichthebodywasfreedfromthenails.Despiteitisimpossibletolinkeverywesternexamplewith
acorrespondenteasternsource,thispatternhasbeengenerallyacceptedandithasbeenthestarting
pointinordertostudythesubject.
11ÉmileMâle,ReligiousArtinFrance.TheTwelfthCentury.AStudyoftheOriginsofMedieval
Iconography(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress:1978),106.Florence,BibliotecaMedicea
Laurenziana,Greek,CodexofAngers.Bibl.Municipale.Cod.24.Fol.8Conv.Soppr.160,f.213v.p.
TheliteratureontheiconographyoftheDescentfromtheCrossisextensive.Seealso:.Parker,The
DescentfromtheCross,1978.GertrudSchiller,IconographyofChristianart.(1stAmericaned)
Greenwich,Conn.:NewYorkGraphicSociety,1971.Schälicke,Bernd.“DieIkonographieder
monumentalenKreuzabnahmegruppendesMittelaltersinSpanien”Ph.DDiss.FUBerlin,1975.
41
(Fig5).Allfivecharactersappearinthisminiature:theVirginMaryholdsthehand
ofherson,JosephofArimatheasustainsthebodyofChrist,andNicodemusdetaches
Christ’sotherhandfromthecross.JohntheEvangelistisrepresentedaslookingup
andcontemplatingthescene.Therenderingofthesefivereligiousfiguresinthefirst
visualdepictionofthiseventsetastandardforfollowingdepictionsoftheDescent
fromtheCross.
Anothermodelthatcanbeconsideredamongtheearliestrepresentationsof
the iconography of the Descent from the Cross in Western Europe comes from an
eleventh-centuryivoryplateoriginatingmostprobablyinMetz,inLorreine(Fig6).
Theimage’sstylereflectsaninfluencebyByzantinemodelsanddepictsacomplete
illustrationofthePassionofChrist.12ThisimageestablishestheByzantineoriginof
the iconography and its subsequent diffusion throughout the West in the form of
miniatures, 13 as well as a general correspondence of iconographical variants
betweentheEastandtheWest.
The Descent from the Cross has been represented in a variety of contexts
usingdifferentmedia.Thereareexamplesinpaintedwoodpanels(Fig7),sculpted
wood(Fig 8 – Tivoli),fresco(Fig 9),marble(Fig 10),illuminatedmanuscript(Fig
GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma,
Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004.
12Jean-RenéGaborit,“LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizioneinFranciadalXalXIVsecolo”
inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno
Toscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),449.
13Mâle,ReligiousArt,108.
42
11) and also stained glass (Fig 12). As a moment that follows the Crucifixion, the
DescentfromtheCrossisfrequentlyrepresentedinoneofthescenesofthelifeof
ChristintheMedievalhistoriatedpaintedcrossesanddepictsthevaryinglevelsof
physical and psychological involvement of the scene’s participants. In some cases
thescenewasinsertedintothenarrativeofthemajorPassioncycle.Scholarshave
distinguishedbetweenrepresentationsoftheDescentthatarepartofanarrationof
the Passion of Christ, and those in which the Descent has a particular relevance
insidethechurchinreferencetoitssingularpositionorthemonumentalcharacter
oftheartworkitself.14
HansBelting,whileawarethatthesegroupshavenotbeenstudiedproperly
accordingtotheirliturgicaluse,nonethelessdividedtheiconographyoftheDescent
fromtheCrossintotwocategories.Thefirstistheritualdeposition,whichutilizesa
symbolicrepresentationandisstaticinitsorganization.Anexampleofthiskindof
Descent from the Cross is the group in Tivoli (Fig 13). This category includes the
symbolictranspositionoftheactionitselfduringthismomentoftheDescentfrom
theCross.ItsorganizationincludesChrist,whoisnailedonthecrossbyhisfeetand
hisarmsopeninagestureofembrace,whilethesurroundingfiguresarearranged
symmetrically. Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea are attempting to release the
body of Christ while the Virgin and John wait to receive his body. The strict
14Gaborit,LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizione,452.
43
symmetrical arrangement and conventional gestures convert the historical action
intoaritualactthatmeritssymbolicinterpretation.15
The second category, which involves a slight deviation from the ritual
depositionand observed schema, is the Descent from the Cross in the cathedral in
Volterra(Fig14).ThisDescentisanexampleofscenicdeposition,whichprovidesan
attempt of the ensemble in motion to follow what is represented in painting or a
mosaicofthesamesubject(Fig15–DescentfromUdine–fixpowerpoint).Inthe
Descent from the Cross in Volterra, Joseph of Arimathea is very close to Christ,
holdinghisbodywhileNicodemuspullsthenailsoutofhisfeet;theVirginMaryand
JohntheEvangelistholdthehandsofChristintheactofreceivinghisbody.16These
two categories represent the variation of the wooden sculpted version of the
DescentfromtheCross.
BeforeHansBelting’swork,CamilloPierattiniprovidedasortofclarification
anddistinctiontotheiconographyoftheDescentfromtheCross.Heconsideredthe
schiodaturaorschiavamento,theactionofpullingthenailsfromthecrossinwhich
Christissupportedbyacordaroundhisbody,assimilartothegroupsinVolterraor
Vicopisano.Thefirstcategoryofthesewoodengroupsismoreproperlyconsidered
asDescentsfromtheCross,inwhichChristisrepresentedfrontallywithstretched
15GèzaDeFrancovich,“ARomanesqueSchoolofWoodCarversinCentralItaly”inArtBulletinVol19,
n.11(March1937),31.HansBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAntiche
ImmaginidellaPassione(NuovaAlfaEditoriale:Bologna:1986),169.
16Belting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,170.
44
armsreadytoembracethefaithful.Examplesofthiskindoficonographyincludethe
groupsinTivoli,Norcia,andPescia(eventhoughthegroupofPesciapresentsacord
that supports Christ). 17 Beyond this slight variation, the iconography does not
changeduringthetimethesesculptedgroupswereproduced.Bothcases,however,
despite the difference in the iconography, symbolize the gestures that are
performedinthetheSacreRappresentazioni.
Scholarship on the wooden group of the Descent from the Cross focuses
primarilyonitsiconography,style,anddiffusionthroughoutEurope,particularlyin
Italy,Spain,andFrance.However,littlehasbeensaidabouttheusesandeffectsof
these sculptures and their development. The reason is primarily due to a lack of
specific information and documentation that would allow a clear and supported
understandingoftheliturgicaluseofthesewoodengroups,eitherbythechurchor
bythelaity.Goingbeyondanalyzingiconographyandstyle,myaimistoreevaluate
the function of the wooden groups of the Descent from the Cross, as well as
animated sculptures of the crucified Christ,and thusilluminate the important role
they held in devotional life in the late Medieval period and their affect on
contemporarypictorialproduction.
17CamilloPierattini,“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttieMemorie
dellaSocietàTiburtinadiStoriaeArte”,Vol56,(1983),141-208.
45
One aspect that will be considered in the reevaluation of the Descent is the
extra liturgical Deposition drama. Since its beginning in the tenth century, the
Deposition rite was practiced throughout Europe.18It was never included in the
Roman liturgy, even though artworks and texts attest that it was performed
regularly throughout Europe. This ritual was frequently organized at a local level,
and in some cases laypeople had the chance to participate directly in these
ceremonies through the form of processions.19The earliest preserved record of a
DepositionritecomesfromtheMonasticAgreementofMonksandNunsofEngland,
in which instructions were provided regarding the Adoration of the Cross and the
Deposition.20
During these Deposition rituals, the clergy occasionally used a life-size
woodensculptureofChristinsteadofacrossorthehost.21Theuseofthehostwas
more common in European countries north of the Alps such as Germany. Spanish
18AmyKnightPowell,Depositions:ScenesfromthelateMedievalChurchandtheModernMuseum
(ZoneBooks:NewYork,2012),45.
19Ibidem.,45.
20“NowsinceonthatdaywesolemnizetheburialoftheBodyofourSaviour,ifanyoneshouldcareor
thinkfittofollowinabecomingmannercertainreligiousmeninapracticeworthytobeimitatedfor
thestrengtheningofthefaithofunlearnedcommonpersonsandneophytes,wehavedecreedthis
only:onthatpartofthealtarwherethereisspaceforitthereshallbearepresentationasitwereofa
sepulcher,hungaboutwithacurtain,inwhichtheholyCross,whenithasbeenvenerated,shallbe
placedinthefollowingmanner:thedeaconswhocarriedtheCrossbeforeshallcomeforwardand,
havingwrappedtheCrossinanapkintherewhereitwasvenerated,theyshallbearitthence,singing
theantiphonsInpeace,intheselfsame;Heshalldwell;andMyfleshshallrestinhope,totheplaceof
thesepulcher.WhentheyhavelaidtheCrosstherein,inimitationasitwereoftheburialoftheBody
ofourLordJesusChrist,theyshallsingtheantiphonAftertheLordwasburied”inTheMonastic
AgreementoftheMonksandNunsoftheEnglishNation,trans.ThomasSymons(NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,1953),44-45.AsquotedinPowell,Depositions:Scenes47.
21Powell,DepositionsScenes,47.
46
and Italian rituals, however, more frequently used wooden life-size groups of
sculpturesrepresentingtheDescentfromtheCrossforthesekindsofcelebrations.
Italy’sinclinationtowardtheuseofsculpturesconsiderablyaffectedthedevotional
relationship between the object and its viewer, promoting a direct identification
betweentheviewerandthesculpturesinthescene.
In this research I would like to stretch our understanding of the wooden
groupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucified
Christ,particularlythewaytheycreatedandaffecteddevotionallifeinlateMedieval
andEarlyRenaissanceItaly.
Theatricalized liturgical ceremonies were first incorporated into the
ceremonies of the Holy Week, particularly Pascal Triduum, around the seventh
century,whiletheDepositioandElevatioCrucisdevelopedaroundthetenthcentury.
InKarlYoung’sstudyTheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,hearguesthattheremight
have been connections between the official liturgy and the extra-liturgical
ceremonials.22Though the clergy controlled these ceremonies, which went beyond
theatricalreenactments,thefaithfulwereinvitedtoexitthechurchduringthemost
important moments of these celebrations. This choice emphasized the distance
22KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),115.“Resemblance
betweentheliturgicalreservationfromtheHolyThursdaytoGoodFridayandtheextra-liturgical
dramaticceremonialsarenotdifficulttodiscern.Thechest,ortabernacle,inwhichthereservedhost
isplacedhasaparallelinthesepulchruminsomeversionofthedramaticceremonials.”
47
betweentheclergyandthefaithful,andenhancedtheprestigeoftheclergythrough
theirroleinthiscrucialevent.
It was common throughout Europe to exclude the faithful from the crucial
momentsofthecelebrationoftheDepositioCrucis.Thiswasinordertoheightenits
accuracy in replicating the original scene since very few people participated the
burialofChrist.Inaddition,theabsenceofthefaithfulatthemomentoftheburial
contributed further to the celebration’s status as a ceremony rather than just a
play.23At the beginning of the development of these rituals, a cross or a host was
typically used as the embodiment of Christ for his burial. Later in time, a wooden
sculpture of the dead Christ was occasionally used and placed in a symbolic
representationoftheHolySepulcherinJerusalem(Fig16).Thisuseofananimated
sculptureoftheCrucifiedChristdidnotaffecttheritualitselfbutgreatlyheightened
23
Kamil Kopania, Animated Sculptures of the Crucified Christ in the Religious Culture of the Latin Middle
Ages, (Warszawa: Wydawn: Neriton, 2010), 133. Kamil Kopania in his study quoted the contributions of
Father Zenon Modzelewski, Estetyka średniowiecznego dramatu liturgicznego. Cykl Wielkiego Tygodnia
w Polsce, 1964 and Julian Lewański, Średniowieczne gatunki dramatyczno-teatralne, 1966. Especially
Julian Lewański underlines the different features of such ceremonies. He noted how the faithful both
initiate and at the same time are absent from the presentation of the Depositio Crucis. He also distinguishes
three categories of participation: the laypeople who watch the scene and are aware of what is happening,
and somehow participate in the ritual just through their presence. The second type of participation involves
the clergy, who, knowing Latin can fully understand the ceremony in its different meaning. The third
category includes the part of the clergy that actually performs the ceremony, such as the bishop, the canon
college, the prelates, and the singers. They represent the highest rank in the hierarchy of the clergy and the
most educated as well.
48
therealismoftheceremony.Thisnewformofrealismisessentialforanalyzingthe
powerofthesesculptures.
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtherelationshipwiththeBenedictineorder
Thefactthatseveralextantexamplesofthesesculptureshavebeenfoundin
a Benedictine environment24 testifies to the possible connection between these
wooden groups and the Benedictine order. While the connection between the
Descent from the Cross and the Benedictine religious order might become evident
whenconsideringtheritualoftheDepositioCrucisintheBenedictineorderaround
Europe, a Benedictine origin of these group sculpturesis not established. Scholars
havepositedanassociationbetweentheuseofthewoodandtheBenedictinesdue
tothefactthatwoodavoidedanykindofsplendor orlavishnesswhenusedinart
andwasthusachoicematerialfortheorder,especiallytheCistercians.25TheRuleof
SaintBenedictitselfconsideredcraftactivitiestobeanimportantandappropriate
24GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.
(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),19.Intheirarticlethereisacensusandamapofthe
distributionofthesewoodenDescentsfromthecrossinItaly.
25PietroScarpellini,“LaDeposizionedallaCroceLigneenell’ItaliaCentrale:OsservazionieIpotesi”in
LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.
(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),345.
49
method of work at the cloister,26which suggests a similarity to the process of
buildingthescupltures.Thisemphasisonthematerialofwoodisimportantbecause
itmightlink,atleastconceptually,theproductionofthesewoodensculpturestothe
Benedictineorder.
ThelinkbetweentheCisterciansandthedevelopment—andmore
specificallytheiconography—oftheDescentfromtheCrosscomesfromtheLifeof
SaintBernardofClairvaux.WhileSaintBernardwasprayinginadorationinfrontof
thecross,“Rushtotheembrace!Hewhilenailedtothewoodofthecross,offers
himselfwithstretchedarmstothelovingforamutualembrace,”27hewasembraced
byChrist,reinforcingtheideaofacorporalconnectionwithChristandhissuffering
(Fig17).Thismiraculousmomentreflected“Bernard’simmensecontributionina
developingtheologycenteredonChrist’ssacrificeontheCross."28Inoneofhis
Sententiae,SaintBernardtalksofthe“crossofChrist—notthatwoodencrosson
whichhehung,butthecrossofcharityonwhich,thenasnow,hewasoutstretched
asiftoembraceuswithhisextended,lovingarms.”29Thoughthissentenceis
26L.HerbertKessler,“OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory”TheArtBulletinno.2(1988),180.
27HansBelting,“L’ArteeilsuoPubblico”(Bologna:NuovaAlfaEditoriale,1986),87.“Cristoseparatis
bracchisacornibuscrucis,videbatureundemDeifamulumamplectantemacastringeresibi”
28JamesFrance,MedievalImagesofSaintBernardofClairvaux(Kalamazoo:CistercianPublications,
2006),180.
29“Quattuorsintcrucesdiversameritorumstipendiaexpectantes.PrimaestcruxChristi,nonlinqua
illainquaperpebdit,sedcruxcaritatisinquaettuncetnuncextensusquasiademplexandosnos
amorisbrachiisexpansis”,TranslationisfromBernard,andMaureenM.O'Brien,“Bernardof
Clairvaux:theParables&theSentences”(Kalamazoo,Mich:CistercianPublications:2000),181.
50
reportedtobefromoneofSaintBernard’ssermons,wedonotknowthecontextor
thespecificreference,thuswearenotabletolinkthissermonspecificallywiththe
GroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross,sinceitcouldhavealsobeensimplyacrucifix
interpretedthroughthespiritualinvolvementandintimateexperienceoftheSaint.
SaintBernard’sembracedrewattentiontoChrist’sparticipationinour
humanity.Inhisotherworks,SaintBernardremindshisreadersofthepassionof
Christandthegreatsufferingheenduredforallofhumanity.30Thethemespresent
inSaintBernard’svisionarealsoprovidedbythetwelfth-centurypseudobernardine
hymnoflamentation,Planctusantenescia,indicatingthattheideaandthegestureof
theembracewasconnectednotonlytothelife,experience,andvisionofSaint
Bernard,butwasalsosomethingthatbelongedtothepublicdomainofdevotional
practice.TheemphasisontouchinSaintBernard’sembracecanbeseeninthe
productionofwoodensculptures.Infact,theSaintmentionsacrossinhisvision,
notapainting;thus,thereisaphysicalbodypresentalongwithagestureof
embracerepresentedbythesculptureofChristonthecrossandSaintBernard
himself.
However,determiningtherelationshipbetweentheBenedictineorder—
specificallytheCistercians—andtheDescentfromtheCrossismorecomplicated
thansimplyhighlightingthefactthatsomeoftheextantexamplesofthesewooden
30France,MedievalImages,183.
51
groupsareinBenedictineenvironmentsaswellasSaintBernard’samplexus.For
nowwecanonlyassumetheconnectionbetweentheDescentfromtheCrossand
theBenedictinesorder,accordingtoextantexamplesandtheimportanceofthe
ImitatioChristiintheliturgyofthedifferentbranchesoftheBenedictineorder,such
astheCisterciansortheCamaldolese.31Infact,whilethereisthesuggestionthat
SaintBernard’svisioncouldhaveaffectedthepromotionofthewoodenDescent
fromtheCrossinBourgogne,nodocumenthasbeenfoundthatwouldtestifytothe
presenceofoneofthesewoodenDescentsinanyoftheCistercianabbeys.
Alternatively,SaintBernard’sprayercouldhavebeenstimulatedbyoneofthese
groupsofsculptureswhilehewastravelingtopromotethesecondCrusade.32
Infact,ElvioLunghihassuggestedareverseexplanation:thatSaintBernard
ofClairvaux’svisioninfrontofacrucifixcouldhavebeenstimulatedby
contemplationinfrontofoneofthegroupsoftheDescent,whichhemighthave
31Peter-DamianBelisle“OverviewofCamaldoleseHistoryandSpirituality”inThePrivilegeofLove.
CamaldoleseBenedictineSpirituality”edbyPeter-DamianBelisle,O.S.B.Cam.(Collegeville:The
LiturgicalPress,2002),15
32ElvioLunghi,“ConsiderazioniedIpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell’UmbriatrailXIIeil
XIIISecolo”,InUmbriaeMarcheinEtàRomanica:ArtieTecnicheaConfrontotraXIeXIIISecolo.
EditedbyEnricaNeriLusanna,(Todi:Ediart,2014),4.ProfessorLunghisupportstheideathatSaint
BernardwasstimulatedinhisprayerstohavethevisionofChristandhisembraceafterseeingoneof
theseDescentsfromtheCrossinFrancewhilegoingaroundandsupportingtheSecondCrusadewith
hissermons.ThisideaisalsovalidatedconsideringthatmysticalvisionsoccurredduringtheMiddle
AgesinfrontofsculpturalrepresentationofChrist.
52
encounteredinoneofthechurcheshevisitedwhiletravelingtosupporttheSecond
Crusadein1147.33
ThishypothesisissupportedbythefactthatthereisawoodenChristthat
wasoriginallyapartofagroupoftheDescentfromtheCross(Fig18)inPisa.This
sculpturehasadirectconnectiontotheartproductioninFrance(Burgundy),anda
documentexiststhatimpliesthatthesculpturewasacquiredduringtheCrusades,
mostlikelythesecond(1147-49)orthird(1188-92)crusade.34Thus,eitherthe
existenceorchronologyoftherealgroupoftheDescentfromtheCrosscorresponds
withthepossibilitythatSaintBernardcouldhaveseenandbeeninspiredbyoneof
thesegroupsforhismysticalvision.Thisisplausibleespeciallybecauseitisnotthe
firstexampleofanartworkaffectingandstimulatingamysticalvision.35The
physicalgestureaswell,whichshowsChristintheactofembracingthefaithful,
correspondswiththecorporealrelationshipofthemysticalencounterbetween
SaintBernardandChrist.Specificallyforthiscase,theiconographyofChristasa
partofthegroupoftheDescentthatoriginallycomesfromtheFrenchregionof
33ElvioLunghi“ConsiderazioniedIpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell'UmbriatrailXIIeil
XIIIsecolo”inUmbriaeMarcheinetàromanica:artietecnicheaconfrontotraXIeXIIIsecolo.
Convegno"Testiecontesti,artietecnicheaconfrontoinUmbriaenelleMarcheinetàromanica",and
EnricaNeriLusanna.(Ediart,Todi,2013),4.
34AntoninoCaleca“IgruppiToscani”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,la
FormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),327.
35DuringtheMedievalperiodthereareseveralexamplesinwhichanimage,eitherasculptureora
painting,stimulatedamysticalvisionoracontactwithGod.ThemostfamousexampleisSaint
FrancisandthepaintedCrossinSanDamiano,butalsoCatherineofSiena,SaintThomasAquinas,
SaintAngelaofFoligno,GiacomodaBevagna,VannadaOrvieto,SaintGiovanniGualberto.
53
BourgognerepresentsChriststillattachedtothecrossbytheleftarm,whilethe
rightarmisdetachedandmovingdownwardintheactofvirtuallyreceivingthe
faithful.
SaintBernard’sunderstandingoftherelationshipbetweenhumannature
andartcanhelpclarifywhethertheDescentfromtheCrossmighthaveoriginated
eitherinaCistercianenvironmentorinamoregeneralBenedictineone.Hemakesa
distinctioninhisSermonsfortheSeasonsbetweenthesoulandthebody,notingthat
visibleandmaterialobjectswerenecessaryforboththesoulandthebody.He
makesthecorrelationbetweentheactofartisticcreationandhumannatureitself.
Inoneofhissermons,heasserts:
“Godformedmanoftheslimeoftheearth,
andbreathedintohisfacethebreathof
life”(Gen.2:7)OhwhatanArtist,whata
Compounderofthingsdiverse,atWhosecommand
theslimeoftheearthandthespirit
oflifearethusintimatelyweddedtogether!
Theslimeindeedhadalreadyreceivedexistence,
When‘inthebeginningGodcreated
54
heavenandearth.’(Gen.1:7)Butthespirit
hadacreationpropertoitself.Itwasnot
producedincommonwithotherthings.Neither
wasitcreatedinthebodilymass,but
infusedintoitinasingularandexcellentmanner.”36
Saint Bernard acknowledged the importance of the artist and his act of creation,
particularlytheartist’sabilitytoinfuselifeintoinertmaterial.Theartist’smastery
and good intentions provide the intelligibility of the work of art.37The Saint also
recognizedthatthesouliscapableofknowledgeonlythroughabodilyexperience
withintheorderofnature.38InhisSermonoftheSeason,heunderlined:
“For‘thethingsaremade,’(rom1:20)
thatis,thosecorporealandvisiblethings,
cannotenterintoourknowledgeexcept
throughtheavenuesofourbodilysenses.
Thehumansoul,therefore,spiritualcreature
36Bernard’sSermonsfortheSeasons,1:390-91(SecondSermonforChristmasDay)inKilianHufgard
O.S.U.,“SaintBernardofClairvaux,ATheoryofArtFormulatedFromHisWritingandIllustratedin
Twelfth-CenturyWorksofArt”(Queenston–Ontario:TheEdwinMellenPress,1989),57.
37Ibidem.,57.
38Ibidem.,57.
55
thoughshebe,hasneedofabody,as
withoutthehelpofthisshecouldnever
acquirethatsciencewhich,likealadder,
enableshertomountuptothosehigher
realities,inthecontemplationofwhichshe
findsherhappiness.”39
Thus,theimportanceofartistwofold;itservesboththespiritandthebodyofman.
Intheactofcreation,theartistimitatestheCreatorinproducingtheopportunityto
regain paradise through an object.40Saint Bernard, being aware of the spiritual
purposesandbeautyofart,placestheprocessofartproductionandtheartobject
itselfinhighregard.
In his Apologia, which has been historically considered a unique and
important document of the Medieval understanding and attitude toward art, he
argues that art is a distraction to monks in the cloisters.41He writes specifically
aboutthedangerofbeingdistractedbyartwithinthemonastery.Itisimportantto
notethatSaintBernarddistinguishesbetweenartforthelaypersonandanartfor
the monks. In his critique of art created for the layperson, his most important
consideration is the function of the art rather than its audience, specifically the
39Ibidem.,58.
40Ibidem.,61.
41ConradRudolph,“Bernard’sofClairvaux’sApologiaasDescriptionofCluny,andtheControversy
overMonasticArt,”Gesta,no.27(1988):129.
56
pilgrimage art at pilgrimage monasteries,.42He criticizes the opulence of art and
howartisticintentionwasoccasionallyboundtotheliturgyinordertoattractmore
money.43
His criticism of monastic art, on the other hand, refers specifically to the
dangerofdistractionawayfromtheaimtowardsomethingthatcannotembodiedby
materiality; because art is material, it distracts monks from focusing on their
spiritual development. In his Apologia, he asks a series of accusatory questions in
order to investigate the nature of art:“…Tell me, priests, what is gold doing in the
holyplace?...Whatisthatridiculousmonstrositydoing?...Whatarefilthyapesdoing
there?” 44 Saint Bernard is convinced that the spirit, since it belongs to an
otherworldlyrealm,doesnotneedworldlythings.
HehadastrongsenseofloveanddevotiontowardtheCrucifixionofChrist,
and it was a focal point of his religious life. He believed that artwork was not
necessary in order to feel this love, and that art would indeed only serve as a
42ConradRudolph,TheThingsofGreaterImportance,BernardofClairvaux’sApologiaandtheAttitude
TowardMedievalArt(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,1990),19.
43“Moneyissownwithsuchskillthatitmaybemultiplied.Itisexpendedsothatitmaybeincreased,
andpouringitoutproducesabundance.Thereasonisthattheverysightofthesecostlybut
wonderfulillusionsinflamesmenmoretogivethattopray.Inthiswaswealthisderivedfrom
wealth,inthiswasmoneyattractsmoney,becausebyIknownotwhatlaw,whereverthemoreriches
areseen,therethemorewillinglyareofferingmade.Eyesarefixedonrelicscoveredwithgoldand
pursesareopened.Thethoroughlybeautifulimageofsomemaleorfemalesaintisexhibitedandthe
saintisbelievedtobemoreholythemorehighlycoloredtheimageis.Peoplerushtokissit[and]
theyareinvitedtodonate(Apologia28),”inConradRudolph,TheThingsofGraterImportance,
BernardofClairvaux’sApologiaandtheAttitudeTowardMedievalArt(Philadelphia:Universityof
PennsylvaniaPress,1990),21.
44Ibidem.,115.
57
distraction away from Christ. His writings reflect an effort to connect both the
intellectualandemotionalsidesofhisunderstandingofChrist’ssufferingandlove.45
However,otheraspectsmusttobeevaluatedtoassertthisconnectionbetweenthe
originofthesewoodengroupsandtheirdevelopmentanddiffusioninaBenedictine
context.
In particular, we must consider the rituality of these sculptures and how it
connects the wooden Depositions from the Cross to the Benedictines. The
Deposition Rite was common in Europe since the tenth century, especially in
Germany and England, and was related to the reform of the Benedictine
monasteries.Mostlikelytheritedevelopedinamonasticcontextbeforespreading
tonon-monasticchurches.46Thiscanpartiallyilluminatetheimplicationsoftherole
oftheBenedictinesindevelopingthefunctionoftheDescentfromtheCross.
BenedictinesintheItalianpeninsula,especiallythoseinMontecassino,were
exposedtothenewiconographyofChristinwhichhewasrepresentedexpressing
sufferingandhumanessencewhilehewasdeadonthecrossasearlyasthefirsthalf
oftheeleventhcentury.ThisnewwayofrepresentingChristwastheresultof
Byzantineinfluence,whichwasmadepossiblebythecloserelationshipbetween
ByzantiumandMontecassinoandalsobythedisconnectionbetweenthesouthof
45SandroSticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,ItsOriginandDevelopment(Albany:StateUniversityPress,
1970),43.
46Powell,Depositions,46.
58
Italyandthenorthernpartofthepeninsuladuetoavarietyofpolitical,
geographical,andracialreasons.47TherelationshipbetweenByzantinecultureand
Montecassinowassolidifiedatthebeginningoftheeleventhcenturybecause
DesideriusfromBenevento,whowaslaterelectedasPopeVictorIII,wasalsoabbot
ofMontecassinofrom1058until1086.48Desideriouswasresponsibleforthe
reconstructionofthemonastery,andheimportedmanyworksfromByzantium.
Moreimportantly,heassembledGreekartiststoworkwithmosaics,metalwork,
andilluminatedmanuscripts.49Asaresult,newartisticideasarrivedin
Montecassinothroughtheseilluminatedmanuscripts,whichwerealsousedalong
withmusicandillustratedpictures.OnesuchexampleistheExultedrolls:“The
peculiarfeatureoftherollisthatthepicturesareinreversetothetext,soasthe
deaconchantedandunrolledthescroll,theillustrationsoftheunrolledportionhe
hadjustreadwouldfalloverthebackoftheambobeforehim,thusdisplayingthem
rightsideupinfrontofthecongregation.”50Theintentionofusinganilluminated
scrollforliturgicalpurposeswasbasedalsoonthesymbolicandperformative
47Sticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,45.
48Ibidem.,45.
49Ibidem.,45.
50Ibidem.,45.
59
valuesthatthescrollcouldexpress,consideringalsotheprestigeofthemedium
itselfasthecarrierofthecultureoftheancientworld.51
ThroughthisexposuretotheByzantineculturalmilieu,theBenedictinesin
MontecassinoshowedaChristocentricattitudethatwaslaterenhancedbythe
writingsandexperienceofSaintBernard.IthasalsobeensuggestedthatSaint
Bernard’swritingandspiritualexperiencesaffectedthedevotiontowardthe
PassionofChristandpromotedadramaticrepresentationofthePassionitself,52
whichwouldjustifytheproductionofoneoftheoldestPassionplaysintheWest
foundintheBenedictineenvironmentofMontecassino.Thisworkwasproducedin
themiddleofthetwelfthcenturyintheabbeyofMontecassinobyananonymous
playwrightwhowasprobablyamonk.53Consideringthecomplexityofthestructure
andthelanguage,thisplaywasmeanttobeperformedratherthanjustread.
However,thereisnoevidencethatthisplaywaseverperformedattheMonasteryof
Montecassinoorinotherlocations;wecanonlysupposeitwas.54
51NinoZchomelidse,Art,Ritual,andCivicIdentityinMedievalSouthernItaly(ThePennsylvaniaState
UniversityPress,Pennsylvania,2014),34-71.Particularlyforthissituationthescrolladdedalso
symbolicandiconographicsignificanceofthemediumasthecarrierofthecultureoftheancient
world.Inadditiontothattheideaofaddingimagestothetext,itaddedaperformativevalue
52Sticca,TheLatinPassionPlay,43.
53RobertEdward,TheMontecassinoPassionandthePoeticsofMedievalDrama(Berkley:University
ofCaliforniaPress,1977),1.
54MelodySueOwens,“TheMontecassinoPassionPlay:TheatreinaMonasticCommunity”(PhDdiss.
UniversityofCalifornia,Berkley,1987),5.
60
RobertEdwardswroteastudyabouttheMontecassinoPassionPlayandits
roleinMedievaldrama,inwhichhestressesitsdifferencesfrompreviousand
subsequentformsanditsrelationshipwiththevisualarts.Besidesthedirect
Benedictineconnection,ithasbeenhighlightedhowthisPassionPlaywasproduced
duringthe“goldenage”oftheMontecassinomonastery,whichoccurredwhilethe
abbotDesideriuswasrulingandrebuildingtheMonastery.Thereisasectionof
Edwards’studydevotedtotherelationshipbetweeniconographicalsourcesand
visualimagesinordertoelicitmeaning.Hesuggeststhatthereisaconnection
betweenthedramaandbookillustrationproduction,andthattheplaycouldhave
beenacounterparttotheminiaturecycle.AccordingtoEdwards,themostevident
connectionbetweendramaandartwasfoundinthemanuscriptoftheplayitself.He
arguesthat“themanuscriptleavesroomfortwelveminiatures,”andthoughthey
wereneverexecuted,theywouldhavemostlikelyfollowedthosedepictedinthe
monastery.55Inaddition,Gospelaccountscouldhaveprovidedanoutlineforthe
progressionofscenes,andthedialogueservedasavisualsourceforthescenes.56
ItisimportanttonotethatinaBenedictineenvironment,especiallyoneas
importantasMontecassino,thecreationofaPassionPlaywasinfluencedprimarily
byilluminatedmanuscriptsratherthanbyimagesoftheDescentfromtheCross.
55Edward,TheMontecassinoPassion,96.
56Ibidem.,95.
61
OnereasonforthisphenomenonistheBenedictinereligiousorderitself.
Benedictinemonasticismwasconsideredinsomecasesthe“highestorder”ofthe
contemplativelife;57thecoreoftheirmonasticismwas“itscommitmenttothe
pursuitofreligiousperfectionandattheheartofthat[…]wasalargemeasureof
asceticism,meaningdenialofthefleshandtheworld.”58Thisasceticattitudeandits
concentrationinmonasticlifedoesnotalignwiththemainandsupposeduseofthe
woodenDescentfromtheCross,theatricaluse.
Thesesculptures’theatricaluseentailstheirconstantdisplayduringspecific
religiousholidaysortheirdynamicinteractionswithstructures,objects,andactors
duringtheliturgicalyear.59Byclaimingtobetheprimaryreligiousorderin
Christiansociety,Benedictinesbelievedandactedinaheavenlyandworld-denying
rule.60Theyhadrichchurches,rituals,andartwithinthewallsoftheirmonastery,
yettheirliturgyandspiritualitydidnotallowforanytheatricaldimensions.They
particularlyrejectedtheuseofsculpturesforpubliccelebrationsandforrituals
directlyinvolvingthefaithful.ThewoodensculpturesoftheDescentwereused
specificallyforthistypeofpubliccelebrationandrituals.
57JohnVanEngen,”CrisisofCenobitismReconsidered:BenedictineMonasticismintheYears1050-
1150,”Speculum,no2(1986):269.
58Ibidem.,285.
59ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”inIlTeatrodelleStatue,GruppiLigneidi
DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetrailXIIeilXIIISecolo,”edFrancescaFloresD’Arcais(Milano:Vita&
Pensiero,2003),69.
60VanEngen,CrisisofCenobitism,289.
62
Benedictineshadcontactwiththelaycommunityandalsowiththehigh
ranksofsociety,suchasprincesandkings,buttheirrolewastoserveas
intercessorstothedivine,andtheyconsideredthemselvestobe“society’sspiritual
warriors.”61TheywereinchargeofhousingimportantmedievalrelicssuchasSaintFoyatConques,Saint-BenoîtatFleury,andSaintMadeleineatVézeleyintheir
monasteries.Theywereawareofthespiritualpowerassociatedwithrelics,62and
wereincontactandassistedwiththearrivalofmanypilgrimsvisitingtheholy
placeswheretherelicsweredisplayed.Theyproclaimedthemselvestobethe
intercessorsbetweenpilgrimsandtheholyremainsofthesaints,butdespite
frequentcontactwiththelaity,theirvigilantandspiritualrolewasnotasactiveand
interactiveaswemightconsider,forexample,theFranciscans.
Theirart-relatedmaterialprosperity,aspreviouslymentioned,wasatarget
ofSaintBernard’sApologiabecauseofthepossibledistractionofthemonksfrom
theirspiritualdutiestowardGod.SaintBernardhimselfrecognizestheimportance
ofartanditspreciousspiritualrolebutcriticizesthelavishnessofsomeobjects,
particularlythepresenceofgoldforspiritualmatters.Whilepilgrimageartbecame
increasinglyimportanttomaintainahighlevelofincomeforthemonastery,Saint
Bernardcondemnsthisexplicitmanipulationofartalongwiththeavariceofsome
61Ibidem.,293.
62Ibidem.,296
63
monks;63itistheremunerativepowerthatheopposes,notthespiritualpoweror
thepresenceoftheartworkwithintheliturgy.Dealingwithartandartworkswasan
importantpartoftheBenedictinecommunity,andtheywereeasilyexposedto
preciousmaterialaswell.
ThedocumentsoftheRegularisConcordia,datedaround965-975and
developedinaBenedictineenvironment,notethattheVisitatioSepulchri,which
involvestheritualsoftheElevatioandDepositioinwhichasculptureofChristor
plaincrosscouldhavebeenused,wasusedintheEnglishAbbeyofDurham.Itis
unclearwhetheritwasonlyacrossoriftherewasalsoafigureofChrist,butwe
knowthatin1593asculptureofChristwasusedinDurham.64Itispossiblethat
woodensculpturescouldhavebeenusedinHolyFridaycelebrationssincetheEarly
MiddleAges,especiallyforthedramaticreenactmentoftheDepositioandElevatio,
andwithafullreenactmentoftheDescentfromtheCrossaswell.65However,the
monasticlifeoftheBenedictines,theirroleinthemedievalreligiouscontext,and
theliturgicalaspectsoftheirorder,contrastwithconnectingthedevelopmentofthe
woodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossdirectlywiththeBenedictines.
WhenSaintBernardcriticizesthepossibilityofdistractionforthemonks,he
referstoadimensioninwhichtherewassupposedtobeardentdevotionanda
63ConradRudolph,TheThings,195.
64KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch–VolI(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),137.
65MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:alcuneConsiderazioni”inSculturaLignea
–Lucca1200–1425edbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte),35.
64
personalrelationshipwithGodwithinthereligiousorder.EventhoughCistercian
artwaspureandsimpleaccordingtothewillanddirectionofSaintBernard,his
concernoverthepotentialdistractionofartappliestomonksaswellaslaypeople
alltogetherinonereligiouscommunity.Thus,whenSaintBernardtalksaboutarthe
discussesthesituationwithintheabbeysaswellbecauseCistercians,asanorder,
hada“strictdesireofsolitudeforalloftheirabbeysandprohibitedgeneralaccess
totheirchurches.”66Therefore,Iarguethatdespitetheinterestingpossible
connection,itwillbedifficulttolinkthedevelopmentofthewoodenDescentfrom
theCrossanditsusageinvolvingthewholecommunitytoareligiousorderthat
prefersmeditationandsolitudeinreachingGod.
ThefactthatsomeoftheDescentsfromtheCrosswerefoundincathedrals
andparishchurchesmaylinktheexistenceanduseofthesewoodengroup
sculpturestotheseplaces.Infact,thediffusionofcathedralsseemstocorrespond
chronologicallywiththeproductionofthewoodenDescentfromtheCross.The
SpoletoCathedral,originallybuiltinthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcenturyand
renovatedthroughouttime,isanexampleofRomanesquearchitecture.Inhis
pastoralvisittotheCathedralin1712,GiacintoLascarismentionedwithaccurate
66JeanLeclerq,BernardofClairvauxandtheCisterciansSpirit(Kalamazoo:Michigan,1976),18.
65
detailtheexistenceofawoodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossinthechapel
knownas“CappelladelleImmagini.”67
InItalyoverall,thesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosscanbe
foundinboththeBenedictinecontextandalsoincathedrals,parishes,orAugustine
churches.TheBenedictineinfluenceonthestructureoftheliturgy,inrelationtothe
ritualoftheDepositioCrucis,isnotsimilarlyseenonthecreationanduseofwooden
groupsoftheDescentfromtheCross.Onepossiblehypothesis,withoutrelyingso
strictlyondistributionnumbers,68isthatthewoodengroupsoftheDescentfrom
theCrosscouldhavebeenproducedinaBenedictineenvironment,mostlyfor
displayoradoration,whileothersthatwerefoundinCathedrals,Pievis,or
Augustinianchurchesarethosethatcouldhavebeenutilizedforliturgicalandritual
purposesdirectlyandactivelyinvolvingthefaithful.Thishypothesis,alongwithan
analysisofthefunctionofthesewoodensculpturesinaffectingmedievaldevotion
67A.D.S.,
Visita Lascaris, 1712-1715; for the transcription see Trascrizioni edited by di L. Andreani, R.
Chiovelli, P. Mercurelli Salari, in La Cattedrale di Spoleto (nota 2), p. 495. “La seconda cappella si chiama
volgarmente Cappella delle Immagini. Ha un altare proveduto decentemente di suppllettili sagre, nel di cui
frontespicio vi è una croce di legno di rilievo, nella quale è dipinta la imagine dell SS. Crocifisso ed a’ lati
di detta croce vi sono le imagini della Beata Vergine e di San Giovani come pure le statue di loegno di
rilievo di Nicodemo e Gioseppe d’Arimatea in atto di deporre dalla croce il Crocefisso. In quest’altare vi
sono le armi della città di Spoleto con la seguente iscrizione intagliata nel marmo…..”.
68GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,“ProposteperunOrdinamentodiMaterialieProblemi”inLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,
2004),19.AccordingtothechartinthisstudyabouttheDescentfromtheCrossinEurope,the
originalcertifiedlocationoftheextantDescentfromtheCrossis:fourfromCathedrals,threefrom
Parishchurch,andsevenfromBenedictineChurches.TheremainingDescentsarecataloged
accordingtoaprobableoriginallocation:onefromCathedrals,twofromparishchurches,threefrom
Benedictineschurches,threefromAugustinianchurches,andtwofromConfraternities.
66
andpictorialproductionofthelateMedievalperiod,willbethesubjectofthe
followingchapter.
67
Chapter2
TheDescentfromtheCrossandMedievalPiety
One of the problems in studying the wooden groups of the Descent
fromtheCross,andmedievalwoodensculptureingeneral,isthateasyandgeneral
“categories”wereappliedhistoricallythatpreventedthemfromcriticalobservation.
Theywereconsideredmere“devotionalobjects,”downgradedbecauseoftheuseof
perishablewoodandoftentimesrepeatedlyrepainted,thusconsidered“peasantlike
andcrudeinworkmanship.”1Theseopinionsenduringlyandnegativelylabeledthe
wooden groups and adversely affected their study. Therefore, despite the lack of
primary sources and the small number of extant examples in comparison to the
original production, several aspects need to be reevaluated that can affect our
understanding of the devotional context of late Medieval and early Renaissance
Italy,and,aboveall,canreevaluatetheseartworks’positioninthehistoryofartof
thirteenth-centuryItaly.Thischapterwilldealwiththeimportanceofthesculpted
versionoficonographyoftheDescentfromthecrossanditsrelationshipwiththe
devotionalliteratureoftheperiod.
1
Géza De Francovich, A Romanesque School of Wood Carvers in Central Italy, “The Art Bulletin”, Vol.
19, No. 1 (1937), 46.
68
TheRoleofthesculptedversionoftheDescentfromtheCross
Thephysicalworldwasconsideredtobeasortofacontinuationofthe
supernaturalworldintheMiddleAges;materialsplayedanimportantpartin
medievalcosmology,asdidartproductionitself.2Aswiththemajorityofmedieval
art,weneedtokeepinmindthattheproductionofsomeobjectswasanartistic
responsetoaliturgicalordevotionalneed.Sincethebeginningofitsproductionin
themedievalWest,artwasmeanttoeducate.StGregorytheGreatsummarizedthe
didacticroleoftheimages:
Onethingistheadorationofanimage,anotherthingistolearnwhat
toadorefromthestoryrenderedbytheimage.Forwhatthe
Scripturesteachthosewhoread,thissameimageshowstothosewho
cannotreadbutsee;becauseiniteventheignorantseewhomthey
oughttofollow,intheimagethosewhodonotknowlettersareable
toread.3
Aboutsevenhundredyearslater,SaintThomasAquinasreiteratedasimilar
sentiment:
2HerbertKessler,OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory,“TheArtBulletin”,Vol.70,N.2(1988),172.
3StGregory,Ep.XI:13(P.L.,77cols.1128,1129),asquotedinRingbom,Sixten.IcontoNarrative:the
RiseoftheDramaticClose-UpinFifteenth-CenturyDevotionalPainting(Doornspijk,Dovaco
Publishers,1984),11.
69
TheimagesofChristandthesaintsweremadeforthreereasons:first,
fortheinstructionoftheunlettered,whoaretaughtbytheseimages
asiftheywerebooks;secondly,sothatthemysteryoftheincarnation
andtheexampleofsaintsmayremainthebetterinourmemory,when
theyarepresenteddailytooureyes;thirdly,sothatafeelingof
devotionmaybeexcited,whichcanbearousedmoresuccessfullyby
thingsseenthanheard.4
ThesestatementssupportedtheChristiantheorytowardimagesandjustified,at
leastintheWest,theirproductionanduse.Atthesametime,theliturgyaffectedthe
receptionofByzantineiconographyfromtheEast,whichwasadaptedtothe
Westerndevotionalcontextthroughtheadjustmentoficonpanelsasaltarpiecesor
devotionalimages.5Inordertounderstandartisticimages,itispivotaltoconsider
thefundamentalreasonsfortheircreationanduse.Historically,bothSaintGregory
theGreatandSaintThomasAquinasrefertoimages,particularlypaintedimages,
yettheydonotreferspecificallytosculptures.Thisismostlikelyduetoageneral
restraintaroundsculpturesonaccountoftheimpendingriskofidolatry.However,
woodensculptures,especiallyintheformoftheCrucifixion,appearasearlyasthe
4ThomasAquinas,SummaTheologica,SecundaSecundae,III,175-76,asquotedinCatherineKing
“Effigies:humananddivine”inSiena,FlorenceandPadua;Art,SocietyandReligion1280–1400(New
Haven,Conn:YaleUniversityPressinassociationwiththeOpenUniversity,1995),126.
5Kessler,OntheStateofMedievalArt,174.
70
Carolingianera.AbeautifulexampleistheGeroCross(Fig1),evenifitwasmade
duringtheOttonianperiod.
PaintedrepresentationsoftheDescentfromtheCross(seeChapter1)
existedfarbeforetheoldestextantexamplesofthewoodensculpturalversion.Yet
ratherthanviewingacompetitionbetweenthetwomedia,weshouldinsteadseek
tounderstandhowtheyrelatetotheirreligiouscontexts,particularlytheirrolesin
shapingdevotioninthelateMedievalperiodandinRenaissanceart.Insomecases,
especiallyinFrance,theDescentoftheCrosswasrepresentedontheentrancedoor
ofCathedralsorinotherprominentpositionsasiftheyhadthesamefunctionasthe
representationoftheCrucifixion.6TheDescentfromtheCross,despiteitsuseina
ritualcontext,hadaprivilegedspaceeveninasymbolicdimension,andwas
comparedtoaswellasabletosubstitutetherepresentationoftheCrucifixion.This
couldbeduetothefactthattheDescentcouldhavebeenconsideredasthe
beginningoftheResurrectionprocess,whichwouldstressthehumanityofChristin
adirectyetdifferentwaythanthesufferingoftheCrucifixion.7
6GaboritJean-René,“LeRappresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizioneinFranciadalXalXIVSecolo”
inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno
Toscano(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),453.
7RobertDidier,“UneDescentedeCroixSculptéeMosaneduXIsiècle.AproposduChristde
l’Ancienne“CurvaCrux’deLouvain”,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,la
FormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),423448.
71
Itisimportanttounderstandthechangingpatternsofspiritualityduringthe
lateMedievalperiodanditsevolutiontowardamoreelaborateandvisceral
relationshipbetweentheobjects,theviewer,andreligioussociety.Whilewehave
onlyfewprimarysources,invaluableCounterReformationPastoralVisitscanbe
usedretroactivelytounderstandsculpturesmadeduringtheMiddleAges.
Additionally,wecanrelyontheobjectsthemselvesandtheirchangesthroughout
time,eithericonographicallyorinrelationtotheiruse,toprovideevidenceofthe
impacttheyhadnotonlywithinadevotionalcontextbutalsotoarthistory.
Oneofthemostresearchedandwell-knownaspectsofmedievalpietyisthe
developmentofdevotiontowardthesufferingChristandtheneedforthelaityto
approachandexperienceChrist’shumanityinanemphaticway.Thischangein
relationtothehumanityofChristaffectedseveralaspectsofmedievalreligious
society:theartproductionaswellastheliturgyandreligiousliterature.Whilethis
studycannotcoverthesedifferentaspectswithexhaustiveattention,Iwillkeep
theminmindinordertosupportthisreevaluationofthemedievalwoodenDescent
fromtheCross.
ThisconcentrationonthehumanityandPassionofChristwasnotnewor
uniquetotheMiddleAges.TextsintheGreekEastmentionChrist’shumanitysince
72
thesecondcentury,andWesterntextssincethesixthcentury.8Yetitisn’tuntilthe
eleventhandtwelfthcenturiesthatPassionliturgyshowsanewinteresttowardthis
crucialmomentofChrist’slife,whichinvolvedanewreadingoftheBibleinorderto
supportandprovidean“authoritativetestimonytoHishumanityandsuffering.”9
BernardofClairvauxisaprominentexampleofhowthePassionfigureandthe
sufferingofChristattractedmanytheologicalandmysticalinterpretations.10Once
therewasageneralinterestinthehumanityofChrist,devotionallifewas
consequentlyaffectedinallitsaspects.However,whilethereareartistic
reproductionsofthedifferentstagesofthePassionofChrist,especiallythelast
momentssuchastheCrucifixion,DescentfromtheCrossandEntombmentin
differentmediaandindifferentperiods,thereisnotacorrespondingequivalent
interestbyscholarshipandhistoriography,particularlytosculpture.
Thefirstissuerelatedtotheseobjectsisthatatacertainpointthewooden
groupoftheDescentfromtheCrossbegantoappearinchurches(Fig 2).Thiswas
not a new subject, yet the subject was suddenly being produced through a new
8JamesH.Marrow,PassionIconographyinNorthernEuropeanArtoftheLateMiddleAgesandEarly
Renaissance,AStudyoftheTransformationofSacredMetaphorintoDescriptiveNarrative(Kortrijk:
VanGhemmertPublishingCompany,1979),7.
9Ibidem.,191.
10Belting,TheImageanditsPublic,172.
73
medium. Therefore, we must investigate how this new way of representing the
subject changed and affected piety, as well as the viewer’s relationship with the
subject itself, its use, and the surrounding liturgy. An important aspect of these
wooden groups is that they are independent in the church space. They cannot be
classified as monumental sculptures, or as contemporary examples of sculptures,
eitherCrucifixionsortheVirginMaryenthronedwithChild,whichareattachedto
either the cross or the throne. Rather, the wooden sculptures of the Descent from
the Cross acquired a more autonomous identity, possessing their own physical
space. 11 Since Gregory the Great’s letter that supported the use of images for
religiouspurposes,oneofthemaincharacteristicsofmedievalreligiousimageswas
theirreminiscenceaboutBiblestoriesandtheGospels,specificallythosededicated
tothePassionofChrist.12Onthisaccount,itispivotaltorecognizetheintentbehind
the production of images and their ability to affect the viewer and facilitate this
processofmeditation.Inotherwords,thewoodenDescentfromtheCrosssolidified
and added another more complex level to the relationship between object and
viewer.
11GiovanniRomano,“Conclusioni”,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma
edGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),498-499.
12CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII
Secolo)(Milano:Vitaepensiero,2008),145. 74
TheDescentfromtheCrossshowsthesupremeinstanceofthemortalityof
Christ.ChrististakendownfromthecrossbyNicodemusandJosephofArimathea,
andaccordingtotheGospelonlytheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistassistedin
this dramatic moment. While the faithful can only visually experience the death of
ChristintheCrucifixionthrougheitherpaintingsorsculptures,theDescentfromthe
Cross offers the faithful a chance to embrace this mortality, to be part of it and
experienceitviscerallyduetothelifesizeandmedium,asopposedtothedistance
fromwhichtheycouldrelatetothepaintedorsculptedCrucifixion.
More than the painted (Fig 3) or sculpted versions such as the Descent by
BenedettoAntelami(Fig4),thewoodensculptedDescentsfromtheCrossprovided
symbolicandphysicalaccesstothisdramaticmomentofthePassion.Thisisdueto
their independent setting in the church space, their life size dimension, and their
presentation of the gesture of Christ, with open arms, ready to be symbolically
embraced. The moment represented either in painting (fresco or illuminated
manuscript) or sculpture (other than wood) is the same; neither change the
conceptual role of the representation. Instead, the wooden sculpture adds, along
with the holiness of the representation, an interactive dimension that had an
innovative impact on medieval devotion. Moreover, the Descents from the Cross
were not the only wooden sculptures produced and used during this period: the
75
representationoftheVirginMaryenthronedwithChildandtheCrucifixionofChrist
were in use since the Carolingian revival of classical and Byzantine forms. These
sculptural productions were considered to have the same function as the secular
portraits and, following the Byzantine idea and representation of the prototype,
were not considered idolatrous.13The tridimensional form, which more effectively
represented the presence of Christ or the Virgin Mary, also guaranteed an easier
transcendentexperience.Themediumofthesculptureitselfcompletelymanifested
the presence of the prototypes within the realm of the faithful; the role of these
objectsasintermediariesbetweentheearthlyworldandthedivinedimensionwasa
widespreadandwellknownconditionbehindtheirproduction.14
TheDescentfromtheCrossmighthavefollowedthesameconceptualpathat
thebeginningoftheirproduction,butthesubject,size,staging,anduseinthelater
periodallshowadifferentdimensionfromtheprecedingsculpturalproductionof
theCrucifixionandtheVirginMaryenthroned.Infact,theVirginMaryenthroned
with Child was developed after the so called sedes sapientiae (Fig 5), a
representationoftheVirginandChildthat,despitethesculpturalmedium,showsan
authoritativeaurathatdoesnotalloworsuggestacompassionaterelationshipwith
13IleneH.Forsyth,TheThroneofWisdom;WoodSculpturesoftheMadonnainRomanesqueFrance
(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),91.
14Ibidem.,91.
76
the viewer. As for the Crucifixion, despite the fact that we find a range of
representations from the triumphant Christ to the suffering Christ or the dead
Christ,itisimportanttonotethevirtualdistancethatseparatesthebodyofChrist
from the faithful, making it conceptually inaccessible to them15. Even if Christ is
represented as dead on the cross, he and his body are still unreachable, inviting
more of a contemplative relationship than a bodily connection. However, the
Descent from the Cross allows a crucial accessibility to the body of Christ in the
moment during which his humanity is best expressed, the powerless moment of
death. The presence of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea provides the physical
accesstothespaceinwhichtheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistareclosetothe
bodyofChrist.TheroleandpresenceofbothNicodemusandJospehofArimathea
wereclosetothatoneofordinarylaypeople.NicodemusandJosephorArimathea
offeredthemselvesasanactofpietyandfaithtoChrist,throughwhomordinarylay
people could see themselves, facilitating the closeness and access to the body of
Christ.
Therefore,thewoodenDescentfromtheCrossneedstobeseeninadifferent
perspectivethanotherwoodensculptures.TheDepositionrite,whetheritincludes
15AsregardsofthechangeoficonographyinwoodensculpturesfromtheChristusTriumphanttothe
ChristusPatiensandVirginenthronedwithChildinEuropesee:JacopoLorenzelli,PietroLorenzelli
andVeca,Alberto,andGalleriaLorenzelli.CustodeDell'immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XV
Secolo.GalleriaLorenzelli,1987.
77
these wooden groups or not, has never been officially approved in the liturgy of
Rome,16 which allows different local religious and lay communities to shape it
according to their devotional desires or circumstances. This indirectly shows the
power of the ritual itself and its capability to affect devotion during the late
Medievalperiod.
Scholarship generally addresses these wooden groups of the Descent from
the Cross from an iconographical perspective and tries to understand the artists
responsiblefortheseobjects.Oneargumentisthattheproductionanduseofthese
objectslastedonlyaboutninetyyears;thereaftertheywereconsideredtoooldtobe
usedornolongerappropriatelyadaptabletothedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.17
Conversely, I propose that the scene of the Descent from the Cross was still used
conceptually; however, the physicalsculptures of the group were later substituted
with real people who reenacted the scene. This was possible because of the
independentphysicalspacetheyoccupiedaswellasthedimensionsofthestatues.
Infact,alltheDescentfromtheCrosssculptureswerelife-size,accordingtoextant
16AmyPowell,Depositions:ScenesfromtheLateMedievalChurchandtheModernMuseum(NewYork:
ZoneBooks,2012),81.
17BrunoToscano,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLignea:daunaMostraadunaSumma”inIl
TeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIISecolo:Attidel
Convegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesano
FondazioneS.Ambrogio,UniversitàCattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais
(Milano:V&P.,2005),9-20.
78
examples.Thusthefaithfulwereabletointeractnotonlywiththetridimensionality
of the sculptures, but also with an object that was of the same size. Additionally,
when the group of the Descent was dismissed in order to first keep the single
sculptureofChrist,andlatertheanimatedChristwithmovablearms,thisallowed
an even greater sense of likeness and presence, and it contributed to the viewer’s
furtheridentificationwiththebodyofChrist.
One important aspect that deserves further attention to better understand
the role and impact of the wooden sculptures is their human-like size. All the
characters in these groups (Fig 6) were life-size, and according to the
iconographical typologies, they combine the presentation of the moment of the
Descent.Atthesametime,theyinvitethefaithfultoembracethebodyofChrist,as
suggestedbythegestureoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist.Furthermore,
thelife-sizedimensionofthegroupsfacilitateanidentificationwithChristandthus
encourageadeeperparticipationintherite.
TheVirginMary(Fig7)fromthegroupoftheDescentintheCathedralofSan
Lorenzo in Scala (Salerno, Italy, second half of the thirteenth century), is shown
receiving the hand of Christ. In addition to the size and gesture, the miraculous
preservation of the painting demonstrates the high level of likeness that these
sculptures were able to achieve. Similarly to paintings, the sad expression of the
79
sculptedVirginMarywasatooltoillustratehowtoemotionallyparticipateinfront
ofthedeadbodyofChrist.Yetwithsculpturethegesturecouldbecomereal,andit
couldbesharedwiththosethatassistedinthescene.JohntheEvangelist(Fig8)is
another example of the ability of these sculptures to embody a real physical
presence beyond their tridimensional essence. John the Evangelist, despite the
“imperfections”ofsculptureoftheperiodincomparisontothecanonofperfection
typical of the Renaissance, reaches a level of expressivity that was exceptional for
the period.18In addition, the sculpted face of Christ is the result of an attentive
observationoftheanatomyofthebody.Especiallyintherenderingofthebeard,the
details of Christ’s image show an attention to the body that cannot be overlooked.
While the extant examples of the Descent show a range of styles, they have one
constantelement:theintenttopresentthescenesothatitcombinestheembodied
symbolic meaning with a realistic representation which makes these figures
accessibletothefaithful.
The Descent from the Cross, in its dynamic essence, is an example of how
medieval art reflects aspects such as, among others, extraliturgical rituals and
18FilippoTrevisani“LaVergine,SanGiovanniEvangelista,ScalaSalerno,CattedralediSanLorenzo”
inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBruno
Toscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),141-148.
18CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII
Secolo)(Milano:Vitaepensiero,2008),143.
80
participation,thatarenotstrictlyreligiousorsymbolical,butinsteadaretheresult
of a collective will and proper aesthetic that reflects the individual and social
devotionalneed.
Anotheraspectthatstressestherealismandhumanityofthesculptureisthe
renderingofveinsonthebodyoftheDeposedChrist,nowpreservedattheCastello
SforzescoinMilan(Fig9).Additionally,theDeposedChristfromCascia(Italy)(Fig
10),nowpreservedintheMuseoofPalazzoSantiastheonlysurvivingfigurefroma
group of the Descent, has pubic hair painted above the loincloth (Fig 11). This
sculpturedatesaroundthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury;itcouldhavebeen
repaintedduringthetime,orthepubichaircouldhavebeenalateradditiontothe
original creation. What is interesting, however, is that such a sculpture could be
alteredbyaddingaveryspecificandimportantdetailbecausethesolepurposeof
thesculpturewastocreatearelationshipwiththefaithfulratherthantoembodyan
abstractaestheticideal.Whetherornotthepubichairwaspaintedovertheoriginal
paint or initially present is not important. What is significant is that these
sculptures, conceived earlier than paintings, considered anatomical aspects of the
bodyessentialtoensureanidentificationwiththefaithful.
The property of paint regarding these sculptures has been studied with
mixedapproaches.Thoughweconsidertheseobjectsassculptures,theywerealso
81
remodeled with plaster and other materials and were, above all, painted. One
property that downgraded these sculptures and negatively affected our
understandingofthemisthattheywereoftenrepaintedovertheiroriginallayerof
color in order to hide any signs of wear. From the perspective of restorers, this
became a limitation; once a wooden sculpture is brought into a studio to be
restored,thecleaningandthepreservationoftheoriginalcolorisoftenagoalofthe
process. In addition, scholars judged the rediscovery of the original color as
essentialtotheconservationandunderstandingofthesculpture.
Nowisnotthemomentortheplacetoanalyzethedifferenttheoriesabout
restorationorthebestactionstotakeonthesubjectofcolorsorpreservation.My
pointisthatthenegativescholarlyopiniontowardtherecoloringandalterationof
theoriginaltoneofcolors,especiallyincomparisonwiththe“beauty”andpureness
of marble sculptures, has affected the study of wooden sculptures. However, it is
crucialtounderstandthattheirrepaintingovertimeisasignoftheircapabilityto
adaptthemselvestowhatIdefineasthe“devotionaltaste”oftheperiod.Specifically
fortheDescentfromtheCross,andlaterfortheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucified
Christ, the style was not just a feature of the artwork that reflected the period
primarilyasanaesthetictrait,butalsoasaculturalcarrierofmeaning.Inthiscase,
itishowthestyleintertwineswiththefunctionofthesculpturesthatmakesthese
82
artworks unique. In this context, the action of repainting the sculptures was not a
lackoftaste.Instead,itwasawaytokeepthesesculptures“alive,”andtorevitalize
thedialoguewiththefaithfulinordertofacilitateidentificationandparticipation.19
Weneedtorevisehowwelookatthisactionofrenovatingsculptures.Onthe
one hand renovation may modify the original essence of the sculpture, and on the
otheritshowsthesculpture’scapabilitytoadaptthroughtimeandtobeanactive
protagonistofthedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.Thisoccurredwithpaintingina
similar way, but for sculpture it centered on the different use and role of these
objects.Paintingswerealsomadefrommaterialsthatwerevulnerabletotime;asa
consequence they also needed to be restored, freshened, and sometimes even
replaced. This was especially common with icons. However, since thirteenthcenturyiconsweretreatedlikerelics,theywerenotimprovedwithover-paintings
andalterations.20Theactofrepaintingsculptureswasnotconnectedasstronglyto
the perishable nature of the material, but rather to their use and to the visceral
relationship between the sculptures, the liturgy, and the faithful. The sculptures
19Bino,DalTrionfoalPianto,16.Theprocessofmakingthesesculptureshasbeenclassifiedas
follows:a)unartefice,forseuncollaboratorechepossiamoconsiderareunaspeciedi“formatore”,
consegnaillegnosbozzatoecompost.b)ilmaestrolorilavorafinoaraggiungereunlivellodiintaglio
funzionaleall’esecuzionedellafasesuccessive;c)lostessoimpanna,ingessa,stuccodorainfogliaoa
mecca,applicalaminediargentoodistagno,dipingeacorpooavelaturaoatrattosull’imprimiturao
sullelamine.
20AlexanderNagel,andChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:ZoneBooks,2010),
71-73.
83
were repainted to adapt them to the taste of the period and to ensure that the
faithful were easily stimulated in the process of identification and worship. An
example is the group of the Descent of San Miniato al Tedesco (Fig 12). The
restorationofthegroupstartedin1997andbroughtbacktheoriginalstructureand
color. The sculptures were heavily altered during a complete remodeling of the
wholegroup,thelastofwhichwasdatedonthenineteenthcentury.21(Fig 13)For
thesculpturesoftheDescentfromtheCross,thesealterationsinvolvednotonlythe
paintingofthesculptures,butalsomodificationoftheirstructure.Thefactthatthey
were repainted indicates the adaptation of the sculptures to the visual context in
which they were activated. It also confirms the importance of understanding use
andfunctionofthesculpturestofullycomprehendthem.
Thefunctionalityofthesesculptureswasonlyoneaspectthataffectedthese
sculptures and their liturgical use. The case of the Deposed Christ from the
CattedralediSanCatervoinTolentino(Macerata)(Fig14)offersanexampleofthe
roleofthesesculpturesandthemodificationtheyunderwentduetotheirliturgical
use. This particular sculpture of the Deposed Christ has been repainted over the
original color and structurally modified in order to satisfy changing ritual needs.
21BurresiMariagiulia,AntoninoCaleca,“SacrePassioni:ilCristoDepostodelDuomodiPisaele
DeposizionidiVolterra,VicopisanoeSanMiniato”inSacrepassioni:SculturaligneaaPisadalXIIal
XVsecolo.edMariaGiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta,2000),43.
84
The sculpture was modified from the Crucified Christ with fixed open arms to the
DeposedChristwithopenarmsintheactofbeingreceivedbytheVirginMary,John
the Evangelist and, metaphorically, the faithful. It was then transformed into the
DeadChrist,witharmsstretchedparalleltothebodysoitwaseasiertouseforthe
Passion celebration and rituals during Holy Week, in which it was carried in its
deathbed through the town. The sculpture, made during the second half of the
thirteenthcentury,wasmodifiedatthebeginningofthetwentiethcentury.Despite
the large amount of time between when it was made and the moment of its
modification, the sculpture worked as an active agent during the interim period, a
presence that needed to be modified according to the devotional needs of the
faithful and, specifically in this case, the Confraternity of the Dead Christ.22This
could be because these sculptures were made to satisfy a specific ceremonial use,
onethatentailsthecapabilitytoprovideboththesymbolicandbodilypresenceof
Christ, rather than serving just as devotional objects. This is an intrinsic
characteristic of multiple sculptures that needs to be reevaluated. The fact that a
crucifiedChristmadeduringthethirteenthcenturywasmodifiedatthebeginningof
22BrunoBruni,“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo,inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,
L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbri
Associati,2004),219.
85
the twentieth century demonstrates its potential to renew itself throughout time
ratherthanexistasasimpleproductoftheperiodinwhichitwasmade.
ClearlytheritualityoftheMiddleAgeshaschangedthroughtime;thepointis
not to analyze the faithfulness of the original ritual, nor is the argument that the
ritual in which the faithful assist and participate today is the result of something
unchanged through time. The point is to realize that, despite the changes that
occurred throughout the centuries, these sculptures were (and in some cases still
are)used,venerated,andrespectedasatruepresenceandlikenessofChrist.These
woodensculpturesachievedalikenessthatwasadaptedtothetasteanddevotional
needs of the time, yet remained unchanged in their essence and aesthetic. These
sculptures,onceactivated,gainedthesameauraandroleforwhichtheyweremade:
representingandembodyingthetruepresenceofChrist.
Weneedtoconsiderthattheverisimilitudeofthesesculptures,whilebeinga
specificandimportanttraitoftheseobjects,wouldhavealsobeenenhancedbythe
use of the sculptures during the procession shifting the likeness into the realm of
mimesis.23 According to documentation and to the style of the existing examples,
aroundthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcenturythewoodengroupsoftheDescent
from the Cross stopped being produced because their iconography no longer
23SusanVerdiWebster,ArtandritualinGolden-AgeSpain:Sevillianconfraternitiesandthe
processionalsculptureofHolyWeek(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1998),167.
86
reflected the devotional context of the period and was no longer functional to the
narrative of the scene. This is due to the development of new ways of living the
Passion of Christ, promoted particularly by the mendicant orders and lay
confraternities. They held performances in both public and private spheres that
expressed the Passion through chants, processions, passion plays, public penance,
and the recitation of laude.24Even though the wooden groups of the Descent from
theCrossstoppedbeingproduced,sothatwhatwestudytodayistheremainderofa
largerproductionthatoccurredbetweenthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,there
is more that needs to be deeply analyzed in order to offer new interpretations of
thesewoodengroups.
In general, the production of wooden sculptures, and sculpture as a whole,
wasmorecommonintheWest,especiallybecauseofthestrongerinfluenceofLatin
culture,incomparisontotheEast.25Theriskofidolatrywasfirstovercomebythe
useofsculpturesthatalsofunctionedasreliquariesandalsofromthepositionthat
theWesttakenincomparisontotheEast.TheWestwasmoreconcernedwiththe
24ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”,inIlteatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidi
DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:AttidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella
Deposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesanoFondazioneS.Ambrogio,Università
CattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais(Milano:V&P.,2005),78.
25MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.RiflessionisullaSculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,in
Sculturalignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,
1995),1.
87
problemofidolatryandheresyratherthanthenatureofimagesandtheviolationof
theSecondCommandment.26Infact,theWestwasinterestedandinvolvedmoreon
thefunctionofimagesandtheappropriatewayofworshippingtheseimages.27The
sculpturewasthecontaineroftherelic,andatthesametimetherelicwouldjustify
its container, the human shaped sculpture. Since sculptures, especially wooden
sculptures,wereincreasinglyproducedthroughouttime,therewasnolongeraneed
for the presence of relics, and sculptures instead began to exist independently,
providingthe“real”presenceofthesubjectrepresented.
The first sculptures made without being linked to a relic were Crucifixes,
followedbytheVirginenthronedwithChild.Inthisline,theDescentfromtheCross
representedapeculiarcase.BesidesrepresentingaspecificmomentofthePassion
ofChrist,oneobviouslydifferentthantheCrucifixion,thewoodensculptedversion
26BeateFrickeandAndrewGriebeler,FallenIdols,RisenSaints:SainteFoyofConquesandtheRevival
ofMonumentalSculptureinMedievalArt,StudiesinthevisualculturesoftheMiddleAges;v.7,
(Turnhout,Belgium:Grafikon),266.
ThearticlewrittenbyEllertDahl“HeavenlyImages.TheStatueofSainte-FoyofConquesandthe
SignificationoftheMedievalCult-ImageintheWest”offersalsoaninterestingexplanationoftheuse
oftridimensionalimagesfordevotionaluseintheWest.Dahlexplainstherelationshipbetweenthe
statuethathousedthesaint’srelicandthesaintactivefromHeaven.Heusedprimarysourcesin
ordertoexplainandjustifytheuseofacertainkindofmaterialandthelikenessofthesculpture
itself.SeeEllertDahl“HeavenlyImages.TheStatueofSainte-FoyofConquesandtheSignificationof
theMedievalCult-ImageintheWest”inActaArcaeologiametAtriumHistoriamPertinentia,(Vol8,
1978),175-191.AlsoforthestudyorrelicsandrelicvenerationseeMartinaBagnoli,Cleveland
MuseumofArt,andBritishMuseum,TreasuresofHeaven:Saints,Relics,andDevotioninMedieval
Europe.Cleveland,Ohio]Baltimore:London:NewHaven[Conn.]:ClevelandMuseumofArt;Walters
ArtMuseum;TheBritishMuseum;YaleUniversityPress,2010.
27BeateFricke,FallenIdols,266.
88
of the Descent represented a crucial moment in the relationship between images
and the faithful. The use of these sculptures involves not only their display and
contemplation, but also their combination with the recitation of liturgical texts,
sacred hymns, or laude. This created a dimension of compassionate participation
that corresponded with the life-size dimensions and setting of these sculptures.
Previous scholarship has already recognized that images, either sculptures or
paintings, were in strict symbiosis with religious texts. Yet one underestimation is
thatthisrelationshipisfrequentlyconsideredtobestatic,particularlyinrelationto
the wooden Descent from the Cross. Existing scholarship argues that these
sculptureswereusedduringreadingsofdevotionaltextsandalsoinotherliturgical
or paraliturgical situations. It has also been agreed upon that once the liturgy
changed,thesegroupsweredismissed.
Infact,sincethewoodenDescentfromtheCross’smostpeculiarfeatures–
theirdimension,color,andtheirattempttonaturalisticallyrepresentthismoment
of the Passion of Christ – allowed a participation that went farther than just
identification,theywerenotdismissedasobsoletewhentheystoppedbeingused.It
could be argued that this process alone was one of substitution.28Through the
28Theuseofthiswordneedssomeclarifications.ThescholarsAlexanderNagelandChristopher
WoodhaveusedthetermsubstitutioninthebookAnachronicRenaissance.InChapter3oftheirbook,
theyexplaintheterm:“Toperceiveanartifactinsubstitutionaltermswastounderstanditas
89
liturgyandthesculpturalmedium,thefaithfulwereabletoidentifythemselvesas
bystanders and participate physically, even though these were primarily visual
approaches to the celebration of the Descent and the burial. This relationship also
changed as a consequence of the major religious changes during the thirteenth
century: not only the development of mendicant orders such as Dominicans and
Franciscans,butalsotheFourthCounciloftheLateranin1215.Theestablishment
of the dogma of the Transubstantiation placed a great emphasis on the bodily
manifestationandpresenceofChrist.IntheTransubstantiation:“Thebloodandthe
bodyofChristaretrulycontainedinthesacramentofthealtarundertheformsof
breadandwine.Thebreadischangedbydivinepowerintothebody,andthewine
belongingtomorethanonehistoricalmomentsimultaneously.Theartifactwasconnectedtoits
unknowablepointoforiginbyanunreconstructiblechainofreplicas.[…]Whereasunderthe
performativeorauthorialtheoryoforiginsagivensequenceofworksisviewedperspectivally,each
onewithadifferentappearance,underthesubstitutionaltheorydifferentobjectsstackuponeontop
ofanotherwithoutrecessionandwithoutalteration”(30).AccordingtoNagelandWood,arthasthe
capabilitytoescapeandbelongtotime.Infact,theprincipleofsubstitutionimpliesthatanimagehas
avaluethatdoesnotdependonanykindofconnectionwiththelocation,interaction,and
performance.ThewayIfirstusedthetermsubstitutionhadthemorecommonmeaning,inthiscase
referringtothefaithfulsubstituting,orreplacing,thesculptureswiththemselves.AtthesametimeI
arguethatwecanapplyNagelandWood’stheoryforthiscaseaswellfromaconceptualpointof
view.Infact,whileitisnotpossibletoapplythetermsubstitutiontotheartworkperse,considering
thatalongwiththewoodenChristrealpeopleareinvolved,atthesametime,thecelebrationsofthe
PassionofChristimpliesmorethanjustareenactment.Thesesculptureswereconsideredasthereal
bodyofChrist,andthesecelebrationswouldbecometherealPassionofChristwiththecapabilityto
transcendthetime.SowhileNagelandWoodappliedtheconceptofsubstitutiontotheimage,Iargue
thatwecanapplytheconceptofsubstitutiontoboththeimagesandrealpeoplefortheuseof
woodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross.
90
intotheblood,sothattorealizethemysteryoftheunitywemayreceiveofhim.”29
Atthesametime,thethirteenthcenturysawthedevelopmentofanaturalism30that
particularlyaffectedsculpture.SaintThomasmentionsAristotle’sbookonPhysics,
his idea of “ars imitatur naturam,” that involved awareness of a naturalistic
representation. These concepts can be applied to other sculptural production as
well, but what is relevant for the study of the wooden Descents from the Cross is
thattheycanbeconsideredasactivecatalystsofthisnaturalism,identification,and
relationshipwiththeartobjectinabroaderdevotionalcontext.
ThedogmaofTransubstantiation,andlaterthepreachingoftheMendicant
orders,stressedthehumansideofChristsointenselythatitpushedthefaithfulto
comeclosertothebodyofChrist,representedbythesculptedChristintheDescent.
ThepositionofChristintheDescent,particularlyhisneedtobetakendownfrom
thecross,allowedthisphysicalunion;hispowerlessnessanddeathshowthepeak
ofhishumanity.TherecitationoftheLaudeorotherliturgicaltextsemotionally
supplementedthisphysicalapproach.Additionally,the1260outbreakofthe
FlagellantmovementintheItaliancityofPerugia(Fig15)alsostressedtheideaof
29JohnShinners,eds.,MedievalPopularReligion,1000-1500(Peterborough,Ont.,Canada;Orchard
Park,NY:BroadviewPress,1997)8.
30MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.RiflessionisullaSculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,in
Sculturalignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,
1995),2.
91
thebodyasamediumthroughwhichtocontactChristandseekredemption.Under
theinfluenceofthesedevotionalevents,andespeciallyafterthediffusionofthe
flagellantmovement,thefaithfulstartedtogatherinlayconfraternitiesinwhich
theywereencouragedtoimitatethelifeofChristandempathizewiththe
reenactmentandcelebrationofthePassionofChrist.
The Descent from the Cross (Fig 16) reflected these devotional needs by
actingasarepresentationoftherealmomentoftheDescent.Infact,thegroupwas
the first step in accessing the identification that allowed for the process of
substitution. This is supported by the fact that at a certain point they stopped
producing other figures of the Descent from the Cross and kept only the figure of
Christ that could serve the whole year as a crucified Christ. One example is the
Christ from Roncione, now in the Galleria Nazionale of Perugia (Fig 17). This
sculpture is the only character left of an original group of the Descent from the
Cross. There are other examples, such as the one from Roncione31, that show this
change to be a result of the devotional need and rituality of the period. This
31ThereareotherexamplesinwhichtheonlysurvivingfigureisChrist.Acompletelistofthese
sculpturescanbefoundintheRiepilogodeiGruppiLigneiItalianidiDeposizioniSupersititiininLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.
(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004),773-785.TheDesposedChrist,atleastforthosethat
areinItalycanbefoundin:L’Aquila,MuseoNazionaled’Abruzzo,fromBarga(nearLucca),Capriolo
(Brescia),Cascia(Pg),CingoliMacerata,Gubbio(Pg),Iesi(Ancona),Mercogliano(Avellino),Pisa,
Prato,Recanati(Macerata)Rimini,Sansepolcro(Arezzo),SanSeverinoMarche(Macerata)Tolentino
(Macerata),PrivateCollcetioninItaly,Milano.
92
reduction of figures occurred because the faithful substituted themselves for the
figures around Christ in the reenactment and celebration of the Passion of Christ,
starting a new devotional dimension to the relationship with the art object. The
wooden sculpture of the Descent from the Cross served as a catalyst of this new
devotionalchangethataffectedmedievalpietyanditscorrelationwithartobjects.
Infact,theyservednotonlyastherepresentationoftheDescentbutwereinfactthe
centerofalargerritualthatstillneedstobescrutinizedcarefullyinordertofully
understandthefunctionandtheemotionalimpactofthesesculptures.
The ritual of the Descent and the Burial of Christ, especially when
consideringthesubstitutionofothercharacterswithrealpeople,impliesashiftin
the use of what we might consider sacredspace.As I previously mentioned, in the
celebrations of the burial within the Benedictine order, a cross, a host, or in some
cases a sculpture was used at the specific moment of the actual burial. While the
faithful were kept at distance throughout the celebration, in this specific moment
they were asked to leave the church entirely. This was in respect to historical
truthfulness,sinceonlytheVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist,Nicodemus,andJoseph
ofArimatheawerepresentatthemomentoftheburial.Atthesametime,italsoheld
a political dimension: the Benedictine officiating the ritual put themselves on a
differentlevelfromthefaithful,indirectlyreinforcingtheestablishedhierarchy.
93
With the use of wooden sculpture of the Descent from the Cross, this
hierarchy began to change and eventually reverse. This was because the wooden
Descent from the Cross’s life-size dimension promoted a sense of presence and
participation, or a physical identification, for the viewer. Another aspect that has
beenunderestimatedislinkedtotheuseofthesculpture.Iarguedbeforehandhow
thesewoodengroupswereinstalledsomewhereeitherinsideordirectlyoutsidethe
church. This implies an extension of the sacred space to include the churchyard
ratherthanjusttheinsideofthechurch,whichalloweddirectaccesstothesacred
scenethatwouldbecomeevenmoredirectwithfurtherdevelopmentoftherituals
linkedtotheDescentfromtheCross.Becauseofthis,wecanconsidertheDescentas
asortofindirectsuggestiontoparticipateinthescene,emotionallyatfirstandthen
physically. In fact, it has been said that during the ritual of the Descent in which
thesesculptureswereinvolved,aprocessionalchant,knownasLamentumVirginis,
wasuttered.32ThePlanctusMariae,anothersongorpoemrelatedtothesufferingof
theVirginMary,couldhavebeenusedalongwiththeDepositioniconography;one
32BrunoToscano,GiovannaSapori,“LaDeposizioneLingea:daunaMostraaduna“Summa”inIl
TeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:Attidel
Convegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione":Milano,15-16Maggio2003,MuseoDiocesano
FondazioneS.Ambrogio,UniversitàCattolicadelSacroCuore,editedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais
(Milano:V&P.,2005),15.
94
ofthewell-knownexamplesofthisisinCividale.33AccordingtoanalogousPlanctus,
this would have been performed during the Adoration of the Cross, and it would
have been necessary to have an inanimate figure of Christ to assist with the
developmentofthedramaticaction.34
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheliteratureoftheperiod
Devotionaltexts,whichbelongedtotheofficialliturgyoftheChurchbutwere
not purely authoritative, were used along with painted or sculpted images and,
importantly, with the wooden groups of the Descent from the Cross. One relevant
aspect of the use of these devotional texts and songs is that they used vernacular
languagesothefaithfulcouldunderstandandparticipateintheseceremonies.This
isimportantbecauseitmarkedtheendoftheclergyormonasticorderperforming
therecitalthatallowedthesettingandactionastheonlychannelsofaccessforthe
faithful. The text now became part of the ritual for lay people as well, providing a
deeperandaffectiveparticipationduringceremonies.Thisconsequentlyenhanced
the role of the sculptures as well, as the element that was able to combine these
liturgicalandperformativeaspectsalltogether.
33KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),512-513.
34Ibidem.,513.
95
At first, the laudewere just sung rather than staged or performed, but this
wasanimportantfirststepthatprovideddirectaccessandamajoractiverolefor
laybrotherhoods.Ithadachiefroleindevelopingandspreadingpopulardevotion
for the Passion of Christ. While there are no documents that testify to the ways in
whichthewoodenDescentfromtheCross,thelaude,andtheSacreRappresentazioni
influenced each other, it is known that they had a common geographical or
chronologicaloriginandwereconnectedbyattentiontothesamesubject.Overall,it
is clear that the liturgy of the visitatio sepulchri in monastic contexts, developed
from previous models, was the starting point of a new devotional dimension that
waselaboratedthroughart,literature,andtheater.
Onlylaterdidinformationexistthatlinkedtheactivityoflaybrotherhoods
to the use of the sculpted Descent from the Cross. For example, the group of San
Miniato al Tedesco belonged to the Arciconfraternita in the same city, and the
DescentoftheCrossgroupfromTivoliwastakenaroundinprocessionbyamember
of the lay brotherhood while they sang verses of the Passion of Christ and the
‘Miserere.’” 35 According to Belting, the use and liturgical development of these
35GiovanniCarloCrocchiante,L'IstoriadelleChiesedellaCitta'diTivoli(Roma:StamperiadiG.
Mainardi,1726),42-46.OntheDescentfromtheCrossofTivoliseealso:GézadeFrancovich,“A
RomanesqueSchoolofWoodCarversinCentralItaly”TheArtBulletinVol19,No.1(Mar.,1937)5-57.
Pierattini,Camillo.“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttieMemoriedella
SocietàTiburtinadiStoriaeArte.”56,(1983),141-205.
96
groups could have started at the beginning of the thirteenth century in different
contexts: examples of this include the PlanctusoftheVirginor the Lamentation of
Mary.36In the final part of the PlanctusAnteNescia,there is a strophe that can be
interpreted as the physical union between Christ and the faithful, recalling the
typicalgestureoftheDescentfromtheCross:37
Flete,Sionfilie,tantegrategratie;
iuvenisangustiesibisuntdelicie
provestrisoffensis.
Inamplexusruite,dumpendetinstipite;
mutuisamplexibusseparatamantibus
brachiispotensis.38
We note a symbiotic development between the literary genre related to
devotion of the Passion of Christ and the use of artworks suited for this ritual,
especially the Descent from the Cross. TheLaudesidellaBeataVergineMaria,who
devotedthemselvestopraisingtheVirginMary,wereconstitutedin1183,andthe
Ordine dei Serviti di Maria in 1233; both were established in the same period in
HansBelting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,177.
36Belting,L’ArteeilSuoPubblico,177.
37Ibidem.,177.
38“Weep,OdaughtersofSion,thankfulforsuchgrace,(thehardshipsoftheyoungmanareforhim
delights)foryouroffences.Rushintohisembraceswhilehehangsonthetree;withcaressesgivenin
exchangeheprepareshimselfforhisloverswithoutstretchedarms”asinKarlYoung,TheDramaof
theMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),498.
97
whichwecanchronologicallylocatetheearliestexamplesofwoodenDescentfrom
the Cross. While this literary production started when these sculptures were
produced(or,wecanassume,viceversa)themostrelevantthingtohighlightisthat
the same PlanctusAnteNesciawas one of the first examples that contributed to a
more realistic representation of compassio. 39 This realistic representation of
affectivepietyandparticipation inthePassionofChristis strikinglysimilartothe
aesthetic embodied by the wooden sculptures of the Descent from the Cross, in
which the simple image of one of the moments of the Passion becomes a real
presencetowhichthefaithfulwereabletoidentify,emotionallyandphysically.
It has been proven that these hymns and laude were used for devotional
purposes,howeveritisnotclearhowtheywereusedduringthecelebrationsofthe
Passion.Theycouldhavebeenusedeitherinanecclesiasticalrite,inacelebration
that took place in an oratory, or even during processions.40 The most important
aspect in the impossibility of fully understanding a single role of these different
elements is to realize the dynamics of the religious context during the thirteenth
century. The religious changes during the thirteenth century were the result of a
largerspiritualcontextinwhichtheChurchitself,especiallythroughtheactionsof
39Th.Meier,“DieGestaltMariensimgeistlichenSchauspieldesdeutschenMittelalters”(Berlin,1959),
153.AsquotedinBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico,87.
40Belting,L'arteeilSuoPubblico,180.
98
the Mendicant Orders, Franciscans, and Dominicans, wanted and elicited a more
sympatheticparticipationwiththesufferingandhumanityofChrist.Thegrowthof
new confraternities of laudesi, disciplianti, and flagellants expanded and amplified
thecurrentrepertoryofdevotionalperformancessuchaschants,laude,processions,
paraliturgies, and public dramatic representation.
41
Simultaneously, the
developmentofreligioustheater,whichpeakedinthethirteenthcentury,integrated
perfectlywithotherdevotionalperformancesofthetime.
TheselaudefocusedatfirstonthesorrowoftheVirginMaryandlateralso
onthenarrationofthePassionofChrist.Physicalitywasalwaysoneofthepeculiar
traitsoftheselaude,especiallythroughtheuseofthevolgare,thevernacular.They
were meant to shape a devotion that was independent from the ecclesiastical
institution.SincethebeginningoftheuseofthesewoodenDescentsfromtheCross,
there was a shift toward the use of volgare and a participation that involved the
whole ritual. We see a phenomenon that moves from the official liturgy of the
Depositio Crucis inside the church to a celebration that moves outside and away
fromtheuseofLatinandtheexclusionofthefaithfulfromthecrucialmomentsof
thecelebrationoftheburial.ThewoodenDescentsfromtheCrossarethevehicles
that embodied these changes. The life-size dimensions, the likeness to Christ, the
41ClaudioBernardi,"TheatrumPietatis:Images,Devotion,andLayDrama".Mediaevalia:An
InterdisciplinaryJournalofMedievalStudiesWorldwide.27(1),2006.9.
99
coloring, and the setting all allowed the faithful to be part of the ritual. These
sculptures represented thetransition from liturgical didacticism to a dimension of
realityandidentification.Thelayconfraternitieswereactivelyresponsibleforthis
actofappropriation,inwhichthelaudesharedtheactionandfeelingrepresentedin
thesewoodenDescentswiththepublic.
Attempts to find a connection between the laude and the art production
between the twelfth and the thirteenth century do exist. 42 However, while
interesting in their ideas and approaches, the studies are based mostly on the
relationship between the laude and pictorial production. Pietro Scarpellini
acknowledged that the pictorial production, and specifically the iconography of
Christ,wastheresultofanelaboratedprocessthatstartedinUmbria,especiallyin
Assisi, and involved not only other sources from the art world, such as influences
from the French-Gothic, Byzantine, or Florentine art world, but also the new
religious fervor promoted by the Franciscans.43Without a doubt, the diffusion of
images anticipated the literary religious production; even if they did not influence
each other directly, they might have come from a similar devotional environment.
While there could have been a connection between texts and images—it is known
42SeePietroScarpellini,“EchidellaLaudanellaPitturaUmbradelXIIeXIVSecolo”Convegnodi
StudiosulTeatroMedioevale.LeLaudiDrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:Atti,(Viterbo:Agnesotti,
1983),165-176.
43Scarpellini,“EchidellaLaudanellaPitturaUmbra,173.
100
that confraternities would sing or recite laude in front of painted altarpieces or
frescoes—thetotalexclusionofsculptureswhenconsideringthedevelopmentand
useoflaudeinthelatemedievalreligiouscontextrenderstheargumentincomplete
andunconvincing.
Infact,thetextsofsomeofthelaudeprovideadescriptionofanactionthat
caneasilybelinkedtoeithertheliturgicalorparaliturgicaldevotionalact,creatinga
common bond for the interpretation of the Passion of Christ among writers,
sculptors, and actors of SacreRappresentazioni.The passage from the Laudario di
Cortona“Vienne,cormio,andiamoneallaCroce!”44isaclearreferencetotheaction
ofgoingaroundthecrossthatreflectsonandreferstotheritualoftheDescentfrom
theCross.ThedescriptionoftheLaudapassedonthroughtheLaudari(collectionof
Laude) from the Confraternity in Perugia added a more graphic description of the
drama surrounding the death of Christ and included details that are close to the
ritualoftheDescent,particularlytheactionofJosephofArimathea.45ThereisJohn
thatannouncestheuseoftheladder:
“Theybringanironladder;maybetheywanttocome
44PieroCudini,PoesiaItalianadelDuecento,(Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987),267.
45PierattiniCamillo,“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”inAttiememorie
dellaSocietàTiburtinadiStoriaed’Arte,(56),1983,180.
101
andhelpyoutakeChristdownfromtheCross.”46
ThenNicodemus:
“Webroughtthetools,
Pushalloftheotherpeopleaside
Andleaveonlythosewhoareweeping/lamenting
Allowusthewaythrough
Sothatwecantakeoutthenails
AndtakeHimdownfromthecross.”47
TheVirginMaryanswers:
“Ican’twaituntilthattime
SothatIcantouchhimalittle
Thepaininmyheartisfullofsuffering
Thatthepainaches
Come,Joseph,nowhurryup
Andplacehiminmyarms.”48
46PieroCudini,PoesiaItalianadelTrecento,(Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987),206.Herethe
originaltext“scalaportanoeferrea;forsevoglionosovvenireeatedonarsostengoelevarIesùdel
legno”
47Ibidem.,206.“Recatoavemoeiferramenta,Onn’altragentecacciavia,Solremangachilamenta,
Piacciaveanoiedarlavia,enoiqui’chiovemosferramo,edellacrocemoellevamo”.
48Ibidem.,206.“Nonmeparvederquill’ura,ch’unpocopossaalmentoccare,tantohoelcuorepien
delangura,chededolorvorriapasmare:or,Iosep,ort’abevaccia,epòllomefraglieimieibraccia”
102
JosephofArimathea:
“OhMaria,nowtakecomfort
Thatanailhasbeenremovedfromonehand
Asifthisgreatanguishisneededtotake
Youclosertothedeath
Takealittlecomfortfromit
Thatyoucanbeonhissideandclosertohim.”49
Nicodemus: “OhLord,Iamnotdeserving
Totouchyousomuch!
ButIwanttotakeyoudownfromthecross
Andpulloutthenails
Inordertocomfortyourmother
Becauseshefeelssomuchpain
Get,ohmother,theotherhand
ThatNicodemusisgivingyou
Hehasbeensofarawayfromus
Andnowlet’senjoyhispresence
49Ibidem.,206,“OMaria,ortheconforta,ch’unamanoèscavigliata;besognotefacomoamorta,sìse’
sutaangustiata,satisfatteunpocod’essa,epiùualatoaluiet’appressa”.
103
Hughimwithtendernessandbefast.”50
Thelauda,alongwiththedrama’spresentationofdespairatthedeathofChrist,
carefullydescribesthemomentoftheschiavellazione(themomentinwhichJoseph
ofArimatheapullsthenailsoutfromthecross)andthemomentoftheDescent.
Thedialogicalaspectofthelaudacarefullyreflectsboththeritualandthe
actionofthewoodengroupoftheDescent.Evenifwearenotcertainofthe
connectionandrelationshipbetweentextandart,especiallyregardingthewooden
DescentfromtheCross,itisstillpossibletomakefruitfulassumptions.Thelaude,
alongwiththewoodenDescentfromtheCross,weremeanttobeexperiencedina
collectivedimension,andsomeelementsofbothimplyadirectconnection.Infact,
thelaudeincludedescriptionsoftheactionoftakingChristdownfromtheCrossin
additiontothesufferingoftheVirginMaryandthedialoguebetweenher,Johnthe
Evangelist,Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea.Therealisticdimensionofthis
religiousliteraryworkentailsapsychologicalandphysicalparticipation,andthusis
similartotheDescentfromtheCross.
Anothersimilarityisthedialogicalformusedinthelaudeandits
counterpart,thevisualdialogueamongthefiguresoftheDescent.Thesymmetryof
50Ibidem.,207,“OSignore,iononso’degno,mepar,tantodetoccare!Mapurlevared’estolegnoIote
vogliosconficcare,perconsolarquistatuamate,chetantepenecihaportate.Receve,madre,l’altra
manochegiàteporgeNicodemo.Tanton’èsutolontano.Ormaiedeluinesaziemo.Lievaeibracciae
nonsielenta”.
104
thegesturesofthecharactersthatarepartofthegroupoftheDescentchangethe
perceptionofthehistoricalmomentintoaritualact,thatneedsasymbolic
approach,51withoutthepotentialofexpressingandembodyingtheideaofanaction.
Incontrast,Iarguethattheirpotentiallayintheirliturgicalrole,intheirabilitytobe
activatedbythepresenceofthefaithfuleitherwithlaudeorotherreligioushymns.
IfthefiguresoftheDescentfromtheCrossweresimplyastaticpresence,the
substitutionbythefaithfulandthereplacementofthecharactersaroundthecross
withrealpeoplewouldnothaveoccurred.ThewoodenDescentsfromtheCross
wereapowerfulandeffectivewayofrepresentingthePassion,whichinfluenced
variousaspectsofmedievaldevotionandbecauseoftheirliturgicalusetheycould
haveinfluencedthedifferentlayersofthereligioussocietyduringthemedieval
periodaswell.
Theexhibitionandtheadorationofthissubjectstemmedfromthediffusion
oficonsproducedintheEastthroughouttheItalianpeninsula,52astheiconography
wasaffectedbyEasternartistsinfluencedbytheCrusades.53Alsotheabilityofthe
WoodenDescentsfromtheCrosstocatalyzedifferentaspectsofdevotioninthe
51Belting,L’arteeilSuoPubblico,170.
52CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianelMedioevo(V-XIII
secolo),(Milano:VitaePensiero,2008),225.
53MarigiuliaBurresi,AntoninoCaleca,“SacrePassioni:ilCristoDepostodelDuomodiPisaele
DeposizionidiVolterra,VicopisanoeSanMiniato”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIal
XVSecolo,(Milano:F.Motta,2000),24-43.
105
MiddleAges,toaffectthewayoflife,andtorepresentthismomentofthelifeof
Christinadifferentway,mustbefurtherconsidered.
ThepotentialrelationshipbetweentheDescentandthelaudeisnotpossible
toprovewithcertainty.YetIbelieveitisstillpossibletoassumepossibilitiesand
derivesuppositionsfromtheavailabledata.Forexample,oneofthemostfamous
hymnsandliturgicalchantsdedicatedtothemourningoftheVirginMaryisthe
PlanctusAnteNescia,inwhichtheVirginMaryfirstcriesabouttheagonyofherson
andimplorestherestitutionofhisbody;54thisbecameareferenceforthelater
LamentationsofMary.Oneofthecharacteristicsofthesehymns,andespeciallythe
PlanctusAnteNescia,wastheattentiongiventothebodilyaspectoftherelationship
betweenmotherandson.Accordingtothebookoftheofficiinthecathedralof
Toulouse(datedfromthethirteenthcentury),thereareinstructionsregardingthe
recitationorsingingofthePlanctusthatinvolvecoveringthepulpitwithwhite
clothesinordertohidethecantorsfromthefaithful,sothatthelatterwould
thereforebeinducedtocrymoreeasily.55Theemotionalimpactoftheplanctuswas
veryeffectiveandcanbecomparedtotheeffect,althoughdifferentinnature,
54Bino,DalTrionfoalPianto,235.
55Young,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,vol2,698.“ItaPlanctusdiciturincathedrapredicatorii,
etdebetessecopertaetcircumncintadecortinisalbispraedictacathedradfinem,quoddicentessive
cantantespraedictumPlanctumnonpossintvideriagentibus,necipsivideantgentes,utsecurius
possintcantaresinetimore,quiafortevidendogentesturbarentur”.
106
producedbythewoodenDescents.ThefactthatintheDescenttheVirginMaryis
representedrealisticallyintheactofcryingshowsanawarenessofthesereligious
textsandtheemotionsthatcouldbevisualizedwhilethetextsweresungorrecited.
Indeed,theincipitofmanylaudeinvitesthefaithfultoshareMary’ssorrow
byhighlightingheractofcrying.Forexample,inoneofthemostcommonlaude
amongtheDisciplinati,usuallysungorrecitedinquintadomenicaquadragesima,56it
says:“CometotheCrosstoseemyloveandcryoutloudmygreatpain.”57TheVirgin
Mary’sweepingwasimportantinintroducingthenarrationorrepresentationofthe
PassionofChristandinexposingthefaithfultothedramaofthemoment.Along
withthedimensionofcompassion,therewasanothermorepersonaldimension,in
whichtheVirginMary’scryingbecamethemodelthatthefaithfulsoughttoemulate
inordertofullyexperiencecontritionandcontemplatethemartyrdomofChrist.58
Thefactthat,chronologically,theDescentfromtheCrossanticipatedthe
productionoflaude,andconsideringtheconnectionandthesimilarsympathetic
devotionpromotedbyboththewoodenDescentandthelaudethemselves,Iwould
arguethatthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossinfluencedtheproductionofthe
laude.
56CarlaBino,DalTrionfoalPianto,396.Trans:“Veniteallacroceavedereilmi’amoreepiangetiad
altavoceilmiograndolore.”
57Ibidem.,396.
58Ibidem.,398.
107
Duringtheeleventhandtwelfthcenturies,theartisticpictorialproductionof
theCrucifixionofChrist,andespeciallytherepresentationoftheVirginMarycrying
atthebottomofpaintedcrosses(Fig18),enabledthedevelopmentofthethemeof
theCompassio.AlongwiththecontemplationofthedeathofChrist,thistheme
addedtheadditionalemotionalelementoftheuniversalhumansufferingofthe
VirginMarylosingherson.59ThepictorialrepresentationoftheCrucifixionhasbeen
usedasadirectandreciprocalreferenceforliteraryproduction,andforthe
understandinganddevelopmentofthepopulardevotiontowardtheVirginMary.
Withoutadoubt,thepaintedcrosshadasubstantialandimportantrole,considering
itsmassdiffusionespeciallyaroundthecenterofItaly.
WhilethethemeoftheCompassiostartedtospreadaroundthetenthand
eleventhcenturies,itwasnotuntilthediffusionoflaudeandtheSacre
RappresentazionithattheroleoftheVirginMarybecamemoreprominentand
centralalongwithChrist’sposition.60BothSacreRappresentazioniandlaude
developedchronologicallyafterthediffusionofthewoodenDescentfromtheCross,
andtheyshareanimportantaspect.Allthreeofthesesacredartworkscontaina
59SticcaSandro,ThePlanctusMariaeintheDramaticTraditionoftheMiddleAges.(Athens:University
ofGeorgiaPress,1988),119-120.
60Ibidem.,121.
108
dimensionthatcombinestheatricalrepresentation,liturgy,anddevotionaldrama.61
Inthisprocessofdevelopment,IbelievethatthewoodenDescentsfromtheCross
heldapivotalroleinaffectingtheSacreRappresentazioniandthelaude,andbecame
asortofaturningpointofdevotionduringtheMedievalperiod.
Particularlyduringthetenthandeleventh-centurydiffusionofthesculpted
woodencrosses,thereisapassagefromthehieraticaldimensionoftheliturgyto
theintroductionoftherealpresenceofChrist.62ThewoodenDescentfromthe
Crossallowedthedramatobecomepartofeverydaylife,makingitaccessibletothe
faithfulanddemandingthattheyempathizeonalevelbeyondremembranceand
contemplation.Instead,itgavethemtheopportunitytosee,tohear,toparticipate,
andtobecomefullypartofthescene.Thewoodengroupembodiesthepresence
andspurstheidentificationthatenablesresponsibleparticipation.Thewooden
Descentnotonlydisplaysthetruth,butalsorepresentsthetruth.Duringthetenth
andeleventhcenturies,thewoodensculptures,andsculpturesingeneral,contained
thehosttojustifytheproduction,use,anddisplayoftheseobjects.However,the
woodenDescentfromtheCrossinsteadrepresentsanaction,andthepresenceofa
61ClaudioBernardi“DeposizionieAnnunciazioni”,80.
62BinoCarla,“LoSpettacolodelDoloreeilTeatrodellaMisericordia”inAtti
del Convegno “Sacre
Rappresentazioni – Arte, Etica, Vangelo delle Comunità” di Gubbio 9-10 aprile 2010/Cantiano 11 aprile
2010, 133. http://www.laturbacantiano.it/oltre-i-palchi/102-gubbio-2010.html
109
groupofpeopleotherthanjustChrist,theVirginMary,andJohntheEvangelist.The
sculpturesrepresentrealpeople;theyarenotreliquaries.Angelsarealso
occasionallyrepresented,buttheirsmallersizeincomparisontotheotherfigures
addsamiraculousandotherworldlydimensiontotheearthlymomentandaction,
withthesamephysicalityandpresenceexpressedbytheotherfigures.
AsImentionedbefore,thesettingandtheuseofthewoodenDescentfrom
theCrosssanctionedaccesstothesacredsceneandallowedthefaithfulto
experienceamomentofthePassioninperson.Slowly,aftertheestablishmentof
thesesculpturesandtheirutilizationincelebrationsoutsidethechurchandthe
officialliturgy,thesculpturesstoppedbeingproduced,particularlythefigures
aroundChrist.Somearguethatthisoccurredbecausetheywentoutoffashion
accordingtothedevotionalneedsoftheperiod;however,Ibelievethatthe
sculpturesinsteadcreatedthescenarioinwhichtheSacreRappresentazioni
developed,inwhichrealactorsalongwithsimulacraperformedscenesfromthe
PassionofChrist.TheSacreRappresentazionifollowedthedevotionalaspect
establishedbytheuseofthewoodenDescent,andtheybecameindependentsimply
bydevelopingtheexistingfunctionsofthelatter.Whilenocontemporary
documentscanconfirmthissuggestedtransition,itissupportedbythe
developmentofdevotionalaspectsintheMiddleAges,particularlytheuseof
110
sculpturesintheSacreRappresentazionioftheAssumptionofMary,theAscension
ofChrist,andintheAnnunciationduringthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.63
SimilartotheSacreRappresentazioni,thelaudeoriginatedfromthe
lamentatioVirginisanddevelopedchronologicallyaftertheproductionanduseof
thewoodenDescentfromtheCross.Twoofthemainfeaturesofthelaudewerethe
detaileddescriptionofthetortureofChristandthematernalsufferingoftheVirgin
Mary.ThisattentiontothesufferingoftheVirginMaryandtheearthlymaternal
rolesheheld,alongwiththedescriptionofthedistressedbodyofChrist,doesnot
stemfromtheGospelaccountsofthePassion.Ifweexaminetheexegeticaltradition
oftheNewTestament,theaccountsthatcommentedonthePassionofChristdidnot
addanythingnew,butinsteadfurtheredasoberinterpretationofthemoment.64
Thechangesthataccompanythelaudedonotaffecttheiconographyofthese
moments,butratherthewaythefaithfulexperiencedthem.Thedialogicalstructure
ofthelaudeimpliesadifferentinteractionwiththetext,andconsequentlywiththe
sceneitselfinwhichthefaithfulparticipated.Anotheraspectthatisparticulartothe
63MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:AlcuneConsiderazioni”inScultura
Lignea:Lucca1200-1425,editedbyClaraBaracchini(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,1995),35.
KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),VolII,245and479480.
64BinoCarla,“LoSpettacolodelDoloreeilTeatrodellaMisericordia”inAtti del Convegno “SACRE
RAPPRESENTAZIONI – Arte, Etica, Vangelo delle Comunità” di Gubbio 9-10 aprile 2010/Cantiano 11
aprile 2010, 134. http://www.laturbacantiano.it/oltre-i-palchi/102-gubbio-2010.html.
111
laudeisthestrongphysicalrelationshipbetweentheVirginMaryandherSon.The
life-sizedimensions,thenaturalisticdepiction,andtherepresentationoftheVirgin
MaryintheactofholdingChrist’shandasheisdetachedfromthecrossprovide
accesstothehumanityofChristandthedramaoftheVirginMary.
MimesisofthefigureofChristhasalwaysbeenaprimaryaspectof
Christianity,thoughtheBible’struemeaningof“toimitate”or“tofollow”is
unclear.65Additionally,therepresentationofChristhaschangedthroughouttime
accordingtothechurch’smessageanddevotionalneeds.Itisduringthetwelfth
centurythattheideaofimitatingChristbecameasignificantpartoflatemedieval
spirituality.TheDescentfromtheCrossanditsliturgicaluserenderedthescenean
occasiontoexperienceanintenseemotionasaparticipantratherthanjusta
spectator.Thisrelationshipbetweentheartobjectanditsuseinliturgicaland
paraliturgiucalfunctionsfurtherstressedaconnectionwiththehumansideof
ChristandthemotherlyroleoftheVirginMary.Thelaudedevelopedandenhanced
therelationshipbetweenthesculpturesoftheDescentandthefaithful.The
dialogicalstructureofthelaudegeneratedafurthersenseofactionamongthe
sculpturesandadirectdialoguewiththefaithful.However,thiswouldnothave
beenpossiblewithoutthecreationanduseofwoodensculpturesthatallowed
65GilesConstable,ThreeStudiesinMedievalReligiousandSocialThought.(NewYork,NY,USA:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1995),145.
112
accesstothesacredthatwaspreviouslyprotectedbytheclergyandthereligious
orders.
OneofthemostfamousauthorsoflaudeistheFranciscanJacoponedaTodi.
Fromaformalandtechnicalpointofview,hislaudearenotdifferentfromthose
usedbyconfraternitiesduringthecelebrationsofthePassionofChrist,buthisuse
oflanguageelevatedhisproductionintoapoeticaldimensionwidelyrecognizedby
scholars.66Thecoreofhisspiritualityliesinthemysticalrelationshipwiththe
divine,especiallywiththehumanityofChristthroughthemysteryofthedeathand
incarnation,andthesufferingoftheVirginMary.67InhisfamousStabatMater,68
despitethemysticalandintimatehymn,thereisasectioninwhichtheperson
assistingthesceneinvokestheVirginMaryinordertosufferthesameafflictionshe
endures,aswellasadesiretodiewithChristonthecross.69
AttheCrossherstationkeeping,/stoodthemournfulMotherweeping,/closeto
Jesustothelast.Throughherheart,Hissorrowsharing,/allHisbitteranguish
bearing,/nowatlengththeswordhaspassed./OthouMother!fountoflove!/
66LinoLeonardi,“L’OperadiJacoponedaTodi”inIacoponedaTodiel'ArteinUmbrianelDuecento
(Milano:Skira,2006),39.
67Ibidem.,41.
68EventodayitisnotknownifthehymnwaswrittenbyJacoponedaTodiorSaintBonaventura.R.
Bettarini“IacoponedaTodieleLaude”inAntologiadellaPoesiaItalianavolI,(Torino:Einaudi,
1997),283.
69LuciaBattagliaRicci,“AdExercitandumDevotionisAffectum.GliScrittieleImmaginiSacre”in
SacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVSecolo,(Milano:F.Motta,2000),20.
113
Touchmyspiritfromabove,/makemyheartwiththineaccord:/HolyMother!
piercemethrough,/inmyhearteachwoundrenew/ofmySaviorcrucified:
Letme,tomylatestbreath,/WoundedwithHiseverywound,/steepmysoultillit
hathswooned,/inHisveryBloodaway;/Betome,OVirgin,nigh.70
ThereligioustextMeditationesVitaeChristi(MeditationsontheLifeof
Christ)waswrittenatthebeginningofthefourteenthcenturybytheFranciscan
GiovannideCaulibus.PreviouslyattributedtoSaintBonaventura,itwasan
extremelypopulardevotionaltext.ItinventednewscenesofthePassionofChrist
andprovidedadevelopmentofthecanonicalaccountrelatedtothePassion.71The
Meditationeswerewritteninawaythatproducedanaffectiveimpactonthereader,
stressingtheurgencyanddramaofthemomentratherthanastrictlyaccurate
theology.72Theaffectiveimpactiscrucialparticularlywhendescribingthegriefof
theVirginMaryatthemomentofthedepositionfromthecross:“Tuncpendentem
70FrancoSacchetti,andAlbertoChiari,IlLibrodelleRime(Bari:G.Laterza&figli,1936),CCXLVII1,
294-195.
OriginalLatinText:
StabatMaterdolorosa/iuxtacrucelacrimosa,/dumpendebatFilius.
Cuiusanimamgementem,/contristatametdolentem/pertransivitgladius.
Eia,Mater,fonsamoris/mesentirevimdoloris/fac,uttecumlugeam.
SanctaMater,istudagas,/crucifixifigeplagas/cordimeovalide.
Fac,utportemChristimortem,
Facmeplagisvulnerari,/facmeCruceinebriari,/etcruoreFilii
Flammisneurarsuccensus,
71SticcaSandro,ThePlanctusMariae,123.
72Ibidem.,124.
114
manumdexteramDominasuscepitreverenter,etponitadvultumsuum,intuetur,et
osculaturcumlacrymisvalidisetsuspiresdoloris.Evulsoautemclavopedum,
paulisperdescenditJoseph,etomnesaccipiuntcorpusDomini,etponuntinterram.
Dominasuscipitcaputcumscapulisingremiosuo.”73
ThewrittendescriptionfollowstheactionoftakingChristdownfromthe
cross,andinthisaspectmightnotvarywidelyfromitscounterpartinpainting.
Whatdoeschange,however,istheintentionofcapturingthehumandimensionof
themomentinordertocreateaccesstothesacredscenethroughaparticipationin
andsharingofthedrama.OnecharacteristicthatispivotaltotheseMeditationesis
thephysicalityofthefeelingsthatwouldnothavebeenconceptuallypossible
withoutthecreationofandritualaroundthewoodenDescentfromtheCross.
ThewoodenDescentfromtheCrossoffersatrueandphysicalaccesstothe
sceneaswellasaspiritualdimension.TheMeditationes,whichdidnotrefertoany
oftheparables,offeredadiverseaccountofthePassionfromtheGospelsbyadding
newscenes.SincetheseelementslieoutsidetheofficialnarrativeoftheGospels,the
MeditationesreflectthewaythewoodenDescentfromtheCrosswaspartofboth
73A.C.Peltier,S.BonaventuraeMeditationesVitaeChristi,inOperaOmnia,14Vol.(Parisiis,1868),II,
609.AsquotedinSticca,ThePlanctusMariae,124.Translation:“Thenshereceivedwithreverence
therighthandofChrist,andputitclosetoherface,andlookedatit,andkissitwithheavytears,
sighingwithpain.Oncehepulledoutthenailfromthefoot,Josephpasseddownthebodyand
everybodytookthebodyofChrist,andtheyputitontheground.TheVirginembracedhisheadand
shoulderinherlap.”
115
liturgicalandextraliturgicalrituals,whilecreatingapredominantlyphysicaland
emotionaldimensiontodevotion.WecannotknowforcertainthattheMeditationes
andthelaudeweredirectlyinspiredbythewoodenDescentsfromtheCross,but
consideringtheircontext,theextantsculptures,andinformationweareableto
gatherthusfar,wemustbeawareofpossibleconnectionsbetweenliterary
productionandthewoodenDescentfromtheCross.
Bothsculptureandpaintinghadpivotalfunctionsinpromotingaffective
pietyinamedievalculturethatreliedheavilyonimages.Imagesweregenerally
madetocorrespondtothemoodofthefaithful,andtheysupposedlyhadthe
functiontoarouseadevotionalmood.74AccordingtoHansBelting,therewasa
reciprocalrelationshipbetweenthepaintedimageandthebeholder,inwhichthe
beholdertriedtoemulatethepersonrepresentedinthedepictedimagewhile
simultaneouslyobservingthesametruthfulnessintheimagethathe,asaperson,
possessed.75Thisdialoguebetweentheimageandthebeholderhadacentral
functioninshapingdevotionandeducatingthefaithfultowardanaffectivepiety.
However,comparingthedevotionalrelationshipthebeholderhadwithapainted
imagetothatmaintainedwithasculpturecomplicatesthisdialogicalrelationship.In
fact,thedevotionalimagesappealedtotheviewerandpromotedapersonal
74HansBelting,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico,66-67.
75Ibidem.,66.
116
dialogue.Whilethiskindofrelationshipbetweenthebeholderandthepainted
imagewasrealandeffective,wemustconsiderhowitcomparestotherealismthe
faithfulexperiencedinaritualthatutilizedwoodensculptures.
Scholarshipoftenutilizesthedevotionalandaestheticrolesofpainting,
literature,orthelifeoftheSaintstoincludeandrefertotheexistenceanduseof
woodensculptureswithoutfullyanalyzingtheirculticfunctionandthewaythey
affectedpiety.Theassociationofwoodensculptureswiththeconfraternities
relegatesthisartisticproductiontopopularpietyandemptiesthemofany
theologicalorhighdevotionalmeaning.Thisideastripsthemofanyeffectiverolein
influencingdevotionduringthethirteenthcentury.However,thewoodenDescent
fromtheCrossandtheiruseinritualshadasignificantfunctionthatinfluencedthe
devotionandartduringthethirteenthcenturyandintotheRenaissance.
Whileitmaybetruethatarelationshipexistedbetweenthelay
confraternitiesandthedevotionaluseofthewoodenDescentsfromtheCross,we
needtobeawarethatthesesculptureswerebeingproducedfarbeforethe
developmentofthelayconfraternities.Thus,whiletheconfraternitiesmayhave
usedandreliedonthesesculpturestocelebratetheirrituals,theysimplyabsorbed
theliturgy,theceremony,and,aboveall,theunderstandingofthepotentialofthe
117
artworksthatmostlikelydevelopedatthebeginningofthethirteenthcentury,and
possiblyevenbefore.
Thewaythesesculpturesweremadeproducedanewwayofinteractingwith
theartobject,andsetastandardthatallowedconfraternitiestoaccessthesacred
laterinthecentury.Thelaude,whichcontributedgreatlytocharacterizing
thirteenth-centurydevotionwithaheavyemphasisonthehumanityofChristand
thesorrowoftheVirginMary,developedafterthediffusionofthewoodenDescent
fromtheCross.TheMeditationesvitaeChristi,whichcameafterthedevelopmentof
thewoodenDescent,emphasizedaspectsofthePassionofChristthatreliedon
emotionalandconcretedetails,butwithoutfollowingthecanonoftheGospels.The
Meditationesfurtherdevelopthemainintentionofthesculptures:toprovidea
realisticmomentinwhichimitationisreplacedbyaction,participation,and
identification.
ExtantexamplesoftheDescenthavebeenfoundnotonlyinsideconvents
andchurcheslinkedtotheBenedictineorder,butalsoinCathedralandparish
churches.Thus,whilethesesculpturescouldhavebeendevelopedandusedina
Benedictineenvironment,theyalsoassumedanimportantcivicroleasapointof
referenceforthewholecommunity(seenintheirliturgicalroleintheSacre
Rappresentazioniandtheirassociationwithsociety).Theplanctusthataffectedthe
118
productionoflaudehadthesameemotionalresultofarousingdevotionalfeelingas
thesculptedDescentfromtheCross.TheuseofthegroupoftheDescentwasalso
linkedduringtheHolyWeektochurchCathedrals,anditsoriginwasmoreclosely
relatedtotheCanonsRegularsthantoamonasticorder.Asaconsequence,the
woodengroupsoftheDescentsbecamemoreopentothecommunity.Theseaspects
supporttheindependenceofthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossfromamere
monasticorderandacknowledgeitsabilitytobecomethereligioussymboland
communityaccesstothesacred.Inbecomingtheaccesspointtothesacredandthe
humanityofChristinaritualthatwasforthelaityanddirectlyinvolvedthelaity,
theDescentalsoaffectedandsetasortofaparadigmforFranciscanpietyaswell.76
ThissuggeststhatthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossneedstobeseenasan
activeagentthatwasabletochangeandpolarizethedevotionalbehaviorofthelate
Medievalperiod.ThewoodengroupsoftheDescentwerenotsimpledevotional
objectsusedduringspecificliturgyorinotherparaliturgicalcircumstances;they
weretheprimaryfactorthataffectedpietyandpromotedthisnewrelationshipwith
ChristandthesceneofthePassion.Thiscreatedotherelements,suchasthe
76IwilldiscussandarticulatemoreabouttherelationshipbetweenFranciscansandsculpturelater
inthisstudy.TheideaistotracetheliturgicaluseofwoodenDescentfromtheCrosstosomeaspects
oftheFranciscanpietyandtheiruseofwoodenanimatedsculpturesofChristduringthecelebrations
oftheHolyWeek,andmoregenerallytorevisetherelationshipthatFranciscanshadwithsculpture
anditsuseforliturgicalandreligiouspurposes.
119
compositionsofthelaude,thedevelopmentoftheSacreRappresentazioni(which
affectedreligioustheateraswell),andasympatheticdevotion,whichinteracted
directlywiththesesculpturesandthusamplifiedtheirsacredrolewhilealso
remainingemotionallymovingandphysicallyaccessible.Thuswemustconsiderthe
DescentfromtheCrossnotjustasadevotionalobject,butasanactivemediumand
thefinalresultofotheraspectsofmedievalreligioussociety.
120
Chapter3
ThesculptureasthebodyofChrist
Althoughitisbelievedthattheproductionofwoodensculpturesofthe
DescentfromtheCrossceasedinthethirteenthcentury,theircomplexitydidnot
endthere.OnecanidentifyaprogressionfromthemonumentalDepositions
featuringallthecharacterstothesinglesculptureofChristthathasspecific
structuralfeatureswhichbegantobeproducedaroundthistime.Thesewooden
sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristweremadeinsuchawaythatitwaspossibleto
movethearms,typicallybytheclergyorbelievers,tofacilitateeasieruseinthe
ritualoftheDescentfromtheCross,andthisprovidedachangefromasymbolic
reenactmenttoarealisticone.ArthistoriansrefertothemasCrucifixeswith
movablearms.
Myintentioninthisstudy,andmorespecificallyinthischapter,istoexpand
andreviseourunderstandingsofdevotionandconnectionwiththesacred
contemporaneouswiththestatuesusageintheMiddleAgesandtoexaminethe
sculptures’shiftingrelationshipwiththepictorialmediuminthedelicatepassage
fromtheMedievalperiodtotheRenaissance.Inaddition,otherstudiesthatinvolved
theanimatedsculpturesofChrist,oragain,eventheDescentfromtheCross,focus
primarilyoniconographyandstyle.Iftheroleofofthestatues'mobilefunctionin
121
ceremonialcontextsismentioned,itisrelegatedsolelytotherealmofthedevotion
asstrictlyconnectedtotheritualsoftheHolyWeek.
Ibelievethatinordertofullycomprehendtheimportanceoftheseobjects,
weneedtogobeyondthestylisticfeaturesandthefactofmateriality,perse.Rather,
weneedtoalsofocusontheagencythattheseobjectshadforthefaithfulandthe
religioussocietyoftheperiodintheexperienceofthesacred.Studyonthesubject
portraysthesekindsofsculpturesintermsofdevotionalobjectsutilizedfor
liturgicalreasons(asoccurredintheDescentfromtheCross)andasasortof
appendixfortheunderstandingofthetwo-dimensionalrepresentationofChrist(as
inmanuscripts,paintedwood,orfrescoes).1
Wheretheseobjectsareconcerned,thereisasingularneedtoconsiderthem
withinawidercontextandtomapoutamorecomplexrelationshipbetweenthe
statuesandthedifferentfacetsofthereligioussocietyinwhichtheywere
immersed.Themostnumerousextantexamplesofanimatedsculpturesofthe
crucifiedChristhavebeenfoundinItaly.Theoldestsurvivingsculpturesweremade
inthefirsthalfofthefourteenthcentury,andtheyweremostlyusedinliturgical
andparaliturgicalperformancesorganizedeitherinsideoroutsidethechurch.2
ThesenewsculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist,particularlythosethathad
1TanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLives,28.
2ElvioLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento
(Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,2000)107.
122
armswhichcouldbemoved,weremoreversatilefortheliturgicaldramaofthe
Depositioandespeciallyforthemomentoftheentombment,duringwhichthe
sculpturewasusuallylaidintoarepresentationoftheholysepulcheroraspacethat
symbolicallyrepresentedthesepulcher.
IthasbeenmentionedthatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossfoundin
cathedrals,Pieves,andBenedictineabbeyswerenotsuitableforconductingthe
liturgicaldramaoftheDepositio,especiallyafterthedramatizationofthescene
alongwiththeintroductionofadynamicrepresentationofitandnotjustthe
presentation.3AccordingtoHansBelting,thegroupoftheDescentwasjusta
paradigmofthePassionthatwasnotabletokeepupwiththedevotionalchangeof
thethirteenthcenturyafterthepassagefromthesymbolicinterpretationand
relationshipwiththePassiontoamorepersonalandintimateparticipation.4
Conversely,IarguethatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrossplayedanactive
roleinshapingthedevotionintheMedievalperiod,anditwasnotjustasymbolic
role.Withoutadoubt,thegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswereatfirstan
independentgroupofsculpturesthatchangedovertimeinaccordancewithrituality
anddevotionalneeds.Theyweredistinctfromtheanimatedsculpturesofthe
CrucifiedChristcategorizedbyKopania.However,thewoodenDescentsfromthe
3HansBelting,andGiorgioCusatelli,L'ArteeilSuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAnticheImmagini
dellaPassione(Bologna:NuovaAlfaeditorial,1986)183-184.
4Ibidem.,183-184.
123
CrossarewheretheanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristoriginated,both
physicallyandconceptually.
ThoughthegroupoftheDescentscouldnotguaranteeadynamicand
realisticperformanceoftheritualoftheDepositioandtheEntombment,Ibelieveit
wouldbemoreproductivetoidentifytheimportantconnectionsbetweenthe
woodengroupoftheDescentsandtheAnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist,
ratherthansimplyunderliningtheinabilityoftheDescentstoadaptthemselvesto
thedevotionalchangesofthethirteenthcentury.Otherscholarshavementioned
thatthereisaconnectionbetweenthegroupoftheDescentandthesinglefigureof
theanimatedsculptureofChristandnotedhowthegroupoftheDescentanticipated
theproductionoftheanimatedfigureofthecrucifiedChrist.5
Specifically,theadaptationandchangesthatthesesculpturesunderwentwas
thesubstitutionofrealpeopleforthecharactersofthesegroups,suchastheVirgin
Mary,JohntheEvangelist,Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea.Moresignificantly,
becauseoftheirsizeandlikeness,thesculpturesprovidedphysicalaccesstothe
sacredscene.Thesesculpturesandtheirliturgicalusesinitiatedwhatwecan
discussasameansofaccesstothesacredthatinvolvedboththebodyofChristand
theconcretizationofthesacredspace.Onadeeperlevel,theyalsorepresentanew
5BerndSchälicke,DieIkonographiederMonumentalenKreuzabnahmegruppendesMittelaltersin
Spanien(Diss.FUBerlin,1975),68-69.AsquotedaswellinKopania,AnimatedSculptures,151.
124
understandingofandmeansofrepresentingthebody,which,asIwillexaminelater
inthischapter,willaffecttheRenaissanceaswell.
Thefactthattheuseofthesesculptureswasalsoconnectedtotheactivities
oflayconfraternitiesthatdevelopedmostnotablyduringthethirteenthcentury
demonstratesthatthisuseandexperienceofthesculpturewasnotconfinedtothe
realmofthesymbol.6Thesereligiousconfraternitiessungthelaudeinfrontofthese
imagesandtheseperformancesoftenacquiredatheatricaldimensionwithdramatic
effect.Insomecasesmembershadspecificrolesandbecameactors,substituting
themselvesforthecharactersofthewoodengroupoftheDescents.Sincethe
beginning,thesesculptureshadascenicandnarrativerolethatinvolvedaction,as
opposedtosimplyconstitutingasacredimage.7
Thisisthemostimportantmomentin,andthemostinterestingoutcomeof,
usingthewoodenDescentfromtheCrosstochangewaysoflivingthedevotionand
participatinginthePassionofChrist.Obviously,thereareotherelementsthat
contributedtothesechangesthatwillbeobjectsofdiscussionlaterinthischapter,
butthestartingpoint,thedoorofaccessintothesacred,werethesesculptures.
Oncethefaithfulsubstitutedthemselvesforthesculpturesinthecelebrationsand
reenactmentofthemomentsofthePassionofChrist,webegintowitnessthe
6Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,151.
7MicheleBacci,“Lescultureligneenelfolklorereligioso:alcuneconsiderazioni”inSculturaLignea:
Lucca1200-1425(Firenze:Studioperedizioniscelte),34-35.
125
passageofadaptationfromthesculptureoftheDeposedChristtothemoredynamic
version:theanimatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist.
Indeed,somesculpturesofChristfromDescentweremodifiedinorderto
fulfillandadapttheimagetotheceremony.ThesesculpturesofChristwerealtered,
andthearmsweremodifiedinordertobefunctionalfortheritualoftheDepositio
oratleastsothattheycouldbeusedindifferentmomentsofthecelebrationsofthe
PassionofChristduringtheHolyWeek.Theoldestexampleinthismodificationis
theChristfromtheUmbriancityofCascia,datedatthebeginningofthefourteenth
century.(Fig1).Afteranattentivecampaignofrestoration,itwasrealizedthatthis
sculpturewasnotactuallyoneoftheearliestexamplesoftheanimatedsculptureof
Christ,but,rather,amodifiedsculpturewhichhadoriginallybelongedtoagroupof
theDescent.8Anotherexamplethatprovidesevidenceofthisisthesculpturefrom
thecathedralchurchofTolentino(Fig2),whichwastransformedfromaCrucified
ChristtoaDeposedand,eventually,intoaDeadChristThesculptureisdated
aroundthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcentury,andwhilewedonotknowwhen
theoriginalstructurewasaltered,weknowthataftertherestorationin1992-1994
8ElvioLunghi,“Cascia(Perugia)MuseodiPalazzoSantiDeposto”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:
l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,editedbySapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano.(Milan:Electa,2004),
276.LunghiLaPassionedegliUmbri,107.
126
thesculpturewasreinstatedastherepresentationofChristthatfollowsthe
iconographyoftheDescentfromtheCross.9
Thereisalsoadefinitivemomentinthispassagebetweenstatesinwhichthe
maincharacterwasstillastationarysculpture,butlivingpeopleactedtheother
parts.10ThepassagefromthegroupoftheDescenttothecreationofindependent
sculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist,especiallysincethebeginningofthe
fourteenthcentury,showsaboveallthecombinationofthetheatricalaspectsofthe
liturgyandthecelebrationsofthePassionofChristwiththeutilizationofa
devotionalobjectthatembodiedasacredaura.11Theseanimatedsculpturesof
Christembodiedthisprocessofappropriationofthesacredandreflectedtheneeds
ofthedevotionalsocietyofthelateMedievalperiod.Atthesametimetheyhave
moresignificancetoconsiderintermsofwhattheyrevealaboutnewwaysof
experiencingartworkandtheideaofthebody,inawaythataffectedthemakingof
artmoregenerallyintheLateMedievalperiodandearlyRenaissanceart.
TheuseandfunctionalityofthesculpturesoftheanimatedCrucifiedChrist
fordevotionalpurposesattractedtheattentionofscholarship,leavingthe
9BrunoBruni,“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo,Deposto”inLaDeposizioneLigneain
Europa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,editedbySapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano.(Milan:Electa,
2004),219.Thesculpturewasmodifiedatthebeginningofthetwentiethcenturybythelocal
ConfraternityoftheDeadChristinordertobeutilizedduringtheritualsoftheHolyWeek.
10Carletti,L.,andC.Giometti.."MedievalWoodSculptureAndItsSettingInArchitecture:StudiesIn
SomeChurchesInandAroundPisa."ArchitecturalHistory,(46)2003,37-56.
11ClaudioBernardi,“LaDeposizionediCristoneiTeatridellaPietà”inSacrePassioni:SculturaLignea
aPisadalXIIalXVSecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta,2000),17.
127
sculpturesunexaminedwithinthetraditionalcanonofarthistory.Often,theywere
consideredastheconsequenceofsomethingelseanddepictedashavingapassive
role,ratherthanasplayinganactiveroleinshapingdevotionandart.
Duringthemedievalperiod,alongwiththeirdidacticrole,devotionalimages
allowedthefaithfulanaccesstothedivine.Thesculpturesarethoughttohave
playedthesamerole,buttheirusagesuggeststhattheyhadacquiredadifferent
status.Thisisparticularlysignificantinthecaseofanimatedsculpturesofthe
crucifiedChrist.
Already,thepresenceandpurposeoftheDescentfromtheCross
compositionsattractedtheattentionofthefaithfulnotonlytowardthesingle
momentofthedepositionofChrist,beingjustthesymbolofit,butalsoenabledan
accesstothesacred,thesacredspace,andespeciallytoamateriallyrealdimension
ofthesacred,whichthefaithfulthemselveswerepartof.Thiswasaprocessof
emanationthatpromotedanatmosphereofbothaweandofinvolvement.
ThisprocessofincorporationofthefaithfuldidnotceasewhentheDescents
fromtheCrossceasedtobeproduced.Rather,itcontinuedwiththediffusionofthe
animatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist.Obviously,therelationshiptothe
artworkandtheconsequencesofthisrelation,intermsofaccesstothesacred,were
relatedto,yetdistinctfrom,thoseinvolvedintheDescent.
128
Theselaterworks’concentrationonasinglefigure,ratherthanonagroupof
sculptures,indicatesthatthefocusoftheattentionwasspecificallyChristandhis
body.FollowinginthetraditionoftheDescentfromtheCross,theanimated
sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristwerelife-sizedandthusmoreplausibleinorderto
identifyasandpersonifythebodyofChrist.
AswiththeDescentfromtheCross,theanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucified
Christwereutilizedeitherinliturgicalorparaliturgicalrituals,whichshowsthe
complexityoftheseartworksandtheirabilitytoperformindifferentcontexts,
despiteadependenceuponandclosenesstooneanother.Scholarshavealready
addressed,totheextentthatdrawingexclusivelyupondocumentationallows,the
useoftheimagesinliturgicaldrama.12Iarguethatthisapproachisinadequateto
provideamorecomprehensiveunderstandingoftheuseoftheanimatedsculptures
oftheCrucifiedChrist,asthereareotherpertinentelementstoconsider.Inthis
chapter,Iwilldetailotherrelevantfactorswhichaffectedvisualcultureand
practicesofdevotionoftheperiodinItaly.
12C.F.Kopania,120-157,LunghiLaPassionedegliUmbri,113-132.ClaudioBernardi,La
DrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSantainItalia,2005,GesineandJohannesTaubert,“Mittelalteriche
Kruzifixe,1969.
129
LayConfraternitiesandthelaicizationofthesacred
Towardtheendofthethirteenthcenturyandthebeginningofthefourteenth
centurythereisanincreaseanddiffusionoflayconfraternities.Itisaround1215
thattherewasarisenthenumberofgroupsoffaithfulclassifiedaspenitenti,and
thiswasreferredasthemovimentodellaPenitenzadelDuecento.13Before1221they
startedtogatherinlocalconfraternitiesandwereinfluencedessentiallybythelife
ofSaintFrancis,whenhewaslivingasFriarofPenancebeforefoundingthe
mendicantorderoftheFranciscans.14InPerugiain1260therewasalsothe
outbreakoftheFlagellanti,bythefriarRanieroFasani,whowasabletoobtain
fifteendaysinwhichthefaithfulwereexemptedfromworkinordertodedicate
themselvestothepracticeofpenance.15FraRanieroFasaniurgedthefaithfulto
participateinthesorrowthatChristunderwentduringhisPassion,andaccordingly
flagellationwasthemediumtoexperiencethesamesufferingasChrist.16The
purposeofmyworkisnottoprovideasurveyoftheextensiveliteratureonlay
13GillesMesserman“DisciplinatiePenitentinelDuecento”inIlMovimentodeiDisciplinatinelSettimo
CentenariodalsuoInizio(Perugia,1260);convegnointernazionale:Perugia,25-28settembre1960,
(Spoleto:ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),45.
14Ibidem,46.
15Ansidei,Vincenzo,RegestumReformationumComunisPerusiiabAnno1256adAnnum13001.1.
(Perugia:DeputazionediStoriaPatriadell’Umbria,1935),180.“Prop1.Cumipsepotestassit
requisitesaquibusdamreligiosis,etspecialiterafraterRaynerio,indicereferiaspropterutilitate
Devotionis,quefitcomuniterin…civitateetcomitatuPerusie,siplacet…quodferieindicanturhincad
quindecimdies,salvoquod…noninteridcaturofficiumsindicorumetquodquilibetpossitpetere
alimenta”.Messerman.,47.
16Meersseman,47.
130
confraternitiesandtheirdiffusionduringtheLateMedievalperiod;however,I
wouldliketounderlinesomeaspectsofthesephenomenaastheyrelatetomy
arguments.
Thediffusionoftheseconfraternitiescontributedtothelaicizationofthe
accessofthesacredandconcentrationonthebodyasamediumthroughwhich
redemptioncouldbesought.Thesameprocessisobservableintherituality
characterizingthepassagefromtheDescentfromtheCrosstotheanimated
sculptureoftheCrucifiedChrist.ThebodyofChrist,embodiedinthiscaseby
woodenanimatedsculptures,seemstomirrorthespecificneedsofthefaithand
faithfulentailedbytheseshifts.Thechangeoftheritualityanduseofthese
sculpturesreflectedthesespiritualandreligiousneedsaswell.
Amongthosedocumentsfoundregardingtheuseandexistenceofanimated
sculpturesofChrist,theoldestarethelauderecordsfoundinthecodex36/4,kept
attheSanRufinoCathedralinAssisi(knownalsoasl’illuminati–datednolaterthan
theendofthefourteenthcentury).ThiswasalaudaorthecelebrationoftheHoly
FridayenactedbytheconfraternityofSantoStefano(disciplinatidiSantoStefano)
thatinvolvedtheritualofthescavigliazione,thatisthestagingoftheritualofthe
Depositio.Theincipitofthislaudasays:“IstadiciturindieVenerissanctipropter
131
scavigliationemDomininostrilIesuChristi”.17Thefactthatitexplicitlymentionsthe
ritualofthescavigliazione(literallypullingoutthenailsfromthecross–Descent
fromtheCross)impliestheuseofananimatedsculptureofChristthatmostlikely,
inthiscase,hadmovablearms,sothatitwasabletobemovedfromacrucified
ChristandfunctionasdeadChrist.ThisriteisstillhappeningtodayintheCathedral
ofSanRufinoinAssisi,andwhiletoday’sdramaistheresultofaslowand
continuoustransformationfromtheoriginalversion,atthesametimethereferring
textisstillthesamethatcomesfromtheConfraternityofSantoStefanoinAssisi
fromthethirteenthcentury.Thiscelebrationhadthefunctiontorepresentare,which
meansrepresent,makepresent,andtoemulateandparticipateaswell.18
Whilepeoplefromtheconfraternitiesoractorsplayedthepartofother
charactersduringtheritualtherearenosignsthatChristwasplayedbyareal
person,soitisimpliedthattherolewasoccupiedbyanimage,andmostlikelya
sculpture.
InthetextitselftherearenopartsassignedtoChrist,soonemayinferthe
useofasculpturefromthefactthathedidnotneedtospeak.Infact,duringthe
eveningofMaundyThursdayintheCathedralofSanRufinoinAssisi,awooden
17ArchivioCapitolarediSanRufinodiAssisi.FulltextofthelaudainFrancescoSantucci,“Laudadella
ScavigliazionedellaFraternitadeiDisciplinatidiS.Stefano.Translation:“Thisissaid(played/read)
inthedayoftheHolyFridayfortheriteof“Scavigliazione”ofourLordJesusChrist”.
diAssisi."AttiAccademiaProperzianadelSubasioser.6,n.22(1994),pp.243-63.
18PaolaMercurelliSalari,“IlRitodellaScavigliazionenellatradizionediAssisi”inIlRitodella
ScavigliazionenellaCattedralediAssisi(EditriceMinerva,Assisi,2006),15.
132
animatedsculptureoftheCrucifiedChristisusedfortheriteoftheScavigliazione
(Fig3).ThiswasalsoreiteratedbythewrittenconstitutionoftheFraternitadi
NostroSignoreGesùCristoCrocifissodiSantoStefano,towhichthelaudario
belonged,whichstatesthatitwasmandatorytoperformthelaudededicatedtothe
PassionofChristinapublicspaceonthemorningofHolyFriday.19
ThesamekindofritualoftheDepositionexistedinPerugiaaswell,andthisis
shownbythesimilaritiesbetweenthelaudainAssisi,theoneinPerugia,andmore
preciselythelaudaLXIIoftheconfraternityofSant’Andrea,dated1374.Other
documentsmentionoftheuseofcrucifixesutilizedduringthedevotionsforHoly
Friday,andtheywerefoundintheinventoryofthevariousconfraternitiesin
Perugia.20Forexample,indocumentsthatbelongedtotheSanDomenicoOratory,
dated1339,thereisinformationabout:“unacroceeColonnadelaDevotione[…]tre
chiuovetortedaicrocifixo[…]unocrocifixograndeactoafarelaDevotione”21
WheretheConfraternityofSantoStefanoisconcerned,therearealso
registersattestingthattheconfraternityboughtthewoodnecessarytomakea
19AngelaMariaTerruggia,“InqualeMomentoiDisciplinatihannodatoOriginealloroTeatro?”inIl
MovimentodeiDisciplinatinelSettimoCentenariodalsuoInizio(Perugia,1260);Convegno
Internazionale:Perugia,25-28Settembre1960,(Spoleto:ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli,1962),438.
Seenote2:thisinformationcomesfromtheCapitoloVIIIoftheCostituzionedellaFraternitadiSanto
Stefano:Assisi,ArchivioCapitolarediSanRufino,ms78,f.6v.,copyoftheoriginalStatutiofthe23
August1327.
20Lunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri,124.
21Lunghi,LapassiondegliUmbri,124.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,48.Translation:“Onecrossand
columnfortheDevotion[…]threenailspulledfromthecrucifix[…]onebigcrucifixsuitableforthe
Devotion”
133
CrucifixinthecityofBettonainJune1338.Thedocumentalsomentionsthatthe
confraternitypaidthesculptorPietrucciodiPiczicheorPicziche:“Inthesameway
hespentfivecoinswhenhewenttothecityofBitontoforthesculptedcrucified
Christ.InthesamewayhepaidforthemakingofthesculptedcrucifixtoPetruccio
diPizzicaandfortwocrownsandthreewingsofangelstheamountofeightlibre
andthirteencoins.”22
Othersignificantinformationontheexistenceanduseofwoodensculptures
duringtheritualsoftheHolyWeekcomesfromthecityofFolignoinUmbria.We
knowthat,atleastduringthefifteenthcentury,thecelebrationsoftheHolyFriday
wereabletoinvolvethewholecityandweredividedintothepreaching,the
procession,andthesacrarappresentazione(PassionPlay).23Thepreachingusually
tookplaceinthemorning,theprocessionearlyintheafternoon,andthesacra
rappresentazioneaftersunset.
Thisorderchangedduringthefollowingcentury,whenthepreaching
componentwasmovedtotheafternoon,aftertheprocessionandbeforethesacra
rappresentazione.24Thereislittleinformationavailableabouttheprocessionprior
22CesareCenci,DocumentazionediVitaAssisana,1300-1530,Volumes1-3(EditionesCollegiiS.
BonaventuraeadClarasAquas,1975),Vol1,76.CitedafterLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri,124.
Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,48.““Item,expendiditquandomisitincivitatemBictoniiprolingno
crucifixisculti,quinquesol.Item,solvitprofacturedicticrucifixiPetrutioPicçicheetproduabuscoronis
etIIIalisangelorumetagutis,insummaVIIIlib.etXIIIsol.”
23MarioSensi,“FraterniteDisciplinateeSacreRappresentazioniaFolignonelsecoloXV”inBollettino
dellaDeputazionediStoriaPatriaperl’Umbria,Vol71,n.2(1974),147.
24Ibidem.,148.
134
tothefifteenthcentury,butaccordingtotheregisteroftherevenuesand
expendituresoftheConfraternityofSanFeliciano,weknowofthegrandiosityof
andhighparticipationinthiskindofprocession.25Aftertheprocessiontherewas
thesacrarappresentazione,andabouthalfwaythroughthefifteenthcenturythe
confraternityofSanFelicianoandthatoftheTrinityperformedthesacra
rappresentazioneintheirownoratory.26Morespecifically,inrelationtothe
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,thereisadocumentfromtheinventory
oftheconfraternityofSanFelicianodated1425inwhichthereisadirectreference
tothesacrarappresentazioneandtheritualoftheDescentfromtheCross:
“Devozioni‘detempore’espressamentericordatenell’inventariodel1425sono:la
devozionedelvenerdìsanto,detta<schiavellatione>daschiavellare,toglierei
chiodidalcrocifisso.”27
Anotherinventory,thisonefromtheCathedralinSiena,mentionshow
“[…]Onewoodencrucifix,carved,large,itisusedfortheHolyFriday.”28
25Ibidem.,148.
26Ibidem.,150.
27InventariodellaConfraternitadiSanFeliciano–InventarioSagrestia1425,aprile10(Foligno,
ArchiviodiStato,Ospedale926,Mscartaceo,privodiguardia),publishedbyMarioSensi,Fraternite
Disciplinate,152.Bernardi,LaDrammaturgia,441-442.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,50.
Translation:TemporaryDevotionsspecificallymentionedintheinventoryof1425are:thedevotion
oftheHolyFriday,called“Schiavellatione”frompullingoutandtakingawaythenailsfromthe
crucifix”
28InventariodegliArrediArtisticidell’OperaMetropolitanadiSienadell’Anno1482.Citedafter
Taubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,91.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,50.“Unocrucifixodilegno,
rilevato,grande,s’adoperailvenerdìSancto.”
135
FromachronicleofthecityofPerugiadated1448thereistherecordofa
publicperformanceinwhichananimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChristtookthe
placeofaliveactorthatwasplayingtheroleofJesusChrist:29
“On29March,whichwasGoodFriday,thesaidFriarRubertostartedagain
hisdailypreachinginthesquare.OntheHolyThursdayhepreachedonCommunion
andinvitedthewholepopulationtocomeonGoodFriday;andattheendofthesaid
sermononthePassionheperformedthisplay[rappresentazione]:thisis,he
29AlessandroD’Ancona,OriginidelTeatroItalianoLibritrecondueAppendicisullaRappresentazione
DrammaticadelContadoToscanoesulTeatroMantovanonelSec.XVI.(Torino:E.Loescher,1891),
280-81.Theoriginaldocumentcomefrom:Perugia,BAP,ms.1022,[cronacadettadelGraziani].
CitedafterMaraNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione:ConfraterniteeSpettacolonell'UmbriaMedievale,
(Perugia:Morlacchi,2006),79-80.“Adì29demarzo,chefuelVienardìSanto,recomenzòdittofrate
Rubertoapredicareinpiazzaognidì,etelGiovedìSantopredicòdellacomunione,etinvitòtuttoel
populoperloVienardìSanto.EtnelfinedelladittapredicadellaPassionefecequista
representazione:cioèpredicavaincapodellapiazzafuoradellaportadeS.Lorenzo,doveera
ordinatounoterratodellaportaperfinaalcantoneversocasadeCherubinodegliArmanne.Etlì,
quandosedevèmostrareelCrucifisso,uscìfuoradeS.LorenzoEliseodeCristofano,barbierede
PortaS.Angelo,aguisedeCristonudoconlacroceinspalla,conlacoronadespineintesta,elesuoi
carneparevanobattuteeflagellatecomequandoCristofubatutto.Etlìparechiearmatelomenavano
acrucifigere,etandaronogiùversolafonteintornoallepersoneeperfinaalrembochodegli
Scudellare,eargierosuallaudientiadelCambio,eargieronellaportadeS.Lorenzo,eintraronel
dittoterrato;etlì,amezzoalterrato,gliesefeceincontraunaaguisedellaVergeneMariavestita
tuttadenegro,piangendoeparlandocordogliosamentequillocheaccadevainsimilemisteriodella
passionedeIesuCristo.EtgiontichefuoroalpergholodefrateRuberto,lìstetteunpezoconlacroce
inspalla,etsempretuttoelpopulopiangevaegridandomisericordia.Epuoipusenogiùladittacroce
epusonceunocrocifissochecestavaprima,edirizarosuladittacroce:etalloralistridedelpopulo
fuoroassaimagiori.EaipieidelladictacrocelaNostraDonnacomenzòellamentinsiemeconSan
GiovannietMariaMadalenaeMariaSalome,liqualidissenoalcunestantiedellamentodella
Passione.EpuoivenneNichodemoeIosephiabArimathia,escavigliaronoelcorpodeIesuCristo,
qualeloposenoingremiodellaNostraDonna,epuoilomisenonelmonumento;etsempretuttoel
populopiangendoadaltavoce.EtmoltidissenochemaipiùfufattainPeroscialapiùbellaelapiù
devotadevotionedequista.Etinquellamanesefecenoseifrate:unofudittoEliseo,qualeerauno
stoltogarsone;TomassodeMarchegino;BinochestavaconliPriori;elfigliodeBocchodelBorgode
SantoAntonio;emeserRiccieredeFranceschonedeTanolo;etmoltialtriseneeranovestitiprima
perlepredichededittofrateRuberto”.
136
preachedatthetopofthesquareoutsidethedoorofSanLorenzowhereaplatform
wasprepared[?eraordinateunterrato]fromthedoortothecornertowardsthe
houseofCherubinodegliArmanne.Andthere,whenitwastimetoshowthe
Crucifix,outofSanLorenzocameEliseodeCristofano,barberattheGateof
Sant’Angnolo,representing[aguisade]thenakedChristwiththecrossinhis
shoulderandthecrownofthornsonhishead;andhisfleashseemedbeatenand
scourged,aswhenChristwasscourged.Andseveralarmedmen[armate]tookhim
tobecrucified.Andtheywentdowntowardsthefountain,aroundthecrowd,asfar
astheentrancetotheScudellare,andtheyturned[argiero]attheExchange
[audienzadelCambio]andreturned[argiero]tothedoorofSanLorenzoandwent
ontothesaidplatform[terrato];andthere,inthemiddleoftheplatform,someone
[una]wenttowardshiminthegarboftheVirginMarydressedallinblack,weeping
andspeakingsorrowfully,aswasdoneinthesimilarplay[misterio]ofthePassion
ofJesusChrist;andwhentheyarrivedatthescaffold[?pergolo]ofFriarRoberto,he
stoodthereforalongtimewiththecrossonhisshoulder,andallthewhilethe
peopleweptandcriedformercy.Thentheyputdownthesaidcrossandtookupa
crucifixwhichwasalreadythere,andtheyerectedthesaidcross;andthenthe
wailingofthepeoplegrewlouder.Atthefootofsaidcross,OurLadystartedher
lamenttogetherwithStJohnandMaryMagdaleneandMarySalome,andtheysaid
somestanzasfromthelamentofthePassion.ThencameNicodemusandJosephof
137
Arimathea,andtheyfreedthebodyofChristfromthenails[scavigliarono],putin
thelapofOurLady,andthenlaiditinthesepulcher;andthroughoutthepeople
continuedtoweeploudly.Andmanysaidthattherehadneverbeenperformedin
Perugiaamorebeautifulandpiousplay[devozione]thanthisone.Andonthe
morningsixfriarswereprofessed[?sefecero]:onewassaidEliseo,whowasfoolish
youth,TomassodeMarchegino,BinowhousedtolivewiththePriors,thesonof
BoccodelBorgodeSantoAntonio,andMasterRicieredeFrancesconedeTanolo,
andmanyothershadtakenthehabitbefore,becausethesermonsofthesaidFriar
Ruberto.”30
“JospehandNicodemusshallriseupandlaytheladderagainstthecross,and
JospehshallgouptheladderandtiethebodyofChristtothecrosswithacloth.
Thentheyshallturnrightandwiththehammerhitthenailtiptoshowtheyare
extractingit.AndassoonastheVirginMaryhearsthatblow,withgreatlamentshe
shallscreamoutloud,andJospehshallextractthenailfromtherighthandandwith
getsuresofextractingitwithlabor.TheturningtoSt.Johntheyshallsaywhile
handingoutthenail(…)Jospehshallextractthe[nail]fromthelefthandandshall
giveittoSt.Johnwithouthsayinganythingmore.ThenJospehshallsupportthe
bodyandNicodemusshallextractthenailfromthefeetandshallgiveittoSt.John.
30Englishtranslationfrom:Meredith,Peter,andJohnE.Tailby,TheStagingofReligiousDramain
EuropeintheLaterMiddleAges:TextsandDocumentsinEnglishTranslation,(Kalamazoo,Mich:
MedievalInstitutePublications,WesternMichiganUniversity,1983),248-249.CiteafterKopania,
AnimatedSculptures,48-49.
138
Thentheyshallsendthebodydownandeverybodyshallsupportit.TheVirginMary
shalltakeitobliquelyandsitwithhershoulderagainstthecrossandherface
towardsthecrowds,andshallholdthebodyofherdeadsonlyingobliquelyonher
lapofthetwoMaries,oneshallbeononesideoftheVirginandtheotheronthe
otherside,facinginthesamedirectionsastheVirginis.JospehandNicodemusshall
beneartheheadofChrist.MaryMagdaleneshallbeat[Christ’s]feetandSt.John
[shallbe]onthesamesideastheMagdalene.Accordingtoeachone’scustoms,
everyoneshallcryalltogetherbeatingthemselves.”31
Inthisdocumentthereisnotadirectreferencetotheuseofananimated
sculpture,butconsideringthementiontotheactionofschiavellazione(topullout
thenailsfromthebodyofChrist)-eNicodemocavifuoraelchiododipiedi(and
31483manuscriptofVittorioEmanuele’sfundoftheNationalLibraryinRome.CitedafterIlaria
Tameni,ThePiety’sTheatre:MobileCrucifixesinHolyFriday’sDepositions,textofspeechatIXColloque
SociètèInternationalepourlÉtudeduThéâtreMédiéval–Elx,du9au14d’août2004,
http://parnaseo.uv.es/Ars/webelx/Pon%C3%A8ncies%20pdf/Tameni.pdf[accessedonJuly2014].
Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,49.AsimilarcircumstancewasdocumentedinBolognawhereasacra
rappresentazionetitledPiantodenostraDonnawasorganized:“YosepheNicodemoselievinosuxoe
ponanolescalealacroce,eYosephvadasuxoperlascalaeprimalighiilcorpodeChristoalacrocea
traversoconunpanexello.Poivoltisialamandrittaeconlomartellodiaunabottanelapunctadel
chiodopermostraredecavarlo.EsubitochelaVergeneMariasantaquellabotta,congranlamento
dicaadaltavoce,eYosephstiafermoadascoltarla[…].Yosephcavifuoraelchiododelamandrittae
congiestidacavarloperforza.PoivoltisiaSanZohanneedicaliporgendoliilchiodo[…].Yosephcavi
quellodelasinestramanoedialoaSanZohannesenzadiraltro.PoiYosephsostengaelcorpoe
NicodemocavifuoraelchiododipiediedialoasanZohanne.Po’mandinogiusoilcorpoetuctilo
sostengano.LaVergeneMariaelprendaatraversoeponaseasedereinmegioconlespalleapozatea
lacroceeilvisovoltoversoilpopuloetengailcorpodelfigliolmortodistesoingremboatraverso.
LedueMarie,nestiaunadaunlatodalaVergeneel’altradalaltrolato,volteconlovisocomestala
Vergene.YosepheNicodemostianoversoilcapodeChristo.LaMagdalenastiaalipiediesan
ZohannedallatodelaMagdalena.Comesonoacuncialiluochisuoi,tuctiinsiemepiangano
battandosiconlemani.
139
Nicodemuspulledoutthenailfromthefeet)–wecanreasonablyassumethatthey
usedananimatedsculptureforthissacrarappresentazione.
Thesedocumentationsareextremelyvaluableforunderstandingthese
sculptures’useandthecontextoftheiruse.Whiletheraritywithwhichwecanfind
documentationregardingthesesculpturesorthesepublicpassionplaysmight
appeartosuggestthattheywerenotworthmention,theywereclearlywellestablishedwithinthedevotionalcontextofthecity,andbyvirtueoftheirpervasive
presencewithinthiscontext,theyattainedanormalcythatdidnotrequire
documentation.ThisisevidencedbythecaseofPerugiain1448,whichitseemswas
particularlysuccessfulfromthepreachingofRobertodaLeccetoarepresentation
ofthePassionitselfsingularenoughtomeritattentioninthechronicleofthecity.32
WhatisparticularlyinterestingaboutthesacrarappresentazioneinPerugiaisthata
personplayedthepartofJesus:thebarberEliseodiCristofanowentoutfromthe
doorofthecathedral“…likethenakedChrist,withthecrossonhisshoulder,with
thecrownofthornsinhishead,andhisfleshseembeatenandflagellatedlikeChrist
wasbeaten;andtherearemanysoldiersthatpushinghimtothecrucifixion.”33
ThattherewasarealpersonplayingtheroleofJesusisnotable.Sincethe
earliestofthosecelebrationslinkedtothePassionofChrist,whilecelebrantsfelt
32Nerbano,IlteatrodellaDevozione,189.
33CronacadettadelGraziani,598.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,189.“aguisade
Cristonudoconlacroceinspalla,conlacoronadespineintesta,elesuoicarneparevanobattutee
flagellatecomoquandoCristofubattuto;etlìparechiearmatelomenavanoacrucifigere.”
140
comfortablesubstitutingrealpeopleforothercharacters,theyhadalwayskepta
sculptureintheroleofChristinordertoavoiddisorientingthefaithfulandrisking
theproblemofthefaithfulveneratingapersonduringtheplayortheliturgy.
Indeed,eveninthisdevelopmentofthesacrarappresentazioneinPerugia,at
themomentofthecrucifixion,asculpturewassubstitutedfortheactor.The
substitutionwasmadeafterthebarberEliseodiCristofanomovedclosetothe
pulpitofFra’RobertodaLecce,holdingthecrossonhisshoulder—andafterthe
audiencewasmovedtotears.Atthispoint,thetorturers“pusenogiùladittacroce,e
pusonceunocrucifissochecestavaprima,edrizarosuladittacroce.”34Soinorder
toreenactthemomentofthecrucifixionandthedescentfromthecross,asculpture
wasstillused,ratherthanalivingactor.Thiscrucifixwaslife-sizeanditwas
crucifiedonthesamecrossthattheactorhadcarried.Thisprocedureclearlyhada
realandstrongemotionalimpactontheaudienceas,accordingtotheCronaca
writtenbyGraziani,oncethecrosswasraisedatthedisplayofthecrucifiedbodyof
Christ“alloralistridedelpopulofuoroassaimagiori”(thescreamsofthepopulation
wereevenlouder).35Thiscrucifixcouldhavebeensimilartotheoneveneratedin
theconfraternityofAnnunziatainPerugia,whichwasflexibleatthejointsand
34Ibidem.,599.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194.Translation:“putdownthe
crossandputoveracrucifixthatwasalredythere,andthentheyreisedthecross.”
35Ibidem.,599.QuotedafterNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194.
141
featuredrealhairandabeard,aswellashumanintegumentfilledwithcords
connectedtoeachother.36(Fig4).
Usuallytherewasadifferentiationbetweentheliturgywithintheofficialcult
ofthechurchandthesacrerappresentazioni,inwhichanactorwouldperformthe
roleofChrist.EventhoughtheywerepartofthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeek,as
wasthecasewiththeplayinPerugia,theywerepartofapreachingandtheywere
performedinpublicspaces,theserepresentationswererealtheater.37Whatis
importantforthisstudyisnottomakeclearthedistinctionsbetweenliturgyand
theater,buttoconsidertheroleofsculpturesinthisliminaldimensioninwhichthe
devotionaldramaisenacted.
Weneedtorevisethestartingpointforstudyoftheseobjects.Theyarenot
simplysculpturesorobjectsusedfordevotionandveneration.Theybecomethe
realChrist,therealbody,andspiritualandcorporealaccesstothePassionofChrist.
Thesesculptureswereabletocatalyzethereligiousandsocialcommunityintoone
audience,andthecelebrationsaroundthesesculpturesweresopowerfulthatthe
auracreatedcontinuedtoaffectsubsequentrepresentationofreligiousscenesat
thebeginningoftheRenaissance.
36SerafinoSiepi,DescrizioneTopologico-IstoricadellaCittàdiPerugia(Perugia:GarbinesiiSanticci,
1822),729.AsquotedinNerbano,IlTeatrodellaDevozione,194andElvioLunghi“Considerazionied
IpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiesedell’UmbriatrailXIIeilXIIISecolo.“Theskinofthis
sculpturewastakenfromacadaver(usuallyfromaprisonerorsomeonesentencedtodeath)and
adaptedforthesculpture”,8.
37GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,111-112.
142
Scholarsarguepersuasivelythatthesesculpturesarethemeansofaccessto
thesacredbythelaityandarticulatehowthisisalsoameansofbringingthesacred
intoeverydaylife.38Thefactthatthesesculptureswereabletorepresentand
embodytheincarnationofChrist,aswellastobesubstitutedforarealactorduring
thepassionplaystogreateffect,asoccurredinPerugia,showsthepowerofthese
objectsinactuallyrepresentingrealisticallythebodyofChrist.Ingeneral,atthe
coreofChristianitythereisanelementofauthenticitythatisatthebaseofthe
presentationandrepresentationofthemysteriesofthefaith,whichdifferentiates
itselffromthetheaterandrepresentationofpagannature.39Thetheaterbeforethe
diffusionofChristianityprovidedonlyafictiverealityevenwheninvolvedthe
pathosofthehumancondition.Thisconceptanddifferencebetweenthepaganand
Christiantheaterisexplainedverycarefullyinoneofthepassageoftheconfessions
ofSaintAugustine:
“Theatricalshows,filledwithdepictionsofmymiseriesandwithtinder
formyownfire,completelycarriedmeaway.Whatisitthatmakesa
38DavidMorgan,VisualPiety:aHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages(Berkeley:University
ofCaliforniaPress,1988),50-51.LuciaCardone,LorenzoCarletti,“LaDevozioneContinua”inSacre
Passioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVsecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi(Milano:F.Motta,
2000),239.ClaudioBernardi,“DeposizioniedAnnunciazioni”inIlteatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidi
DeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:attidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella
Deposizione":Milano,15-16maggio2003,MuseoDiocesanoFondazioneS.Ambrogio,Università
CattolicadelSacroCuore,(Milano:V&P.,2005),80.
39LeonardoLugaresi,“Traeventoerappresentazione.Perun’interpretazionedellapolemicacontro
glispettacolineiprimisecolicristiani,”RivistadiStoriaeLetteraturaReligiosa,9,n.43,(1989),455.
143
manwanttobecomesadinbeholdingmournfulandtragiceventswhich
hehimselfwouldnotwillinglyundergo?Yet,ashewatches,hewishes
tosuffertheirsorrow;thissorrowishisownpleasure.Whatisthisbut
awretchedweaknessofmind?For,thelesssaneapersonisinregardto
suchfeelings,themoreheismovedbythesethings;although,whenhe
himselfsuffers,itisusuallycalledmisery;whenhesuffersforothers,
compassion.But,whatkindofcompassionisinthemake-believethings
ofthetheater?Amemberoftheaudienceisnotincitedtogivehelp;
rather,heissimplyenticedtofeelsorrow:themoresorrowfulhe
becomes,themorehighlydoesheregardtheauthorofthose
presentations.Thus,ifthesecalamitouseventsofthemenofold,orof
fiction,aresopresentedthatthespectatorisnotmovedtosorrow,he
goesawayscornfulandcritical;but,ifhedoesbecomesorrowful,he
remains,givingfullattentionandenjoyingit.”40
SaintAugustine’squotestressesthefactthatthespectatoris“enticedtofeel
sorrow,themoresorrowfulhebecomes,themorehighlydoesheregardtheauthor
ofthosepresentations”whileintheChristianreenactmentofthePassionofChrist
40Augustine,andVernonJ.Bourke.Confessions(Washington:CatholicUniversityofAmericaPress,
2010),Book3Chapter2.2,50.http://site.ebrary.com/id/10383925.AsquotedaswellinLugaresi,
TraEventoeRappresentazione,455.
144
faithfularespectatorsbutatthesametimetheybecomeparticipantsbecausewhat
isrepresentedishappenedforrealandalsothereisnotastagethatseparatesthe
mainscenewiththebeholders,butthefaithfulbecomeactors,theyarepartofitand
whatishappeningisreal.41Thesculpturalmedium,andespeciallywooden
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,seemstoembodythiselementof
authenticitymoststrongly,evenasitisabletosatisfyboththeofficialliturgical
necessitiesofthechurchandtheextraliturgicalneedsofthelayconfraternities.
Thelauda,thepictorialproductionandtheimportanceofsculpture
Forexample,generallywhenscholarshavestudiedtherelationshipbetween
theliteratureandartproductionoftheperiod,theyhaveconcentratedonpictorial
productionswithoutpayingmuchattentiontothesculpturalproduction.Thelauda
wasthereforecomparedorlinkedtopainting—mostoftenfrescosorpanelpainting.
ThisisthecaseinItalianscholarPietroScarpellini’scontributiontothesubject,his
1981article“EchidellalaudanellapitturaumbradelXIIeXIVsecolo.”Scarpellini
triedtounderstandthedynamicbetweenUmbrianpaintingduringtheperiod
betweenthetwelfthandthefourteenthcenturyandlaudeproduction.Inhis
argument,hetookthefrescointranseptofthebasilicaSuperioreinAssisiwiththe
41LeonardoLugaresi,TraEventoeRappresentazione,454.
145
CrucifixionbyCimabueasastartingpoint.(Fig5).Theorganizationofthescene
paintedbyCimabueshowsadetachmentfromthebyzantinestyleandprovidesa
newgrammarofgestures.42Thisnewemotionalinterpretationofthegestureshas
beenconnectedbythescholarstotheliturgicaldramaPlanctusMariaefrom
Cividale,whichprovided—alongwithatexttobereadaloud—adescriptionofthe
gesturestobeperformedduringtherecitation.43
AnexampleistheexpressionofsorrowtowardthePassionofChristbyMary
Magdalene:Heresheturnstothemenwitharmsoutstretched–Obrothers–Hereto
thewomen–andsisters–whereismyhope?–Hereshebeatsherbreast–Whereis
myconsolation?–heresheelevatesherhand–Whereisallsalvation?–herebending
herhead,prostratesherselfatthefeetofChrist–OMyMaster?44
KarlYoung’searlystudysupportedtheinitialtheoryabouttheconnectionof
thePlanctustotheoriginofthedramaofthePassion.Hethoughtthatthemourning
oftheVirginMarywasarticulatedspecificallyforuseinadramaticsetting,andthat,
given these parts were meant to be acted, these were the elements allowing the
dramatizationofthecelebrationsofthePassion.45
42EugenioBattisti,Cimabue(UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1967),50.
43Ibidem.,50.
44Hicvertatseadhominescumbrachiisextensis/Ofratres/Hicadmulieres/etsorores/ubiest
spesmea?/Hicpercutiatpectus/Ubiconsolaciomea?/Hicmanuselevet/Ubitotasalus?/Hic,
inclinatorcapite,sternatseadpedesChristi/OMAGISTERMI?(thepartinItalicsrefertothe
gestures)AsquotedinBattisti,Cimabue,51.
45KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933),vol1,538.
146
Morerecently,ontheotherhand,scholarshaveacknowledgedthatthePlanctuswas
one of the elements contributing to the development of the drama of the Passion,
ratherthanitsbeginning.46TherealfocusoftheHolyWeekandthePlanctuswasa
secondary moment within the celebration of the Passion.47As a consequence, the
Planctus, the Planctus , despite its importance, did not retain a prominent role
within the dynamic of the celebration of the Passion as scholars initially thought.
Thisrealizationsuggestsitisunlikelytohavebeenthesolesourceofinspirationfor
Cimabue’s Crucifixion. Accordingly, drawing a direct parallel between the two, or
moregenerallybetweentextandpainting,wouldnotbeentirelycorrect.
If,infact,thePassionsincethetwelfthcentury,aswellasthroughtheMiddle
Ages, were the focus of the devotion, and if the Planctuswere not the core of this
celebration,whatwouldthestimulusbethatmoldedpietytowardthePassionaswe
knowitintheMiddleAges?Obviouslythepictorialmediumplayedamajorrolein
spreading the life of Christ, not only as a didactic medium but especially as visual
memory utilized to contemplate the life and suffering of Christ. However, the
pictorial still lacks something which enabled the dramatic sensibility surrounding
the Passion of Christ, which was not only a meditation, but also identification and
participation.
46MariaSofiaDeVito,L'OriginedelDrammaLiturgico(Milano:SocietàanonimaeditriceDante
Alighieri,1938),160.CitedinSandroSticca,ThePlanctusMariaeintheDramaticTraditionofthe
MiddleAges.Athens[Ga.]:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1988),5.
47Ibidem.,7.
147
Otherscholarshavedealtwithsubjectoftryingtounderstandtheconnection
between art and drama in this period.48The literature on this relationship varies
from arguing the impossibility of proving a reciprocal connection (See Nagler and
Sheingorn)betweentherolesofbothartanddrama.49InTheIntertextualityofLate
Medieval Art and Drama, Martin Stevens attempts to reconsider the relationship
between art and drama by arguing that “its nexus is intertextual, not casual or
agentive”.50Inordertomakethiscase,MartinexaminesthePassionpanelbyHans
Memling now in the Galleria Sabauda in Turin (Fig 6). Memling’s painting is
consideredasanideaofaperformancethatpushedtheviewerinadeconstructive
act,presentingthecityastheaterandthetheaterascity.51AccordingtoStevens,the
way that the painting stages the Passion becomes a sort of theatrum mundi that
involves,atthesametime,theviewerandthespectator.52Theperformanceandthe
painting become a specular image of one another, and both the painting and the
performance(PassionPlay)becomesthereferenceofeachother.
48MartinStevens,"TheIntertextualityofLateMedievalArtandDrama".NewLiteraryHistory.22(2),
1991:317-337.Otherscholarsthatdealtwiththesubjectare:A.M.Nagler,TheMedievalReligious
Stage:ShapesandPhantoms(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1976);CliffordDavidson,Dramaand
Art:anIntroductiontotheUseofEvidencefromtheVisualArtsfortheStudyofEarlyDrama
(Kalamazoo,Mich:MedievalInstitute,WesternMichiganUniversity,1977);PamelaSheingorn,“Using
MedievalArtintheStudyofMedievalDrama,”ResearchOpportunitiesinRenaissanceDrama,22
(1979),101-9.
49CliffordDavidson,DramaandArt:anIntroductiontotheUseofEvidencefromtheVisualArtsforthe
StudyofEarlyDrama(Kalamazoo,Mich:MedievalInstitute,WesternMichiganUniversity,1977);as
citedinMartinStevens,"TheIntertextualityofLateMedievalArtandDrama".NewLiteraryHistory.
22(2),1991:317.
50Stevens,"TheIntertextuality,318.
51Ibidem.,328.
52Ibidem.,329.
148
While this argument is plausible, it is worth noting that the sculptural
mediumisexcludedyetagain.Iwouldargue,however,thatthesculpturalmedium
was precisely the channel and the dimension that shaped piety during the Middle
Agesandcatalyzedtheliterature,theimages,andcontemporaneousunderstanding
of and access to the sacred. The Planctus providing direction for gestures, as I
mentioned before, implies that action and a more tridimensional setting were an
importantpropertyofthesculpturalmedium.Eitherthisactionwaspartofaliturgy
oranextraliturgicalperformance;theremarkablepartistheatmospherethatwould
havebeencreatedduringthisenactment,andthefactthatonecoulduseasculpture
to embody or represent the characters around the Crucifixion or just Christ as
manifestationofthesacred.TheexampleofthePassionPlayinPerugiaisprobably
themostdirectexampleofthepowerofthesesculpturesinrepresentingthebodyof
ChristindirectsymbiosiswiththerealpersonthatwasactingasChristbeforethe
momentoftheCrucifixion.
While this was possible for Passion Plays outside the church, where the
ceremonial inside the church was concerned, it was not possible for an actor to
standinforasculpture(oranimatedsculpture),across,oreventheholyhost.The
maindifferenceinthiscasewouldhavebeenthatthefaithfulwouldnothavebeen
able(andprobablytheChurchwouldnotpermit)toidentifytheactorwithChrist,
while this would have happened with a wooden sculpture, particularly with the
149
animated sculpture of Christ.53On the other hand, this could have happened in
paraliturgicalceremonies,suchasthePassionPlayinPerugia,wherebothanactor
andasculpturewereutilized,whileafriarwasresponsibleforthepreaching.54
TheuseofanimatedsculpturesintheriteoftheDepositioCrucishasalready
been the subject of study. The earliest document to mention the use of these
sculpturesduringtheriteoftheDescentfromthecrossisapartofadocumentof
the Ordinarium Barkingense (ca. 1363-1367) from the town of Barking near
London.55The origin and development of the Holy Week ceremonies date from
before the use of these wooden sculptures. In addition, the utilization of wooden
simulacrawasacknowledgedsincetheearlyClassicalperiodwhenpagandivinities
wereveneratedintemplesbothinthecitiesandthecountryside.56Thus,itisclear
that the ceremonies developed before the use of the sculptures, however these
objects had been integrated since the eleventh century (the indicative date of the
oldestsurvivingDescentfromtheCross).Theuseofthesesculptureswasnotnew,
butwasalreadycommonfromtheearlyClassicalperiodonward.
53Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,143-144.
54Seenote29onthischapter.
55DavidFreedberg,ThePowerofImages:StudiesintheHistoryandTheoryofResponse(Chicago:
UniversityofChicagoPress,1989),286.
56LorenzoCarlettiandCristianoGiometti,“MedievalWoodSculptureandItsSettinginArchitecture:
StudiesinSomeChurchesinandaroundPisa”,ArchitecturalHistory,Vol.46,(2003),37.Quote:“The
RomanarthistorianLivy,amongothers,indicatesthatthesestatueplayedanimportantrolein
sacredceremonies:‘FromthetempleofApollotwowhitecowswereledthroughthePorta
Carmentalisintothecity;behindthesetwostatuesincypresswoodofJunoReginawerecarried.’”
Therichcorpusofextantmedievalwoodssculptures,togetherwithsomedetailedwrittensources,
confirmthesubstantialaffinitybetweenthepaganandChristianworlds.
150
Itshouldbenotedthat,accordingtothesurvivingdocumentsconcerningthe
DepositionCrucis,whichmakespecificreferencetotheuseofanimatedsculpturesof
thecrucifiedChrist,theutilizationofthesesimulacradidnotaltertheorganization
of the ceremony. 57 However, the use of the sculpture added a dimension of
authenticitynotonlytothesimplepresenceofChrist,butalsototheauthenticityof
theceremonyfromthemomentoftheDescentfromtheCrossuntiltheburial.
For example, they were life-size, as was the case for the group of the
Descents,buttherewasalsothepossibilitytomovetheirlimbs(usuallythearms),
head, or tongue. Considering that these sculptures were made during a period of
time that extends from the twelfth until the sixteenth century and that their
productioninvolvesdifferentcountriesinWesternEurope,itwouldbeimpossible
tocatalogthemaccordingtoanyspecificartisticstyle.Jung’sstudy,ThePhenomenal
Lives of Movable Christ Sculptures, which involves sculptures from the southern
German-speakingregion,statesthatitwasverydifficult,ifnotimpossible,togroup
themaccordingtostyle,bothbecausethestylevariessomuchandbecausealackof
properdocumentationpreventsanaccurateaccountingofchronology,geographical
distribution,orevenplaceoforigin58.Furthermore,manyoftheseobjectshavebeen
altered and transformed through the centuries. Accordingly, she opted to group
57Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,138.
58TanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures(PhDDissertation,Universityof
Maryland,2006),16.SeealsoGesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixemith
schwenkbarenArmeb.EinBeitragzurVerwendungvonBildwerkenderLiturgia”inZeitschriftdes
DeutschenVereinsfürKunstwissenschaft,23,(1969),91.
151
thesesculpturesaccordingtotheirforms,media,andfunctions,consideringthefact
thatallwereusedasrealChristduringthecelebrationsoftheHolyWeek.59
AsTanyaJungargues,scholarshipneedstoovercometheconceptthatthese
sculptures were only objects utilized within the popular devotion, or just a
confirmation of the liturgical or paraliturgical ceremonies, especially as
demonstration of what was reported in written text. 60 In fact, the number of
sculpturessurpassthenumberofwrittenrecordslinkedtothem.61Evenfortherite
of the Depositio, the written records are rare, and certainly rarer than the actual
survivingsculptures.Furthermore,thisritualwasneverreportedintheRomanRite.
KarlYoungsuggestedthatthiswastheresultoftheextraliturgicalnatureofthese
kinds of ceremonials 62 , but further studies on the subject concluded that,
particularlyinthecaseoftheriteoftheDepositio,theseceremonialscomefromthe
organizationoftheRomanRiteandweresocommonthattheydidnotneedtobe
recorded.63
The study of these objects needs to move beyond conceptualizing them as
passive elements of the liturgy or just as popular art. Starting from their likeness
andtheirperformativefunction,myaimistoexplorewhatkindofrelationshipthey
59Ibidem.,16.
60Ibidem.,3.
61Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,138.
62KarlYoung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,114.
63KolumbanP.Gschwend,DieDepositionundElevatioCrucisinRaumderalternDiözeseBrixen
(Sarnen:1965),60-69.AsquotedinJung,TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch,60.
152
builtwiththeviewerandhowtheyaffectedtheunderstandingofthesacred,aswell
as how this expands beyond the moment of the ritual itself. Especially for the
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,asDavidFreedbergstatedinhisstudy
The Power of Images, we need to use the relationship between the image and the
beholders as a starting point; “this response is predicated on the efficacy and
effectiveness (imputed or otherwise) of images. We must consider not only the
beholder’ssymptomsandbehavior,butalsotheeffectiveness,efficacy,andvitality
ofimagesthemselves;notonlywhatbeholdersdo,butalsowhatimagesappearto
do; not only what people do as result of their relationship with imaged form, but
alsowhattheyexpectimagedformtoachieve,andwhytheyhavesuchexpectations
at all.” 64 This allows us to overcome the simple approach in which style and
authorship hold a prominent role and, particularly in the case of these sculptures,
havehadadeleteriouseffect.65Firstofall,whilethesesculptureswereinitiallyused
withinanestablishedritual,withoutadoubttheycontributedtotheenhancement
oftheritualitself,carryingnewmeaningandanoveldevotionalexperience.
64Freedberg,ThePowerofImages,xxii.
65GeorgesDidi-Hubermanhasdiscussedthedifficultyofstylecriticismanddatingforwaxsculptures
duetothenatureofthemediumanditspurposeofanduse.Healsostressedthepresenceofa
“philosophicalprejudice”infavorofthePlatonicIdea,that-sinceVasariuntilErwinPanofsky-
diminishedthevalueandconsiderationofthematerialaspectoftheartworks.
“ViscositiesandSurvivals.ArtHistoryPuttotheTestbytheMaterial”inEphemeralBodies:Wax
SculptureandtheHumanFigure,editedbyPanzanelli,Roberta.,andSchlosser,Julius.(LosAngeles,
Calif.:GettyResearchInstitute,2008),154-169.
153
Sculptureas“real”body
The first aspect that I want to begin to explore is how these sculptures
presenttheideaofthebody.AsImentionabove,theywerelife-sizedwithmoveable
limbs,andinsomecasestheyhadmechanismswhichwouldallowthesculptureto
movethetongue(Fig7)orpossessrealhairorbeards.(Fig8)Thiswasnotsimply
amatterofpracticalitytofacilitateperformingritesduringtheliturgyoroutsidethe
official liturgy, such as passion plays. This was the result of aconnection in which
the sculpture was not just the object, but it was able to become the real body of
Christ,abletoovercometheboundariesbetweentheimaginaryworldandthereal.
The animated sculpture of Christ, now in the Museum of Palazzo Santi in
Cascia, was first part of a larger group of the Descent from the Cross. What is
striking about this early fourteenth century sculpture is the presence, above the
loincloth of Christ, of pubic hair. (Fig 9). Even though it was painted, it
demonstratesanattentiontoanatomicaldetailthatwewillbeabletoseemuchlater
inpainting.ThecaseofCasciamightbeararecase,butwhatithasincommonwith
the other sculptures is an attention to the anatomical details and the realistic
depictionit,whichisbothpeculiarandintrinsictotheessenceoftheseobjectsand
their devotional use. The fact that faithful would approach them to touch and kiss
themasworshippingthebodyofChrist,arealisticrepresentationofabodywould
154
have enhanced and realized this experience. From the creation, use, and
modification of the wooden group of the Descent from the Cross up through the
animated sculpture of Christ, we observe a process of identification with and
participation in the sacred scene and the presence of Christ that does not happen
withothermediaorreligiousimages.
Thiswasalsoenhancedbythefactthatwood,beingalivingmaterial,could
function like a real body and this belief affected the making of the sculpture since
the tree was cut down.66Wood, differing from stone and metals, was more noble
and pure because of its closeness to the human being. In fact, wood, like humans,
lives, suffers, decays and dies, and heartwood was compared to the flesh of the
man.67
Eventhepaintingprocessofthesculptureswasnotinterpretedasawayto
covertheinnerstructurebutrathertoexpandthevitalaspectsofthematerialand
thesculptures.68
The choice of the wood itself was a precise process that corresponded to
both a practical function and a symbolic one. The most common wood utilized for
66ChristinaNeilson,“Carvinglife:themeaningofwoodinearlymodernEuropeansculpture”in
(2015).Thematterofart:Materials,practices,culturallogics,c.1250-1750(Studiesindesign)edited
byAnderson,C.,Dunlop,Anne,&Smith,PamelaH(ManchesterUniversityPress,2015),225.
67MichelPastoureau,“Introducionalasymboliquemedievaldubois,”L’arbre:histoirenaturelleet
symboliquedel’arbre,duboisetdufruitauMoyen-Age,(1993):26.
68Neilson,Carvinglife,231.
155
themakingofthesculpturesarethelimewoodandpoplar.69Limewoodguaranteed
a more detailed possibility of carving even if it was common the use of plaster to
shapetheparticularfeaturesofthesculptures.Iftheywerenotsculptedsometimes
twines were used to create some anatomical details such as tendons and veins.70
Once the wooden structure was modeled and a uniform and compact surface was
created,colorswereaddedtofinishthesculpture.71
ThesculptureoftheCrucifiedChristwasnotjustasymbolorisolatedimage,
but, rather, was right at the center of the religious and social space showing his
presence through its bodily features. The corporality of the dead Christ expressed
by the animated sculpture of the crucified Christ was the catalyst for the imitatio
Christi. These wooden sculptures allowed a further dimension to be added to the
contemplation of images which, especially in the Late Middle Ages, came to play a
pivotalrole.Thesedevotionalpracticeswereheightenedbythebodilypresenceof
Christ in this act of identification, in which the body of the believers became the
mirror of these simulacra. Painted images of the passion of Christ played an
69RaffaeleCasciaro,“TecnicaeStile:Idaticoincidono?”,inRiflessionisulRinascimentoScolpito.
Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargineallamostradiCamerino5maggio–5novembre2006
ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópezabdRaffaeleCasciaro(Pollenza:TipografiaSanGiuseppe,2006),57.
Formoreinformationaboutthematerialusedtomakewoodensculpturesseealso:Sapori,Giovanna,
andBrunoToscano.LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma.Milano:Electa,
2004.MichaelBaxandall,TheLimewoodSculptorsofRenaissanceGermany.NewHaven:Yale
UniversityPress,1980.
70Ibidem.,59.
71AntoniettaGallone,“L’ArcangeloRaffaeleeTobiolo.Studioanaliticodelcolore”ininRiflessionisul
RinascimentoScolpito.Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargineallamostradiCamerino5
maggio–5novembre2006ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópezabdRaffaeleCasciaro(Pollenza:Tipografia
SanGiuseppe,2006),64.
156
importantroleduringthelateMedievalperiodinsolicitingdevotionalpracticethat
imitatedChrist;alternately,thesculpturesprovidedHisactualpresence,allowinga
real participation in his corporeal death and in the last moment of the Passion.
Furthermore, sculptures that we find in churches and oratory used by lay
confraternitieshadthepowertoexistandbeactivatedinthisliminalrealmbetween
sacredandprofane.Thisenabledthemtoprovideaneffectivemeansforrevealing
whatwasinvisiblethroughthevisible72,inreferencebothtothepresenceofChrist
aswellasinrealisticallyrepresentingsomethingthathappenedinanothertimeand
anotherplace.Insomecaseswhenthesculptureswereusedalongwiththesacred
hostfortheceremonialsduringtheHolyWeekinbothliturgicalandextraliturgical
ceremonies,“thetheologicaldistinctionbetweenimageandsacramentwasfurther
elidedandrepresentationandsacredpresencewereautomaticallyconflated.”73
TheChurchsupportedthesignificancethattheseobjectsstartedtoembody,
going beyond the symbolic meaning. Beside the ritual use, these sculptures were
approachedbythefaithfulandtouchedandkissed.Insomecases,inordertofully
represent the moments of the passion of Christ, these sculptures were even
anointed.ThisoccurredinthecaseoftheanimatedsculptureofChristintheChurch
of Saint Francis in Leonessa (Fig 10); the polychrome fifteenth century sculpture
turned black over the years because the wood absorbed the ointment that was
72Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,43.
73Ibidem.,91.
157
appliedtoitduringthecelebrationsoftheHolyFriday.74Whathappenedwiththe
sculptureinLeonessashowshowtherelationshipbetweentheconfraternity,orthe
faithful more generally, and the sculpture is human-like, and demonstrates how
duringtheseceremoniesthesculptures,onceactivated,wouldbecometherealbody
of Christ. If we acknowledge this kind of association and treatment as something
normal,inherentofthenatureoftheanimatedwoodensculpturesofChrist,intheir
capabilitytobetreatedandviewedasarealbody,wewouldbeabletoconnectand
better understand what happened in the above- mentioned Passion Play that
occurred in Perugia. In fact, the substitution of the sculpture for the actor at the
momentoftheCrucifixionwouldnotcreateaproblemofvisualdiscontinuity,even
conceptually, because of this visceral association between the sculpture and the
physicalessenceofChrist.
BeyondthefamousstoryofSaintBernardofClairvauxandhisembracewith
Christ while praying in front of a Cross, there are other examples during the
Medieval period that show the physical presence of Christ and contact with the
believer.ForexampleRupertofDeuzreportsthatheexperiencedanembracewith
74TheMinisteroperiBenieleAttivitàculturalidelLazioforbidtheConfraternitadiSantaCrocein
Leonessa,whichisresponsiblefortheriteofScavigliazione,tokeepusingtheointmentbecauseit
wouldaffectandruinthewoodofthesculpture.Theconfraternitycomplainedbecausethiswould
havealteredtheritual,sotheyworkedoutasolutiontouseadifferentointmentthatstillworksin
theceremonial,butatthesametimedoesnotaffectthewoodofthesculpture.Thisshowswhatkind
ofrelationshiptheconfraternityandthefaithfulhavetowardtheritualuseofthissculpture.Evenif
thecolorofthesculpturefadedaway,thisdidnotaffectthesculpturelookinglikearealperson.
158
Christ where he felt Christ’s tongue in his mouth.75The mystic and visionary nun
Margaret Ebner had an even more intimate experience with the representation of
Christ,alsointhiscaseawoodensculpture.Accordingtoherdiaryshewouldbring
a life-sized wooden sculpture of Christ into her room at night and put it on top of
her.76A related instance is the vision of Hadewijch of Antwerp in which, while it
seemsthatawoodensculpturewasnotinvolved,itisthecorporealpresencewhich
drawsourattention.Afterthemysticalreceptionofthesacraments,shecontinues:
“Thereafterhecamehimselftome,andtookmealtogetherinhisarms,andpressed
metohim,andallmylimbsfelthiscompletesatisfactionaftermyheart’sdesireand
myhumanity.ThiswasoutwardlyenoughandIwasfulfilledinpleasure.Andfora
short while I had strength to endure this, after a shorter time I lost that beautiful
outward man in his form, and I saw him become nothing and also fade and all
dissolve into one so that I could not see him outside not could I distinguish him
withinme.Thenitwasatthathourthatwewereonewithoutdifference”77
CaesariusofHeisterbachmentionsinhisworksepisodesthataresimilarto
the embrace in Saint Bernard mystical moment. He talks about “the Lord Jesus
Christ,[…](whom)appearedvisiblytoanothernunofourorder,whosenameIdo
75Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,95.
76Ibidem.,96.
77Hadewijch,andJozefVanMierloDevisioenen.1,1.(Leuven[u.a.]:Vlaamscheboekenhalle.1924),
lines74-88.AsquotedinMarySuydam,“BeguineTextuality:SacredPerformances”inPerformance
andtransformation:newapproachestolatemedievalspirituality,editedbySuydam,MaryA.,and
JoannaE.Ziegler,(NewYork:St.Martin'sPress,1999),192.
159
not wish to give, at a time when she was grievously tempted, and by his embrace
changed all her trouble into the greatest peace.”78Another example provided by
Caesarius of Heisterbach is about a monk of Hemmenrode, who was usually
involvedinmeditatingoverthePassionofChristwithparticularardor.Onedayfell
to his keens and “ […] (Christ) withdrew his most merciful arms from the cross,
embracedhisservant,drawinghimtohisbreastasonebeingdeartohim,insignof
mutual friendship. He clasped him close; and by that embrace destroyed his
strongesttemptation.”79
Whatmattersinthiscase,besidethepeculiarityoftheexample,istoseethe
intense physical experience and development of the relationship with the image.
AnotherexamplecomesfromtheItalianmysticSaintAngelafromFoligno(1248–
1309).InherMemorialeshedescribeshowduringasermonsheheardhowthenails
usedtocrucifyChristhadrippeduphisskinandhowshewantedtoseethetortured
body of Christ: “Una volta pensavo al gran dolore che Cristo sostenne sulla croce.
Pensavoaqueichiodi,dicuiavevosentitodirecheavevanofattoentraredentronel
legno brandelli di carne delle mani e dei piedi. E desideravo vedere della carne di
Cristo almeno quell poco che i chiodi avevan così conficcato nel legno; e mi venne
allora un così gran dolore per quell tormento di Cristo che non potei tenermi in
78CaesariusofHeisterbach,Dialogus,dist.8,cap16.AsquotedinFreedberg,ThePowerofImages,
306.
79Ibidem.,dist.8,cap13..AsquotedinFreedberg,ThePowerofImages,306.Thisexampleasbeen
quotedalsobyTanyaJung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,96-97.
160
piedi,mamipiegaisudime,esedetti,eprostrandomi,reclinaiilcaposullebraccia
cheavevodistesoperterra.”80
AngelamentionsthenailsthatpiercedthebodyofChristandhowsheheardabout
them. She might have referred to a preacher that could have insisted to this
particulartraitofthesufferingandPassionofChrist.
InsidetheConventofSanDamianoinAssisi,thereisawoodenpanelwhich,
infront,representstheVirginandChildand,atthebottom,theportraitofthedonor
with a writing that identifies him with Corrado da Offida.81(Fig 11) On the other
side there is a crucifixion with Christ perforated by three large nails. Considering
thispaintedpanel,weacknowledgethateveninpaintingthenailswererepresented
in a dramatic way. During the thirteenth century, the nails represented in the
crucifixion were just simple dots that would refer to the nails. This was the case
both in paintings and sculptures. (Fig 12) Only later in the thirteenth century did
thenailsbecomeamorepredominantandspecificcomponentintherepresentation
of the crucifixion of Christ in painting. This transition happened before in
80AngeladaFolignoandGiovanniPozzi,IlLibrodell'Esperienza(Milano:Adelphi,1992),116-117.
ElvioLunghi,LaPassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratraMedioevoeRinascimento
(Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,2000),92-94.Translation:“OnceIwasthinkngaboutthegreat
painthatChristsuffered(orenduredorbore??)onthecross.Iwasthinkingaboutthosenails,andI
heardthatthenailspushedintothewoodshredsofChristfleshfromhandsandfeet.AndIwantedto
seeeventhesmallestpieceofthefleshofChristthatthenailsstuckintothewood;andIfeltsucha
greatpainforthetormentofChrist,thatIcouldnotstandonmyfeet,butIbentover,andIsat,andI
boweddown,Ireclinedmyheadovermystretchedarms.”
81ElvioLunghi,“MisticiUmbri:ParoleeImmagini”inConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidella
Deposizione",andFrancescaFloresd'Arcais,IlTeatrodelleStatue:GruppiLigneidiDeposizionee
AnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:AttidelConvegno"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione"
(Milano:V&P.,2005),146.
161
sculpture.82One of the most famous examples is the representation of theChristus
Patiensin Spello and Montefalco in which Saint Francis is positioned at the feet of
Christandkissingthem.(Fig13).
Inboththepictorialmediumandthesculptedone,wehavethepresenceof
thenailsasimportantsymbolofthePassion.However,ifweconsiderotheraspects
oftheexperienceofSaintAngelaofFoligno,weraisesomeinterestingevaluations.
In fact, according to her Libro dell’Esperienza: “Una volta assistendo ai vespri
guardavo la croce; e contemplando il Crocifisso con gli occhi del corpo,
all’improvviso l’anima fu accesa da un solo amore, e tutte le membra del corpo
sentironounagrandegioia.EvedevoesentivocheCristodentrodimeabbracciva
l’anima con quell braccio che era stato inchiodato alla croce […]. E mi diletto di
guarderquellamanosegnatadalchiodo,cheeglimiaprementrepronunciaqueste
parole:<Eccoquellachetennesumepervoi>.[…]Perquestaragione,quandofu
rappresentata la Passione di Cristo sulla piazza di Santa Maria (sarebbe stato un
motivodaindurrealpianto),miassalìtalecontentoemirapìcontalepiacereche
persi la parolae, sotto il peso di quella gioia inenarrabile, caddi per terra. Allora
cercaidiallontanarmidallagente,epergraziamiracolosariusciiadappartarmiun
poco. Caddi per terra, persi la parola e l’uso degli arti; mi parve allora che l’anima
82Ibidem.,149.
162
fosse penetrate dentro nel fianco di Cristo. Non c’era in me tristezza, ma gioia
indescrivibile.”83
MostlikelyAngelawouldhavebeenabletoexperiencethisindescribablejoy
more with a sculpted representation of Christ than a painted one, and it seems,
consideringthegraphicrepresentationofthepiercedbodyofChrist,itcouldhave
beenasculpturelinkedtotheiconographyoftheCrucifixiDolorosi.
AwoodensculptedCrucifix(Fig14)wasfoundinthedepositofthediocesan
seminary in Foligno and, given the dating and some physical features, (Fig 15) it
waspossibletoassociateitwiththisrecordofthelifeoftheSaintAngelaofFoligno.
Another example is the Crucifixi Dolorosi that was found in the Church of San
DomenicoinBevagna,veryclosetoFoligno.(Fig16).
Accordingtoaccountsofherlife,weareawareofheralsomeditatinginfront
ofapaintedfigureoftheSufferingChrist,buttheexperienceshehadinfrontofthe
83AngeladaFolignoandGiovanniPozzi,Illibrodell'Esperienza,135-136.CitedafterLunghi,“Mistici
Umbri,148.Translation:“Once,whileIwasassisitngthevespers,IwasstaringattheCross;and
whileIwascontemplatingwithmycorporealeyes,suddenlymysoulwasinflamedbyoneonlylove,
andallmylimbsfeltagratjoy.AndIsawandfeltthatChristinsidemehuggedmysoulwiththearm
thatwasnailedonthecross[…]anditwasadelightformetobeabletoseethathandpiercedbythe
nail,thatheopensmewhilehesaysthesewords:“hereitisthatholdmeupforyou”[…]forthis
reason,whenitwaspresented(acted–represented???)thePassionofChristonthesquareofSaint
Mary(itwouldhavebeenareasontocry),IwasoverwhelmedbysuchcontentmentandIwasswept
offbysuchapleasurethatIcouldnottalk,undertheweightofanunattarablejoy,Ifeltdownintothe
ground.ThenItriedtowalkawayfromthecrowd,andforamiracleIwasabletofindacalmspace.I
feltdown,Icouldnottalkandwalk;IfeltthatmysoulpenetratedintothesideofChrist.Therewas
notsadnessinme,butajoybeyondwords.”
163
tridimensional representation of Christ shows a different level of physicality and
engagement.
InconnectiontothewoodencrucifixinBevagna,thereisalsoaninteresting
story. Holy Giacomo da Bevagna, while praying in front of this Crucifix which he
himselfhadcommissionedandboughtinPerugia,askedforasignfromChrist.He
askedthattheimagebleed,asasignthathewouldhavereachedeternallife.Right
afterhisrequestthecrucifixanswered:“Bethisbloodforyouasignandcertainty”.84
Assoonashefinishedtalking,astreamofbloodmixedwithwatersquirtedfromthe
woodencrucifixtowardthefaceandthecloakofHolyGiacomodaBevagna.85
As happened for Saint Angela da Foligno, the case of the Holy Giacomo da
Bevagnashowsaveryvisceralexampleofphysicalrelationshipwiththesculpture.
Eventhoughitistruethathagiographytendstoglorifythedeedsofthecharacters
involved,atthesametimetheyusethesocialorphysicalcontextasastartingpoint
for the events connected to the life of the holy person. In fact, there are still some
sculptures of the animated crucified Christ preserved in which a vessel was
connectedtothechestwoundandaffixedtotheback,andwhilethesculpturewas
inuse,thewoundwasabletophysicallybleed.86(Fig17).Thisexample,thatcould
havebeenadoptedveryeasilyinItalyaswell,istypicalforthisgenreofsculpture.It
84ElvioLunghi,“IgnotoScultoreTedescodelXIIIsecolo–Crocifisso,Bevagna,SanDomenico”in
Bassetti,Massimiliano,andBrunoToscano,DalVisibileall'Indicibile:CrocifissiedEsperienzaMisticain
AngeladaFoligno,(Spoleto:FondazioneCentroitalianodistudisull'altoMedioevo,2012),171.
85Kopania,AnimatedSculpturesofChrist,170.
86Freedberg,ThePowerofImages,286.
164
marksthekindofphysicaldimensionthesewoodensculpturescouldhavereached,
and while impressing the beholder, they could affect and elicit mystical vision as
well.
A further example is the case of Margherita da Cortona. She used to pray,
according to the tradition, in front of a wooden crucifix of the typology of the
CrucifixiDolorosi(Fig 18) (knownasmysticalcrucifixesaswell).87Thevisionsthat
she had in front of this crucifix trace out very carefully what occurred during a
PassionPlay,particularlythecontentoftheLaudariodiCortona.88
TheCrucifixesinfrontofwhichSaintAngelaofFoligno,theHolyGiacomoda
Bevagna, or even Santa Margherita da Cortona experienced mystically, the
physicality of Christ was not an animated sculpture of Christ, but the standard
representationofChristnailedtothecross.
TheTaubertssupportedtheideathatanimatedsculpturesofChrist,despite
beinginsomecaseofexcellentquality,areoftenoflowerartisticrelevanceandnot
meanttobeviewedthroughtheyearinsidethechurches.Theyarguedthatbecause
of their movable nature during specific liturgies or paraliturgies, the sculptures
87PavelKalina,"GiovanniPisano,theDominicans,andtheOriginoftheCrucifixiDolorosi".ArtibusEt
Historiae.(47),2003,81.
88LauraCortiandRiccardoSpinelli,MargheritadaCortona:unaStoriaEmblematicadiDevozione
NarrataperTestieImmagini(Milano:Electa,1998),197-198.AnnaMariaMaetzke,“IlCrocifisso
dettodiSantaMargherita,UnCrocifissoGotico-DolorosonellaCittàdiCortona”inLaBellezzadel
Sacro:ScultureMedievaliPolicrome(Arezzo:CentroPromozionieServizi,2002),61-65.ElvioLunghi,
MisticiUmbri,151.
165
existed only for the reason of theatrical use.89Without a doubt, the possibility to
move them and actually use them in specific ceremonies added a dimension of
realismanddramaticallyaffectedtheperceptionofthesesculpturesastherealbody
of Christ. If we consider that the iconography of both the animated sculptures of
Christ and the Christ nailed to the Cross are the same, we can infer that bodily
presenceandtheiragencyinrepresentingChristwerethesame.Asaconsequence,
whatwededucedfortheanimatedsculptureofChrist,specificallyfortheiressence,
canbeappliedforthestandardwoodencrucifixionofChrist.Infact,theseanimated
sculpturesofChristwereactuallydisplayedasaltarcrucifixesandusednotonlyfor
specific occasion but also during the entire liturgical year. Animated sculptures of
the crucified Christ are displayed in the main altar of both the churches of Santa
CrocedellaFoce,whichisalsotheheadquarterofthelocalconfraternityresponsible
for the Procession of the Dead Christ in Gubbio (Fig 19), and also the church of
SantaMariaMaggioreinCittàdiCastello(Fig20).
Also, if we look at the case of the Saint Angela da Foligno more carefully90
shedescribestwosituations:oneinsidethenaveofachurchduringthecelebrations
89Taubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,91,113,121.Kopania,AnimatedSculptures,163.
90Seenote75onthischapter:Librodell’Esperienza:“Unavoltaassistendoaivespriguardavola
croce;econtemplandoilCrocifissocongliocchidelcorpo,all’improvvisol’animafuaccesadaunsolo
amore,etuttelemembradelcorposentironounagrandegioia.EvedevoesentivocheCristodentro
dimeabbraccival’animaconquellbracciocheerastatoinchiodatoallacroce[…].Emidilettodi
guarderquellamanosegnatadalchiodo,cheeglimiaprementrepronunciaquesteparole:Eccoquell
achetennesumepervoi.[…]Perquestaragione,quandofurappresentatalaPassionediCristosulla
piazzadiSantaMaria(sarebbestatounmotivodaindurrealpianto),miassalìtalecontentemirapì
166
of the Vespers, and the other on the public square in Foligno.91While in the first
settingorinamoreprivatesituationshehadthemysticalexperienceinfrontofa
standard figure of Christ nailed on the cross (which could have been painted as
well), as regards for the Passion Play in Foligno, she could have seen an animated
sculpture of the crucified Christ (Fig 21). This strengthens the argument that the
agency, presence, power, and resemblance with the real body of Christ of these
animated sculptures of Christ and the figure nailed on the cross were comparable
andproveshowtheseobjectshadanespeciallyvisceralimpactonthelatemedieval
devotion.InbothcasestheexperienceofthecrucifiedChristwasalsoenrichedby
thenarrationofthepreacher,thesongs,suchasDulceLignumDulcesClavos(Sweet
woodsweetnails),orevenachorusbylaypeople92,atthesametimethesculpture
was at the center of these celebrations and the catalyst of these ceremonies
throughout its physical essence. There are elements of both the liturgical and
extraliturgicalceremoniesthatsupporttheideathatthemedievalunderstandingof
thesesculpturesandthereceptionoftheirpresencewasthesameasifthefaithful
were dealing with a real body, able at the same time to transcend the simple
physicalityoftheobjectitselfandbecomethemetaphysicalrepresentationofChrist.
contalepiacerechepersilaparolae,sottoilpesodiquellagioiainenarrabile,caddiperterra.Allora
cercaidiallontanarmidallagente,epergraziamiracolosariusciiadappartarmiunpoco.Caddiper
terra,persilaparolael’usodegliarti;miparveallorachel’animafossepenetratedentronelfiancodi
Cristo.Nonc’erainmetristezza,magioiaindescrivibile”.
91ElvioLunghi,“MisticiUmbri,152.
92Ibidem.,148.
167
A story that comes from a French fabliau, titled “Le prestre crucifié”, talks
about a “sculptor (defined also as a maker of religious images) that comes back
homeandfindshiswifewithherpriest-lover.Thepriesttriedtofleeandnotbeing
sure where to go so he takes off his clothes, mounts a cross, and hides among the
crosses in the workroom. The husband meanwhile decides to inspect his recent
creations and, astonished at the sloppiness of his work, trims what he delicately
refers to as a bit of excess material”.93 This grotesque situation of emasculation,
undertaken in order to present and protect the virtue in God’s very body94, is
interestinginanotheraspectaswell:beyondtheactionofthesculptortoshapethe
bodyofChristthroughanakedbody,ahumanmodel,istheinabilitytodistinguish
therealbodyofamanfromoneofasculpture.Beyondthemetaphoricalaspectof
the story and the ironic outcome is an understanding of the body and its
representation which can be easily interchangeable and apparently unnoticeable
betweenawoodensculptureandarealman.
We can compare this situation to what happened in Perugia during the
PassionPlayonthemainsquareinwhichasculpturewassubstitutedforanactorat
the moment of the crucifixion, without altering or stopping the emotional and
93Quotedfrom:R.HowardBloch,TheScandaloftheFabliaux(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,
1986),61.MichaelCamille,TheGothicIdol:IdeologyandImage-MakinginMedievalArt(Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1989),213.MarcoCollareta,“LeImmaginiel’Arte.Riflessionisulla
SculturaDipintanelleFontiLetterarie”,inSculturaLignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClara
Baracchini(Firenze:Studioperedizioniscelte,1995),4.
94Camille,TheGothicIdol,213.
168
devotionalparticipationofthefaithful.Itshows,also,howtherepresentations–in
thiscasethatofthebody–werebecomingmoreattentivetosomedetailsthatina
way responded to the needs of a new kind of audience, moving towards the
devotionalneedsoflaypeople,whichoftenwouldnotbeservedbythecensorship
of the Church.95In other words, the lifelike representation of Christ, embodied
especiallybytheseanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,respondsviscerally
totheneedsofthedevout;theaestheticoftheseobjectsdoesnothavetobesought
simply in those classifications that belong to the official and canonical “art
historical”development.
These sculptures need to be evaluated according to new and different
categories which must also revise the unproductive dichotomy between popular
and elite religion. Scholarship has begun to reject the idea of the existence of a
precise division between clerical and lay, and also between popular and elite in
favor of examining the existence of a more complex context that defines medieval
culture. 96 However, these objects were linked to this separation, and the
interpretation has consequently been distorted by religious, devotional, and
95Ibidem.,214.
96CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLatemedievalEurope(New
York:ZoneBooks,2011),129.SeealsoPeterBrown,TheCultoftheSaints:itsRiseandFunctionin
LatinChristianity.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1981.PeterRobertLamontBrown,TheCult
oftheSaintsitsRiseandFunctioninLatinChristianity(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1981),
13-22.http://hdl.handle.net/2027/heb.01044.
R.N.Swanson,ReligionandDevotioninEurope,c.1215-c.1515.(Cambridge[England]:Cambridge
UniversityPress,1995),187.
169
theological prejudices. As David Morgan states in Visual Piety: “Unlike objects for
disinterested or ‘aesthetic’ contemplation, designed to celebrate craft and the
history of stylistic refinement, popular iconography is thoroughly ‘interested,’
‘engaged,’ ‘functional,’ and extrinsically purposive.” 97 I would add that these
sculptures have an aesthetic as well that cannot be classified as better-made or
worse-made just for “admiration” and “contemplation”, but just classified
differently. Obviously the engaging and functional aspects are very important, but
thesetwodonoteliminateorexclude,ifwecanusethesameadjectives,admiration
and contemplation. Actually, the more we pay attention to the dynamic associated
withtheuseandexistenceoftheseobjects,themorewefindelementsthatneedto
be further explored to see their effect not only on devotion but also in art
productionandtheexperienceofthesacred.
Overall, we can assert that there was a correlation between the animated
sculptures and the standard figures of the crucified Christ. However, while the
animated ones could have been accessible not only during the Holy Week but
throughouttheliturgicalyear,thestandardsculptures ofthecrucifiedChristwere
notusedforspecificritualssuchastheDepositioCrucisortheEntombment.Atthe
sametime,inbothcasestheiressenceandappearanceasthebodyofChristwould
havefunctionedasadirectmediumandmirroroftherealhumanbody.Becauseof
97Morgan,VisualPiety,25.
170
this complex relationship, as well as in relation to the way these objects were
displayed, used, and worshipped, they could have functioned as a vehicle which
stimulated and framed the gestural expressiveness of the faithful. Since the
representationofthecharactersintheDescentfromtheCross,boththeVirginMary
and John the Evangelist were represented mourning over the death of Christ (Fig
22). SincetheirpartoftheDescentwasnotonlyanillustrationofwhathappened,
but a realistic presentation, of real people, a proposition of an historical fact that
actually became the real moments of the Passion of Christ, first in virtue of the
ceremonial and, later, the involvement of the people. The atmosphere created
duringtheseliturgicalandalsoextraliturgicalmomentshadaneffectonthefaithful
that needs to be explored. Scholars associated the recitation of the laudewith the
pictorial production of the period, especially Cimabue’s Crucifixion in the Basilica
Superiore of Saint Francis in Assisi. Considering the dynamic of the ritual and the
use of these sculptures, I argue that these celebrations were the most sensitive
context in which the faithful shaped their sense of devotion. These celebrations
providedthecontextoftherealdevotionalexperience.
Scholarshiphasunderestimatedthepowerofreenactmentofthesemoments
ofthePassionofChristandhowthiswasconcentratedandconceivablebecauseof
the sculptural medium of the wooden Descent from the Cross and the animated
sculpturesofChrist,whichcorroboratedthediffusionofthestandardfiguresofthe
171
Crucified Christ and their moving toward a realism that only would later occur in
painting.
One aspect that can improve the understanding of these sculptures is to go
overthemediumitselfandseehowitbecomesthepull,theaccessandthepointof
orientationofhowpeopleexperiencethesacredspace—orrealitymoregenerally,
as well (influencing the pictorial production too). They allowed clergy first to
materialize one of the pivotal moments of the Passion of Christ. Throughout their
use and therefore the passage to the Christ with movable arms, they became not
only a representation of these last moments of the earthly life of Christ, but a real
appropriation in which the laity became more independent from the theological
orthodoxy and also in the way that the laity made use of images, especially in the
matterofspace.AstheanthropologistCliffordGetzasserts:“Inritual,theworldas
livedandtheworldasimagined,fusedundertheagencyofasinglesetofsymbolic
forms, turn out to be the same world.”98What was supposed to happen inside the
church, in a very structured space and ritual, moves onto the church yard and
around the city throughout the processions and oratory in which the laity gather.
This implies an “extension” of the sacred space outside of the perimeter of the
churchandalsoadifferentsenseoftheaccessibilityofthisspace.
Anotherelementthatmightberelevanttounderstandinghowthespacewas
98CliffordGeertz,TheInterpretationofCultures:SelectedEssays(NewYork:BasicBooks,1973),112.
Quotedalsoinnote200,Jung,ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristSculptures,79.
172
perceivedandhowthesesculpturesaffectedit,isthelocationinwhichtheseobjects
weredisplayedinsidethechurch.Nowadays,itisalmostimpossibletofindoutthe
original display of these sculptures because their general mobility and the rituals
themselves changed over time. In some cases, there is some information that can
reveal not only the position, but especially how these sculptures functioned and
were perceived. John T. Paoletti, in his study “Wooden Sculpture in Italy as Sacral
Presence”describeshowtheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChristbyDonatello
(Fig23)wasplacedonthefloororveryclosetoit99,providing,asaconsequence,a
further and more direct access to the body of Christ, while stimulating piety and
deeper devotion 100 . This was a situation outside of the ritual one, in which,
especiallyfortheriteoftheDepositio,thesculpturewastakendownfromthecross
andwasdisplayedamongthefaithfulbeforethemomentoftheburial.Aswenote,
faithfulwereabletogetclosetothesesculpturesanddevelopapersonaldevotional
relationship with them. This was an access to the sacred, to a space that was first
reserved only for the clergy, to the body of Christ. Because of these rituals of the
reenactment of the Passion of Christ and the tendency of representing these
sculptures recreating the human form in a very immediate way, these sculptures
were far away from any hint of ideal forms of the body, typical of the previous
99JohnT.Paoletti,"WoodenSculptureinItalyasSacralPresence".ArtibusEtHistoriae.13(26)1992:
88.
100Ibidem.,89.
173
classicalGreekandRomanartisticculture.Atthesametime,thereissomethingelse
thatweneedtonotebeyondjustwhatweseeinfrontofoureyes.
174
Chapter4
Theinfluenceofwoodensculptureson
thepictorialproductionoftheperiod.
AfundamentalaspectIwishtoexploreinordertoreconsidertheimportance
ofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossandtheuseoftheanimatedsculpturesof
thecrucifiedChrististheconnectionwiththepaintedartproductionoftheperiod.
Analysisofthewoodensculpturesisfrequentlyconcentratedontheiconographical
aspects,whilequestionsrelatedtofunctionwererelegated—anddowngraded—to
therealmofpopularpiety,whichaddedanegativeconnotationtothestudyof
function.However,anattentiveanalysisoftheritualitylinkedtothegroupofthe
Descentcanopennewinterpretationsandcorrelationsbetweensculptureand
paintingproductionduringthelateMedievalperiod.Infact,theuseofthese
woodenDescentsfromtheCrossandtheirliturgicalandparaliturgicalfunctions
couldhaveaffectedthegreatpictorialachievementsinpaintingattheendofthe
thirteenthandbeginningofthefourteenthcenturies,particularlythepictorialcycle
inAssisiandGiotto’spictorialproductioninPadova.
WithoutenteringintothedebateofwhetherornotandtowhatextentGiotto
was present in Assisi, we must acknowledge the development of a revolutionary
naturalisminAssisi,whichintendedtocreateaspacethatmovedthesensibilityof
the viewer and compelled them to be more involved in the presentation of the
sacred scene. The decoration of the nave in the Upper Basilica in Assisi created a
175
spaceinwhichthefiguresrepresentedwerepartofthescene,providinganillusion
ofreality.AmongallthescenesofthelifeofSaintFrancis,Iwouldliketofocuson
two scenes; the first represents the miracle of the Nativity in Greccio (Fig 1). The
miracleoftheNativitythatoccurredinGrecciowasacrucialmomentnotonlyinthe
lifeofSaintFrancisbutalsointheartworld;itaffectedartproductionaswellasthe
understandingofthefaithful’srelationshipwithanartobject.Thecelebrationofthe
Nativity on Christmas night in 1223 was organized using full rounded sculptures.1
Thecelebrationitself,accordingtothelifeofSaintFranciswrittenbyTommasoda
Celano,tookdaysofpreparationwithwhichthedevotedassisted.Menandwomen
joinedthecelebrations,andevenanoxandanasswerebroughttothescene.The
intent was to recreate the same ambiance of the stable in Bethlehem in order to
directly and strongly stimulate the faithful’s emotions.2The stage of the Nativity
followedtheSacreRappresentazioni,andtheorganizationofthesculpturesandthe
faithful directly recalled rituals connected to the Descent from the Cross,
particularly the willingness to live directly in the scene with sentiment and full
participation.
While this human participation was developed and present while using
sculptures,onlyatthebeginningofthethirteenthcenturywasitpossibletofindin
paintingwhatwashappeninginsculptureinthedevotionalcontextoftheperiod.It
1LeonardoOlschki,TheGeniusofItaly(NewYork:OxfordUniv.Press,1949),84.
2RosenthalErwin,"TheCribofGreccioandFranciscanRealism"inTheArtBulletin.36(1)1954,58.
176
would be difficult to prove a direct correlation between the liturgical and
paraliturgical rituals surrounding the Descent from the Cross and the pictorial
achievementofthebeginningofthethirteenthcentury.However,wecannotdeny
thatthenaturalisticlanguageadoptedtorepresentthelifeofSaintFrancishasthe
same sentimental dimension and intention of recreating the scene as the rituals
surrounding the Descent from the Cross. There is a humanization of pictorial
languagethatIsuggestistheresultofareligioussensibilitydevelopedaroundthe
production and use of wooden painted sculptures and the spreading ofFranciscan
pietyduringthethirteenthcentury.
IntheVerificationoftheStigmata(Fig2),thefriarsstandaroundthebodyof
Saint Francis. At the bottom of the work, a person verifies the stigmata in Saint
Francis’sbody,whilethecrowdthatissetaroundSaintFrancis’sbodyanimatesthe
scene. The person on the left who is facing away from the viewer serves as the
connectionbetweenthecrowdinthepaintingandthedevotees.Ideally,according
totheorganizationofthepainting,thefaithfulinthechurchwouldhavecompleted
the circle around the body of Saint Francis and thus also participate in the scene.
This naturalistic interpretation of the life of Saint Francis was an innovation that
broke completely with the past and dramatically affected future art production.
Giotto,inhisworkintheScrovegniChapel,elevatedtoperfectionwhatwasinitiated
inAssisi.OneofthemostfamouspaintingsintheScrovegniChapelisLamentation
OvertheDeadBodyofChrist(Fig3);thisfrescoisprobablythemostdramaticscene
177
thatGiottopaintedintheChapel.Thefiguresintheforeground,whichwecanonly
seefromtheback,furtherdevelopedthenaturalismandinclusionbeguninAssisi,
andaddedpsychologicalandsympatheticcomponentstothescene.
The frescos in the Scrovegni Chapel are acknowledged as medieval
masterpiecesinwhichGiottoappliedhisobservationofthenaturalworldthrough
the pictorial medium. Though we do not know if Giotto had a role in choosing the
subjects, we can infer that he adapted the scenes according to his own creativity.3
ThepointhereisnottodiscussGiotto’sgeniusorhisinfluenceonsubsequentart;
what is crucial is to examine and discover if the existence and use of wooden
sculptures affected or anticipated the achievements reached by the pictorial
productionattheendofthethirteenthandbeginningofthefourteenthcenturies.
In Assisi, the Verification of the Stigmata included a person that was
portrayedfrombehindatthesideofthepainting.Thoughthisrepresentationwas
innovative,theartistdidnotreachthepsychologicalpotentialthatweexperienceas
beholdersofGiotto’sLamentation.Inbothcases,thefiguresportrayedfrombehind
weremeanttobringthewitnessesintothespaceand,asaconsequence,promotea
direct participation in the death of Christ. The intent of both frescos of the
Lamentationand the VerificationoftheStigmata was to create a real dimension of
3BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting,1280-1375,(NewYork:Harper&Row.1976),67.
FormorerecentstudiesontheScrovegniChapelsee:GiuseppeBasile,FrancescaFloresD'Arcais,
AngeloRubino,andIstitutoCentraleperIlRestauro,Giotto:TheFrescoesoftheScrovegniChapelin
Padua.Milan:NewYork:Skira,2002.DavideBanzato,GiovannaBaldissinMolliandFilippo
Bertazzo,TheScrovegniChapelinPadua.MirabiliaItaliæ;13.Modena:F.C.Panini,2005.
178
affectivedevotionandthiswasalsoanintentbehindtheuseofwoodensculptures,
especiallytheDescentfromtheCross.TheritualsoftheDescent,eitherliturgicalor
paraliturgical,haveparticularlyinterestingsimilaritieswiththepsychologyandthe
naturalisticapproachseeninGiotto’sLamentation.Iarguethatforrepresentationof
theLamentationinthepainting,theartistcouldhaveusedoneofthesecelebrations
as an iconographical and emotional reference to set the scene in the Scrovegni
Chapel.
The Lamentation features Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, characters
wecanalsofindinthewoodenDescent.JohntheEvangelistandtheVirginMaryare
alsopresentalongwiththethreeMarys;theVirginMaryisrepresentedintheactof
embracing Christ, at the peak of her maternal love and sorrow. This traces and
ideally reflects the figure of the Virgin Mary that developed from the wooden
Descent from the Cross and the laude, which stressed the humanity of her sorrow
and her maternal role more than her sanctity. The setting of the scene can be
compared to the ritual associated with the Descent from the Cross, in which the
faithful gathered around the sculptures and subsequently the sculpture of the
crucifiedChrist.Moreover,itisinterestingthatsomeoftheextantexamplesofthe
DescentfromtheCrosshaveangelsoverthecrucifiedChrist(Fig4),soGiottocould
have seen them as a part of the scenic apparatus for the Holy Friday celebrations
andadaptedthemforhispictorialinterpretationofthesubject.
179
As I mentioned previously, the wooden Descent from the Cross stopped
beingproducedattheendofthethirteenthcenturybecausetheritualssurrounding
itchanged.However,thisdoesnotmeanthattheexistingexampleswerenolonger
used,andwhatwehavetodayisonlyafractionofalargerproductionanddiffusion
of these sculptures. Thus, Giotto might have seen them at the peak of their use in
conjunctionwiththelaudeandinthecontextoftheSacreRappresentazioni.Boththe
laudeandtheSacreRappresentazioniweremeanttohaveanemotionalimpactand
inducethefaithfultoparticipatedirectlywiththesacredscene.Giotto’sfrescoofthe
Lamentation had the same intention, and Giotto may have considered the rituals
surrounding the wooden sculptures of the Descent in order to organize his scene.
The fact that the viewer is invited to participate in the space follows the same
accessibilitythatwasinherentinthepracticessurroundingwoodensculptures.The
person represented from behind was most likely a transposition of what Giotto
could see as a spectator in one of these celebrations, in which the space was not
divided or set frontally but rather embraced physically and emotionally by the
wholecommunity.
Another element that supports this hypothesis is that the most interesting
extant examples of the ritual of the Depositio come from Florence and Padova.
Theseritualsincludedaprocessionwithacoffin,andwhileinFlorenceasculpture
ofthedeadChristwasmostlikelyused,inPadova—accordingtotheregionalusage
180
inVeneto—theEucharistwasutilizedfortheburial.4Therearestilldocumentsfrom
the thirteenth century that carefully describe the organization of the Holy Friday
processioninPadova.Itispeculiarforitstheatricality,inwhichstrongattentionis
paid to the death and the mourning of Christ through the lamentations. 5 The
detailed description of the organization of the procession shows how the clerics
gathered in Church Cathedrals to prepare a catafalque in which to position the
“body of our Lord Jesus Christ.” According to the Veneto regional tradition, this
could refer to the host, intended as the body of Christ. Yet since four Mansionari
(guardians)wereassignedtocarrythecatafalquethatcontainedthebodyofChrist,
it is reasonable that a sculpture could have been used for the procession and
followingpartsoftherituals.Thepriestswouldthenkneelaroundthecoffin,while
two would start the Lamentation,screaming Ahimè, Ahimè,and using gestures apt
for the dramatic situation.6After these initial moments of mourning, the priests
would invite the faithful with specific gestures to participate and mourn over the
bodyofChrist.
TheritualandtheuseofgestureinaccordancewiththeLamentationsclosely
recallsthepsychologicaldynamicofGiotto’sfrescoLamentationOvertheDeadBody
of Christ. The various gestures, the gathering around the body of Christ, the
4ClaudioBernardi,DeposizionieAnnunciazioni,79.
5LiberOrdinariusdellaChiesaPadovana,CodiceMebranaceoConservatonellaBibliotecaCapitolare
diPadova,delSecoloXIIasquotedinGiuseppeVecchi,UfficiDrammaticiPadovani(Firenze:L.S.
Olschki,1954),133.
6Ibidem.,133.
181
screaming,andtheinvitationfortheviewertoparticipateinthesceneallmirrorthe
ritual that occurred in Padova before Giotto painted the Scrovegni Chapel. This
scene by Giotto is one of the strongest and most impressive in providing a broad
spectrum of grief, particularly how the figures are present both physically and
psychologically. Since this ritual was strong and well organized in Padova, it is
important to consider the relationship between the two, particularly how the real
ritualcouldhaveaffectedthepaintedversion.
In a broader perspective, Giotto might have also been exposed to the Holy
Friday ritual when he was in Florence, where a sculpture would have been more
likelyusedthanthehost.Thecompositionandstressplacedonemotionalaspectsof
the scene seem to trace directly back to the real ritual. A passage in the
Lamentations about the Holy Friday celebrations reads: “Sediamoci a terra e
piangiamo, perchè non taccia la pupilla dei nostril occhi. Gridiamo con parole e
lacrime: Ahaimè, ahimè Signore.”7This direct invitation to sit and cry beside the
bodyofChristcorrespondswithtwoofthemostpowerfulandenigmaticfiguresof
Giotto’s painting, those sitting in the foreground by the body of Christ assisting
closelyinthedramaoftheVirginMary.Theseliterarysources,theuseofsculptures,
andthe“theatrical”approachintheliturgicalandextraliturgicalrituals,allofwhich
emphasize the emotional dimension that affected devotees and involved them
7Ibidem.,141.“Let’ssitonthegroundandcry,withoutstoppingthetearsfromoureyes.Let’s
screamwithwordsandtears:Ahaimè,ahimè,OLord”
182
directly, constitute a need to consider the achievement reached in painting as a
result of the devotional dimension developed in the liturgy while using wooden
sculptures.
The fact that his fresco presents two people portrayed from behind shows
howGiottousedthepictorialspaceasa“ritual”space,towhichnotonlytheclergy
butalsothefaithfulhadaccess.Additionally,thisaccesswasnotpresentedsimplyin
a frontal way, but the faithful are instead able to gather and see the scene from
differentperspectives.TheideahereisnottocelebrateGiotto’sabilityandmastery
ofthepictorialmediumanditsbreakfromtheByzantineartisticcultureoritseffect
on the development of art during the Renaissance. Instead, the idea is to consider
howhispictorialachievementswerenotonlyaresultofrepresentingspatialdepth
orbodymasses,butalsoaresultofthisnewsensibilitytowardtheunderstanding
andrepresentationofsacredspaceandsacredscenes,particularlythosepromoted
and developed by the use of wooden sculptures and rituals linked to the Descent
fromtheCross.
Painting is frequently considered the medium that was most able to
synthesizethenarrative,thesacredscenes,andtheliturgythroughthevisualidiom
whilealsoprovidingatruthfulideaofrealitythatwasaccessibletoeveryone.
Sculpture, however, is often the medium associated with the liturgy, yet this lacks
recognition of its artistic value and ability to influence other mediums such as
painting.Weshouldconsiderthatoneofthepredominantachievementsreachedby
183
GiottointheScrovegniChapelwashisorganizationofthescenesinawaythatthe
viewer is introduced into the virtual space of the fresco and becomes a part of it.
Thisartisticallyinnovativeinvitationintothepictorialspace,whichwithoutadoubt
affected the subsequent development of Western painting, is often considered as
within the pictorial realm, with Byzantine production from the East or West as a
counterpart. I do not call this concept into question; instead, I’d like to note that
thesestimulatingsculpturesalsopromotedthespatialandvisualsensibilitythatis
identifiable in the conceptual advancement of painting production. Considering
sculpture’s natural ability to divide and be a real presence in the space and,
especially in this period, to directly involve the faithful through liturgical or
paraliturgical celebrations, sculpture cannot be excluded from this new devotional
dimension that was developing during the thirteenth century. Especially if we
consider that this dramatic representation of the liturgy, which utilized direct
involvement of the faithful as well as sculptures, we can see that sculptures
providedanimportantexampleofaccessingthesacredbeforethisconceptoccurred
inpainting.
TheliturgicalanddevotionalrolesofthewoodenDescentfromtheCrossand
itsconnectionwithdevotionalsocietyofthethirteenthcenturyprovidethebasisfor
this study. The production and use of the wooden Descent from the Cross and its
future developments—the subject of the following chapter—are at the core of the
religious mindset and artistic achievements of the thirteenth century. Too often
184
thesesculptureshavebeenrelegatedasdevotionalobjects,hencethemediumwas
not a way to understand them but instead a means by which to judge them with
prejudice.However,wemustlookbeyondtheseestablishedideasaboutthewooden
Descent from the Cross in order to investigate their purpose, their function, and
theirrealartisticvalue.
The wooden Descents from the Cross were not simple interpretations of a
particularmomentofthePassionofChrist,amomentitwaspossibletoexperience
in paintings and small devotional objects as well. These wooden groups were
insteaddesignedtoprovideaccesstothedivine;alongsidethelaudeandwithinthe
contextofSacreRappresentazione,theyhadthepowertoproviderealaccesstothe
sacredspaceandthehumanityofChrist.Theirusewasnotlimitedtotheliturgical
orextraliturgicalcontext;theycreatedamentalityandsensibilitytowardawayof
living the sacred during the thirteenth century that also affected later pictorial
production.TheDescentfromtheCrossprovidedthefirststeptowardenablingthe
faithful to access the real humanity and body of Christ, overcoming the monasticstyle liturgy that was usually removed and distant from the faithful. The stress
placedontheVirginMaryandhersorrowasamotherassistinginthemartyrdom
and death of her child forged another situation in which the laity experienced an
unmediatedrelationshipwiththesacred.ThepresenceofthesculptureoftheVirgin
Mary in the group of the Descent allowed the faithful to identify with her and
renderedherpresencealiveandrealratherthanonlysymbolicorabstract.
185
The wooden Descent from the Cross presents a pivotal transition. The
understandinganduseofimagesasmnemonicdevicesareabletodocumentsacred
events.Sincethisenabledilliteratestocomprehendbiblicaltextsthroughapictorial
medium,8thereisapassageoftrueaccesstoboththesacredspaceandthesacred
scene. Particularly through contact with the real body of Christ, sculpture became
themediumthroughwhichtoliveandfullyparticipateinthePassionofChrist.
Thisdynamicthatinvolvestheaccessandthedirectexperienceofthesacred
spaceandthesacredscene,Iarguethatcanbeconsideredalsoinotheraspectsthat
cancontributetothecomprehensionofthepictorialproductionofthelateMedieval
period and early Renaissance. Specifically, the wooden sculptures, utilized and
displayedbothinsideandoutsidethechurches,createdthevisualcircumstancesfor
someelementswhichwerelaterappliedinpainting.
Forexample,intheDescentfromtheCross(1320ca.)bySimoneMartini(Fig
5), there is a scene featuring the Passion of Christ, in which a cardinal from the
Roman Orsini family9is visible at the bottom of the cross. The cardinal is tiny in
comparisontotheothercharactersthatareassistingintheDescentfromtheCross,
illustrating the hierarchy of differing proportions which was conventional during
8SeeActaSynodiAtrebatensis,XIV,Migne,P.L.142:1306asquotedinHerbertKessler,“Dictioninthe
‘BiblesofIlliterate”inWorldArt:ThemesofUnityinDiversity:ActsoftheXXVIthInternational
CongressoftheHistoryofArt.(UniversityPark[Pa.]:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1989),300.
AsquotedinSteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhD
diss.,FloridaStateUniversity),187.
9H.W.vanOs,TheArtofDevotionintheLateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.(Princeton,N.J.:
PrincetonUniversityPress,1994),78.
186
pictorial production of the late Medieval period. Another example is the
Lamentation(1365)byGiottino(Fig6).Thispaintingfollowsthesamestructureas
Giotto’s work even if the demonstration of sorrow is more contained than the
LamentationintheScrovegniChapel.Whatispeculiarinthiscaseisthepresencein
the Lamentationscene not only of other Saints who were certainly not part of the
originalevent,butalsothepresenceoftwopatrons:aDominicannunandawealthy,
as indicated by her clothing, young woman (Fig 7). In both cases there are
“contemporary persons” assisting the original events relative to the Passion of
Christ.
ScholarsagreeinconsideringofByzantineorigintheiconographicalscheme
ofrepresentingsomebody,arealpersonthatrecommendshimselftothedivinity.10
Theideatoshowamoredirectconnectionwiththedivinewasprovidedbytheuse
of ritual gestures such as the act of bowing (proskynesis), however, while this
gesture referred more to an act of submission, the way of representing the donor
whilebowinginfrontofthedivinityindicateddedicationandadoration.11Overall,
theideaofrepresentingadonororabenefactorintheactofhisdonationinorderto
getclosetothedivinitywasnotnewandsincetheRomanscontinuedthroughthe
10MicheleBacci,Proremedioanimae:immaginisacreepratichedevozionaliinItaliacentrale:secoli
XIIIeXIV.(Pisa:GISEM,2000),403.SeealsoCorineSchleif,“HandsthatAppoint,AnointandAlly:
LateMedievalDonorsStrategiesforAppropriatingApprobationThroughPainting”inArtHistory,16
(1),(1993),1-32.
11Ibidem.,405.
187
MiddleAges12(obviouslyadaptingitselftothespecificcontextandnecessityofthe
period).
However,Iarguethatthepresenceofthedonororanimportantpersonina
sacred scene, especially those that concern the Passion of Christ such as the
Crucifixion,theDescentfromtheCrossandtheLamentation,istheresultofthenew
religious context of the thirteenth century and the use of the sculptures for
devotionalpurposesgreatlyaffectedtheperceptionandrepresentationofboththe
sacredsceneandthelaypeopleinit.
Oneofthemostinterestingrepresentationsofacontemporarypersoninthe
context of a sacred scene is Saint Francis in the Crucifixion by Cimabue in the
Basilica Superiore of Saint Francis in Assisi (Fig 8). Saint Francis is portrayed
kneelingatthebottomofthecross, anddespitethephotographiceffectwhichhas
inverted the lights and darks, we can clearly identify the scene and distinctly
recognizeSaintFrancis’stigmata,aswellashispersonalphysicalexperienceofthe
Passion of Christ. This scene was represented in the right side of the transept,
visible to the friars seated in the choir of Saint Francis. This image works in
connection with the other crucifixion that is on the left side of the transept, also
visiblefromthechoirofSaintFrancis(Fig9).Now,itisnotmyintentiontocompare
the two Crucifixions, and I am well aware of Cimabue’s innovation and powerful
capacitytorepresentemotions.AsImentionedbefore,thisspecificfrescohasalso
12Ibidem.,402.
188
beenconsideredasacounterpartoftheliterarytextsoflaudeproductionofMiddle
Ages.
Forthepurposesofmyanalysis,however,therearesomeadditionalaspects
oftheworkthatneedtobeconsidered.Firstofall,thepresenceofSaintFrancisis
not represented as a vision that he is having. Rather, he “reaches through time to
participate in the actual history of the Crucifixion.”13It is important to note that
SaintFrancisisportrayedintheCrucifixioninwhichChristisalreadydeadandthe
witnesses are mourning for his death. He is not part of the other crucifixion, in
whichthesoldierispiercingthebodyofChrist,wherethereisstillanongoingaction
evenifveryclosetotheendofChrist’searthlylife.
Obviously, we can ascribe Saint Francis’ presence and interpretation of the
scene to the artistic talent of Cimabue, but I would argue that this is not the only
factor.Infact,themomentofthedeathofChrististhepeakofhishumanityand,asa
consequence,ofhisaccessibility.Itisthemomentrepresentedintheseritualsbya
woodensculpture,inwhichtheclergy,first,andthelaypeoplelater,wouldaccess
the body of Christ. As Paoletti mentions, specifically referring to the Cimabue’s
painting,SaintFranciswasnothavingavision,butwas“participatingintheactual
history of the Crucifixion”. This can be directly related to the power of the
reenactment of those celebrations of the Passion of Christ in which, during the
13JohnT.Paoletti,"WoodenSculptureinItalyasSacralPresence,”inArtibusetHistoriae,vol13,no
26(1992):92.
189
ritual, the present and the past historical moment would transcend into the same
reality involving the participants emotionally and physically. I would argue that
what we admire in Cimabue is an interpretation of the rituals connected to the
Passion of Christ and a pictorial translation of them in which wooden sculptures
were used to activate an emotional and physical reaction--demonstrating how the
laude were more connected to these functions, as opposed to simply being just a
literary transposition of the pictorial images. These rituals, either liturgical or
extraliturgical,werethecontextofandthefilterforthecreationandunderstanding
of devotional paintings, not the other way around; the latter analysis totally
dismissestheuse,thepresence,andtheagencyofwoodensculptures.
Another example demonstrating why such dismissal is an error is the
Crucifixion by the Maestro Espressionista, now in the Church of Sant’Andrea in
Spello (Umbria) (Fig 10). In this painted cross, Saint Francis is portrayed at the
bottomofthecross,atthefeetofChrist,solicitingadevotionalandspecialcontact
withthebodyofChrist.WhilepromotingtheclosenessofSaintFrancistoChristand
his bodily experience of the Passion, beyond the stigmata, this image stimulates
emulation:itpushesthefaithfultohaveadirectrelationshipwiththebodyofChrist.
Whileitwasnotpossibleforthefaithfultoexperiencethestigmatadirectlyontheir
body,theywereabletore-experiencethesufferingofChristtosomeextentthrough
selfflagellationscouringthemselvesatpublicgatheringsorinoratories,butasfar
astherealaccesstothebodyofChristisconcerned,thecapacitytoshareandfeel
190
hispresencewouldhavebeenprovidedbytheuseofawoodensculpture.Thefact
that we find Saint Francis first and then other lay patrons portrayed in the sacred
scene follows the same path of development as the rituals in which wooden
sculptureswereused.
Initially, these sculptures were used inside of the church mostly by the
clergy, while the faithful attended at a distance. While promoting a more effective
participation, and while the cult of the body of Christ was rising in the Medieval
period, we identify an access of the lay people to the sacred. As noted above, the
ritualsfirstshiftedtoincorporatethesubstitutionofpeopleforthecharactersofthe
DescentfromtheCross,afterwhichcamethetransitiontotheanimatedsculptureof
the crucified Christ, which promoted not only realism in the reenactment of the
Passion but especially direct access to his body and to the sacred, which had
previouslybeenthesoledomainoftheclergy.
The same progression occurred in painting, as the Descent from the Cross
(1320ca.)bySimoneMartiniandtheLamentation(1365)byGiottinodemonstrate.
Both cases respect the hierarchy of proportions noted in the paintings featuring
Saint Francis, but at the same time we can see them as a part of a sacred scene,
assisting but also participating. In fact, I would not consider the representation of
thesedonorsaspassive,merelyadevotionalpresenceforprivatedevotion.Iwould
argue, instead, that their presence reflects their participation in the rituals of the
HolyWeekandillustratesthewayinwhichpaintingwouldbecomethemediumthat
191
proves this devotional realm. Seeing these donors in painting was accepted
preciselybecauseitwasnormaltoseethemparticipatingintheserituals.Ifwelook
at the dates of these paintings, we see that they come in the wake of the wide
diffusion of the production and utilization of the animated sculptures of the
crucified Christ once both clergy and laity were already part of the sacred scene,
closetothebodyofChristandtothesacredeventasarealityofthetimeperiod.
The laity’s appropriation of the sacred space and participation in events
belonging to the life of Christ in another time, as facilitated by the rituality
connected with the use of the wooden sculptures, now become observable in
painting. In general, and more specifically for the Middle Ages, devotional art has
beenconsideredtobestandardandrepetitive;withinthisunderstanding,inserting
thefigureofthepatronskneelinginfrontofthesacredsceneandinsmallersizeis
simply a matter of convention. I argue that these are, in fact, the first examples of
representation of a contemporary reality, even though this nascent representation
works through some standard conventions of the Medieval period, such as the
hierarchy of proportions or the golden background. By “contemporary reality” I
meanscenesthatwouldhaveoccurredduringtheritualslinkedtothecelebrations
oftheHolyWeek,inwhichclergy,asinthecaseoftheCardinalRomanoOrsini,or
nunsorwealthypeople,suchasthepersonsrepresentedinGiottino’sLamentation,
were present and actively participated in these liturgical moments. The choral
participationbytheclergyandthelaityintheseeventswassowellestablishedand
192
normal that we can consider their representation and inclusion in painting not as
novelty or an original anticipation of the pictorial medium, but as a visual
transpositionofthesacredrealityrecreatedduringtheliturgiesoftheHolyWeek.
As a consequence, the presence of the contemporary clergy and lay people in the
representation of sacred scenes in the paintings was already socially established
because of the diffusion and social impact of these rituals during the Holy Week.
Painting becomes the medium that interprets this meta-reality, a world in which
pastandpresent,sacredandsecularbecomesoneentity,whilethesculpture,once
activated,isthecenteraroundwhicheverythingturns.
Atthesametime,itwouldbereductivetoconsiderthesesculpturesandtheir
poweronlyduringtheliturgyoftheHolyWeek.Inactuality,woodensculptureshad
amoresophisticatedandaffectiverolethanscholarshaveeverconsidered.Beyond
theirutilizationandactivationduringtheritualsoftheHolyWeek,thesesculptures
hadtheroleofembodyingthepresenceofChrist,stimulatinganaffectivepietythat
creates a permanent awareness of his existence and presence. For example, the
paintingbyGiovannidiPaolo,LevitationofanUnknownFranciscanMonk(Fig 11),
showsamiraculousmomentinfrontofwhatcanidentifyasalife-sizepolychrome
wooden crucifix showing, despite some pictorial conventions, an actual crucified
Christinfrontofthemonk.14Thissuggests,asIhighlightedbefore,thatinthecase
14Paoletti,"WoodenSculpture,89.Thepictorialrepresentationofwoodensculpturesinpaintingwill
bealsothefocusofthenextchapterofthisstudy.
193
ofDonatello’swoodencrucifix,thesculpturewasplacedonthegroundfloor,sothis
shows how life sized wooden sculptures of Christ would have been viewed in the
fourteenth and fifteenth century.15This indicates that the beholder and faithful’s
awareness of the sacred space and his/her devotional experience would have also
beendeterminedbytheaccesstothesesculpturesoutsideofthemomentsinwhich
they were activated. We can assert more generally that these wooden sculptures
worked as the real presence of Christ, beyond their specific function in ritual
moments,andalsoasaneffectivemediatorofthesacred.
Theircompellingverismandthiscloserelationshipwiththefaithfuliswhat
determinedthenatureofaccesstoandthepresenceofthebeholderinthesacred
scene, and this is what allowed the documentation of this religious experience
throughoutthepictorialmedium.Thisisalsodemonstratedbyanotherexampleof
thepresenceofthedonorinaholyscene:theCrucifixion(1400-1405)byGiovanni
diPietrodaNapoli(Fig12).InthisCrucifixion,theVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist,
andSaintFrancisareportrayedkneelingandembracingthecross,andtwodonors
kneel like Saint Francis at the bottom of the cross. The figure of Saint Francis
embracingthefeetofChristfollowstheiconographyofthepaintedcross,inwhich
SaintFranciswasportrayedatthebottomofthecrossbythefeetofChrist,notlifesize as in this case, but in small size, respecting the medieval conventions of
proportions.However,inthiscaseheisrepresentedlife-size,whilethedonorsare
15Ibid.,89.
194
portrayed in smaller dimension. What is interesting is that Saint Francis is
proposing a physical relationship with Christ, making the painted cross not just a
representation, but a corporal presence. As a consequence, the presence of the
donorscanbereadastheirpresenceinfrontofthetruebodyofthecrucifiedChrist.
In order to read the image in this way, the donor must have experienced this
emotional and devotional relationship in front of a wooden sculpted crucifix. The
paintingbecomesthetranspositionoftheirdirectdevotionalexperienceinfrontofa
woodencross,andthepresenceoftheVirginMary,JohntheEvangelistand,inthis
case, Saint Francis as well, is the combination of two devotional worlds: the
educational and the spiritual in which a sacred scene and holy persons are
illustrated,andtherealisticoneinwhichtheactualactofdevotionisrepresented.
Iarguethatfromthebeginningofthefourteenthcenturydevotionalpainted
images(eveniftheycannotbegeneralized)becamethemediumthatdescribedthe
development of popular devotion and its process of individualization and shifting
relationship with Christ (and the devotional object through which he is
represented).Paintedimagesvisualizedwhatwasoccurringinthereligiouscontext
oftheperiod,andIarguethatinsomecaseswecanapproachpaintedimagesassort
of documentary of the current devotional context in which the beholder could
recognizescenesthathe/sheassisted,participated,andlived.Asaconsequence,the
representationofthesceneoftheCrucifixionortheDescentfromtheCrosswasnot
195
onlyavisualizationofoneofthemomentsofthelifeofChrist,butratheradepiction
ofthereenactmentandtheparticipationofthefaithfultothesacredscene.
There are other examples that can illustrate this closeness to the body of
Christ, such as the fresco in the Chapel of Ciuccio Tarlati by the Maestro del
Vescovado,paintedintheCathedralofArezzoaroundthemiddleofthefourteenth
century(Fig13).InthisrepresentationoftheCrucifixion,theVirginMaryandJohn
theEvangelistarerightbesidethecross,andSaintMichaeltheArchangelandSaint
Francis are at their side. Kneeling right at the bottom of the cross is the donor
CiucciodiVanniTarlatidiPietramala,dressedasknight.Eveninthiscasethereis
the customary use of the medieval artistic convention of the hierarchy of
proportion,butthereisalsoanotherinterestingaspectthatneedstobehighlighted.
Thischapelisafunerarymonument.Infact,atthebottomofthefrescothereisthe
tomb of Ciuccio Tarlati (1334). While it was becoming common during the
fourteenth century to build funerary monuments of lay people inside the church,
such as the funerary monument of Cino da Pistoia (died in 1337), which was
representedwhileheisstillteaching(Fig14)andrealizedintheDuomoofPistoia,I
would argue that the addition of the fresco with the crucifixion and saints goes
beyond the simple donor portrait within a sacred scene. I argue that even this
painting is a representation of a real scene and the relationship itself between the
donor and the body of Christ. The fact that Saint John, while mourning, points at
CiuccioTarlatikneelingbythecrossandthebodyofChrist,suggeststhathewould
196
havebeenrecognizedinthisposition.Obviously,thereisacelebratoryelementand
anelevationofCiuccioTarlatithatalsoinvolvesapoliticaldimension,butwhatIam
discussing here, specifically, is that the origin and understanding of this fresco
comes from an element of reality. The presence of Ciuccio Tarlati in this fresco
reflects the presence of Tarlati in front of a real sculpture inside the church. This
frescoalsoshowsanotherprocessthatwasoccurringduringthisperiodintheLate
Middle Ages. There is not only the funerary monument inside the church, but the
physicalpresenceandrepresentationofCiuccioTarlaticlosetothebodyofChristin
theactofdevotionthatmustbeseenasanaction,andnotasasymbol.
It is true that in paintings we find mostly wealthy and socially important
people,forexampletheCrucifixionbytheMaestrodelleTemperefrancescane(Fig
15).TheCrucifixionpaintedaround1336inNaplesdepictsChristcrucifiedwhilea
richstreamofbloodreachesboththeVirginMaryandMaryMagdalene.Ontheright
sideoftheCross,betweentheChristandSaintJohn,thereareKingRobertofAnjou
andhiswife,QueenSancia,16kneelinginfrontofthebodyofChrist.
Frescoslikethisonewouldhavefallenintothecategoryofdevotionalart,the
self-representation, or portraiture during the Medieval period, or even into the
classificationofthemedievalvisualexperienceofthedivine.Onediscussionofthe
studyofimagesinwhichrealcharactersstartedtobeportrayed,whetherinfresco
orinilluminatedmanuscripts,suchasbooksofhours,says,“audienceswerecoming
16EnricoCastelnuovo,LaPitturainItalia(Milano:Electa,1986),volII,613.
197
toaccepttheclaimthatimagescouldserveasfundamentallytrustworthyrecordsof
the appearance of important figures. In some senses, the assumption that many
images constituted corporeal likeness of their subject had become a priori
interpretivemoveinthemindsofaudiences.”17Myquestioniswhereistheoriginof
this“aprioriinterpretivemoveinthemindsoftheaudience”?
In fact, also based on the theoretical speculation about vision and the
experience of the sacred, the ecclesiastical institution (and scholarship) relied on
thoseconceptsthattriedtoexplaintherelationsandthefusionbetweenthevisible
andinvisibleworld.Oneofthemostinfluentialcontributionsonthematterwasthe
writing of Saint Augustine: ”It is not necessary for us to be represented as or
assimilatedtotheappearanceofanotherandbecauseofthistobefalseinorderto
betrueinourownappearance.Wemustseekthatwhichistrue,andnotsomething
whichpresentstwofaceswhichcontradictoneanothersothatitmightbetrueon
theonehandandfalseontheother.”18
Scholarship that has dealt with portraiture or the representation of the
ownerofthebookofhoursduringtheMedievalperiodhasfocused,again,primarily
onthepictorialmediumandontheroleandrankofthepersonportrayedandtheir
personalawarenessinfrontofthesacredimage.Forexample,inthePsalter-Hours
of Yolande de Soissons there is an image in which the owner of the books is
17StephenPerkinson,TheLikenessoftheKing:aPrehistoryofPortraitureinLateMedievalFrance
(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2009),83.
18GerardWatson,andAugustine.Soliloquies;and,ImmortalityoftheSoul(Warminster,England:Aris
&Phillips,1990),97.
198
portrayedinactofprayerinfrontofanimageoftheVirginandChildplacedoveran
altar (Fig 16). This image could have worked as polychrome wooden sculpture, a
divinely activated object, and even an apparition from heaven.19While the study
focusesonthe“reflectionandreflexivitytothevisualcultureofdevotiontowardthe
end of the thirteenth century,”20once, again, we must ask where is the origin and
source devotionally, culturally, and in this case also visually that allowed this
awareness on the part of the viewer, this consciousness toward the sacred image,
and,fortheartist,the“iconographic”reference?
Ibelievethatforthiscase,thevisualsourceoftheserepresentationsforthe
book of hours comes from the rituality in which, specifically for the image above
mentioned,polychromewoodensculpturesoftheVirginMaryandchildwereused.
Thesebookswereadaptedtonewownersoncethepreviousonewasdeceased,and
their purpose changed according to the spiritual need of the new holder.21This
shows even more strongly the connection with the contemporary devotional
practices and the initial necessity to rely on the gestures linked to the devotional
practiceortheritualsinsteadofthephysiognomicoftheperson.
Thediffusionofthissensibilitysubjectwaswidespreadeveninpainting,and
this demonstrates the role and importance of the wooden sculptures of the Virgin
Maryandchild(Fig 17) forthemedievaldevotionandthevisualsourceforthese
19AlexaKristenSand,Vision,Devotion,andSelf-RepresentationinLateMedievalArt(NewYork:
CambridgeUniversityPress,2014),5.
20Ibidem.,5.
21Ibidem.,6.
199
kindofpaintingsaswell(Fig18).ObviouslyIdonotwanttogeneralizeandapplyto
alldevotionalpaintingsthesamerelationshipwiththedevotionalcontextinwhich
wooden sculptures were used, and I do not mean to support the idea that what is
happening with the animated sculptures of the crucified Christ (which is the main
subject of this study) is occurring in direct correspondence with the wooden
sculpturesoftheVirginandChild.Rather,thepointisthatweneedtolookattheuse
and the role of these sculptures during the thirteenth and fourteenth century and
how they affected the piety in Italy, the relationship with the sacred, and as a
consequence,therepresentationofthispietry.
Donor images have long been objects of study by art historians who saw a
political gesture within a fresco or a wooden panel painting. This gesture was a
positionthataffectedthedeterminationandeconomicstatusofthegender.22There
are different situations in which donors have been portrayed but insofar as their
representation in sacred scenes is concerned, I assert that their presence in these
kind of paintings since the late Medieval period comes from this process of
participation in the liturgy in which these sculptures were used, and from the
consequent appropriation of the sacred space by the laity in general. One
particularlyusefuldocumentinconsideringthisdiscusseshowAlfonsoVofAragon,
22CorineSchleif,“Kneelingonthethreshold:donorsnegotiatingrealmsbetwixtandbetween”in
ThresholdsofMedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces,edElinaGertsmanandJillStevenson.
(Woodbridge,UK:BoydellPress,2012),196.SeealsofromthesameauthorCorineSchleif,“Hands
thatAppoint,Anoint,andAlly:Late-MedievalDonorsStrategiesforAppropriatingApprobation
throughPainitng”inArtHistory,16(1993),1-33.
200
known as Alfonso I, King of Naples, participated in the liturgical drama that
reenacted the Deposition and Burial of Christ on April 13, 1437 during Good
Friday.23Thisdocumentdemonstratestheactualparticipationintheseliturgiesofa
personoftherankofking andopenssomeconsiderations.Firstofall,evenifthe
activeparticipationofakingtotheriteoftheHolyWeekcanbeseenasanincursion
ofasecularpersonintothesacredspace,andasaconsequencethepoliticalrealm
entering through the liturgy into the physical space of the church,24we cannot
underestimate the power of this liturgy. If even a king decided to be part of it,
beyond the real motivations (either principally devotional or political) this
underlinesthepowerofthesecelebrationsandwhatkindofimpacttheymusthave
haduponthesocietyoftheperiod.Second,thefactthatakingtookpartinperson
duringtheseritesshowsthattheywerenotsomethingthatwasentirelyrelegated
and proper to the lower class of the society. On the contrary, being part of these
ceremonials would have enhanced the position of those who were involved,
becomingpartofthesacrednessembodiedandreleasedbythewoodensculptures
thatwereusedduringthisrite.
Because of this document that attests to the participation of a king in the
rituals of the Holy Week, it is possible to support the idea that the closeness of
wealthy donors to the sacred scenes, represented in painting, was derived from a
23SolangeCorbin,LaDepositionLiturgiqueduChristauVendrediSaint;saPlacedansl'Histoiredes
RitesetduThéâtreReligieux(analysededocumentsportugais).(Paris:Sociétéd'éditions"LesBelles
Lettres",1960),257.Paoletti,"WoodenSculpture,92.
24Paoletti,WoodenSculpture,92.
201
realdevotionalsituation.Notonlywastheprivatedevotionorpersonalwillofthe
donorsportrayed,butalsoarealisticmomentthatwassociallyandpubliclydefined.
According to Glenn Ehrstine, “[…] medieval spectatorship was inherently
kinesthetic, with audience reception of religious theater predominantly occurring,
with occasional exceptions, within the context of devotional practices involving
bodily sensation. Through such kinesthesia, the body itself became an avenue for
audience participation, augmenting other modes of reception, such as the play’s
affective elicitation of compassio”. 25 Thus, medieval spectatorship blurred the
boundaries between public and private devotion by involving the use of sacred
spaceforbothpersonalandprivatedevotion,theuseofthebodyforthepurposesof
interaction with the re-presentation of the sacred scene, and, also, the beholder’s
affectiveparticipationinandresponsetothemomentsofthePassionofChristand
the use of animated sculptures. 26 The sources of Ehrstine’s study were three
devotionaltexts:theVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxonywritteninthemidfourteenth
century, Do der minnenklich got (When Loving God), an anonymous German tract
from the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century, and Der Berg des schowenden
lebens(TheMountofContemplativelife)byJohannGeilervonKayserberg,27written
in the second half of the fifteenth century. This study, in addition to those I’ve
25GlennEhrstine,“PassionSpectatorshipBetweenPrivateandPublicDevotion”inThresholdsof
MedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces,edElinaGertsmanandJillStevenson.(Woodbridge,UK:
BoydellPress,2012),304.
26Ibidem.,305.
27Ibidem.,305
202
already discussed, establishes the kinesthetic and sensorial devotional experience,
the duality of devotion between private and public, the body positions in order to
experiencevisuallythePassion,thepreparationofbeingengagedinfrontofChrist’s
representation and also the remembrance of the action once the play was over,
using literary sources, an approach which overlooks completely the physical
activatoroftheserituals,thatisthesculptures.WhileGlennEhrstinementionsthat
itwasnotunusualinthelateMedievalperiodtoassisttopublicrepresentationof
thePassion,atthesametimeshehasdoubtsregardingviewingconditionsandhow
theymayhaveaffecteddevotionalreception.28
Given that most of these medieval devotional texts were written, at the
earliest, in the first half of the fourteenth century, it becomes necessary to
acknowledgethattheelaborationofthosevisualconceptspartofthesedevotional
textswasmadesubsequenttothediffusionandtheuseoftheanimatedsculptures
ofthecrucifiedChrist.Further,thetextsinquestionportrayedamarkedcorporeal
aspect of the experience of the Passion that cannot be underestimated and must
eventuallybereaddressedintermsofthecontextofthedevelopmentoftherituals
withwhichthetextsarepaired.ThiscorporealdimensionismanifestedinTheVita
Christi of Ludolph of Saxony, which mentions how to use the imagination to
empathize with the events that happened during the last moments of the life of
Christ: “If you wish to reap the fruit of your meditations, […] then you must make
28Ibidem.,308.
203
yourselfpresentatwhatwassaidordonebyChristtheLordorwhatistoldaboutit,
asifyouhearditwithyourownearsorsawitwithyourowneyes[…].Andthus,
althoughmanyofthesethingsaretoldasinthepast,youshouldmeditateonallof
themasiftheywereinthepresent;becausewithoutdoubtyouwilltasteagreater
pleasantness from this. Therefore, read about what was done as if it were being
done.Placebeforeyoureyespastactionsasiftheywerepresent,andthustoagreat
extent,youwilltastethingsasmoresavoryanddelightful”.29
The directions provided by Ludolph of Saxony clearly advocate using one’s
mind to placing oneself physically into those moments in which Christ lived his
Passion.ThestrikingpartofthiswayofmeditatingoverthePassionofChrististhat
it seems to accurately follow the action of the liturgical or paraliturgical rites.
Examining the illuminated version of the devotional book written by Ludolph of
Saxony,itbecomesimpossibletoavoidacknowledgingthatinVolume1andFolio1
(Fig19)themonkisprayingwhilevisualizingtherealbodyofChrist,whichcanbe
linked to a contemporary wooden sculptures, along with some instruments used
duringthePassion.
Studyofmedievaltheaterputsinquestiontheideathattheuseofdevotional
booksandpassionplaysweretwodistinctworlds,onebelongingtotheprivateand
theotheronetothepublicsphere,supportingthecasethatdevotionalbookscould
29CharlesAbbottConway,TheVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxonyandLateMedievalDevotionCentered
ontheIncarnation:aDescriptiveAnalysis,AnalectaCartusiana34(Salzburg,Austria,1976),123.Cited
afterGlennEhrstine,PassionSpectatorship,312.
204
have practically affected the organization and presentation of Passion Plays.30I
argue that the rituals connected to the Passion of Christ, both liturgical or
paraliturgical celebrations, along with the use of wooden sculptures were the
catalyst of the production of these devotional books. This revised pattern of
influenceisbornoutbyoneofthefirstinfluentialdevotionalbookfromwhichother
devotionaltreatisesderived,theMeditationesVitaeChristi,writteninthemiddleof
the fourteenth century by the Pseudo-Bonaventure. The book was written in a
period when the ritual and the relationship with these rites were already
established and also when the production and diffusion of animated wooden
sculptures of the Crucified Christ were already popular and in use. Obviously, it is
notappropriatetogeneralizeandapplythisstatementtoeverysinglesituation,but
whatIamreferringtoistheclearneedtorecognizethatthefaithfulrecognizedthe
wooden sculpture as the bodily presence of Christ and as the direct medium for
their relationship with the human side of Christ (which certainly includes the
regularwoodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatareexperiencedastangiblyas
as possible, as suggested by Ludolph of Saxony). These wooden sculptures
represented and embodied the real body of Christ. While this could have applied
only once they were activated, it seems more likely that the faithful would
acknowledge this role of the sculpture during the whole liturgical year, and that
both the sculptures and the rituals around it had a pivotal role in affecting and
30GlennEhrstine,PassionSpectatorship,303.
205
shaping the devotion (and the representation of it) during the fourteenth and
fifteenthcentury.
The objects are thus unable to play an active role in affecting other aspects of the
devotionalsocietyofcentralItalyduringthelateMedievalperiodandthebeginning
oftheRenaissance.Beingmoreattentivetothedynamicofthedevelopmentofthe
devotion during the late Medieval period, however, reveals several connections
which could justify some aesthetic choices and ways of representing the sacred
sceneatthebeginningoftheRenaissance.
For example, one of the most famous frescos of the fifteenth century is
Masaccio’sTrinity(Fig20).Thisfrescoadmirablycombinestherepresentationofa
subjectthatisspecifictotheChristianfaithandthetheologyoftheTrinitywiththe
application of the new perspective techniques in such excellent way as to provide
the effect of a real gallery behind the subject in the fresco. This fresco has been
interpretedasareferencetotheChapeloftheGolgotha,fromamedievaltradition,
with the representation of the Adam’s tomb at the bottom and the crucifixion of
Christinthemiddlepart,aproductofthecommissionandactivityoftheDominican
community that had been established in Florence since 1219.31The center of this
frescofeaturesthecrucifixionofChrist,betterdescribedastheso-calledThroneof
Mercy, raising an important theological element to consider: Masaccio presents
31AlessandroCortesi,“UnaLetturaTeologica”inMasaccioandCristinaDanti,LaTrinitàdiMasaccio:
ilRestaurodell'AnnoDuemila(Firenze:Edifir.,2002),49.
206
Christinhishumanside,inhisbodilyessenceinthemomentofhisdeath.32Another
aspectofthisfrescothathasbeenanobjectofstudyisthepresenceofthedonorsin
the immediate foreground. Scholarship has focused on understanding who the
donorswereandwhomtheyrepresentedintheFlorentinesocietyofthebeginning
of the fifteenth century. The last studies about this subject identify two local
families,eithertheLenziortheBerti.ItseemsthattheBertifamilyownedatombat
thebottomofthefrescoandhadaspecialdevotionoftheTrinity.33
However,thesignificantthingaboutthedonor’srepresentation,forthesake
of this study, is that they are portrayed life-size. The issue, then, becomes that we
have in a major painting inside one of the most important churches in Florence,
exhibitingalife-sizerepresentationofthedonors.Obviously,therewasasocialand
devotional(aswellaspolitical)significanceinbeingportrayedin,andsimplybeing
incorporated into, this fresco, which was indicative of the intentions of this new
mercantileeliteoftheFlorentinesociety:“Florence’scivicmonuments,herchurches
andmonasteries,herprivateplaceswereallplannedandsubsidizedbythiselite.”34
At the same time I would like to underline that the presence of the donors in a
devotional painting derives, both iconographically and conceptually, from the
process of appropriation of the sacred space by the laity which had been initiated
32Ibidem.,49.
33RitaMariaComanducci,"'L'AltareNostrodelaTrinita':Masaccio'sTrinityandtheBertifamily".The
BurlingtonMagazine.vol145,n.1198,(2003):14-21.
34GeneBrucker“TheFlorentineEliteintheEarlyFifteenthCentury,”inMasaccio'sTrinity.
Cambridge,edRonaGoffen,(CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),35.
207
duringthethirteenthcentury.Renaissancestudiestendtoemphasizetheideathat
merchants, because of their reason-based frame of mine, were aware of “how
unproductive formal religious behavior was or see the ‘unreasonableness’ of
excessivecult.”35Tothecontrary,ithasbeenprovednotonlythatmerchantswent
to church regularly,36but also that they were involved in image worship and in
practicesthatwereconsideredtobestrictlyconfinedtotheruralworld,whichwas
framedasfarawayandcompletelydistinctfromtheurbansocietyoftheday.37This
aspectofdevotionisdistinctfromthebuildingofspaciousburialchapelsorprivate
ownership of sacred spaces which were in some sense independent from the
communal space inside the church.38This was a phenomenon that started at the
beginning of the fourteenth century in Santa Croce in Florence. This suggests that
weneedtobeawarethatwecannotexcludeandsimplydisregardcertainbehaviors
onthegroundsthattheybelongtoaperiodwhichdoesnotappeartohaveanything
tosharewiththefollowingone.
WhatweseedevelopinginthelateMedievalperiod,especiallyregardingthe
devotionalrelationshipwiththeimages,isthesame.WhenIstateitisthe“same,”I
do not mean to posit the existence of an unchangeable and incorruptible attitude
35RichardC.Trexler,"FlorentineReligiousExperience:TheSacredImage"inStudiesinthe
Renaissance.19(1972):33.
36SilvanoBurgalassi,ItalianiinChiesa.AnalisiSociologicadelComportamentoReligioso(Brescia:
Mozcelliana,1967),91-95.
37RichardC.Trexler,"FlorentineReligiousExperience,34.
38RobertW.Gaston,“SacredPlaceandLiturgicalSpace:Florence’sRenaissanceChurches”in
RenaissanceFlorence:aSocialHistory,ed.Crum,RogerJ.,andJohnT.Paoletti(NewYork:Cambridge
UniversityPress,2006),331.
208
toward the images, but rather that there is a continuation that adapts itself to the
timeanditschanges.Whenweseethedonorsrepresentedinadevotionalpainting,
amongotherthings,weneedtoacknowledgethattheirpresencewasalsotheresult
oftheirrealdevotionalattitudetowardimages.AsintheTrinitybyMasaccio,wedo
notonlyseetheisolatedimageofthedonorsinthepainting,butweseethedonors
in the same way that the Florentine people of the period must have seen them:
prayinginfrontofarealsculptureofChristinsidethechurch.Asimpleexamination
of the chronology reveals that the Brunelleschi wooden crucifix, probably made
between 1410-1415, was already in Santa Maria Novella. We should consider the
factthatbelievers,andinthiscasealsothepatronsoftheTrinity,couldhaveprayed
infrontofit,andthatMasacciohimselfcouldhavelookedatitinordertopresent
his“pictorial”versionofChrist.Brunelleschi’scrucifixandMasaccio’sChristexhibit
the same structure and bodily quality. While in Brunelleschi there is a body, in
Masacciothereistheattempt(achieved)ofpresentingatridimensionalpresenceof
Christ,alongwiththeothercharactersandthespace,inatwo-dimensionalsurface.
The point is that Christ, despite in the metaphysical presentation of the Trinity,
couldhavereadilybeenidentifiedwithbotharealpresence,arealbody,and,asa
consequenceofthepresenceoftheBrunelleschicrucifix,awoodensculpture.
In order to understand with greater depth the connection between the two
periods in question and, specifically for this case, the use of these wooden
sculpturesandtheirroleinaffectingdevotionandsocietybetweenthelateMedieval
209
period and early Renaissance, it is critical to dispense with any strict and defined
dichotomysuchasreligiousvssecularorelitevspopulardevotion.Forexample,if
wecompareMasaccio’sTrinitywiththeCrucifixionwithDonorJacopodiBartolomeo
(1455)byGiovannidiPaolo(Fig21),wecanseeatfirstseveraldifferences.Beyond
the subject matter (one is the Trinity, the other the Crucifixion) a major striking
differenceisthebackground.Thefirstfeaturesanillusionofatridimensionalspace
withlife-sizerepresentationsofthecharactersinit,whereasthesecondfeaturesa
goldentimelessbackground,moretypicalofthemedievaltradition,despitethefact
that it was made about thirty years after the Masaccio’s Trinity. The function of
Giovanni di Paolo’s painting is given by the Latin inscription at the bottom of the
panel:“‘hiciacobvspictorbartolomeiiacet,”meaning,“hereliesthepainterJacopodi
Bartolomeo.”MostlikelythepresenceofJacopodiBartolomeointhispaintingwas
commemorative, and the work could have been used above a sepulcher.39The
commemorativerolecanbeappliedforMasaccio’sfrescoaswell.
In both cases the donors are present, taking part in the first person and
bowingtoaneventofmiraculousnature.InMasaccio’spiece,thedonorsattendto
the revelation of the Trinity, directly assisted by the Virgin Mary and John the
Evangelist. Alternately, in Giovanni di Paolo’s work, Jacopo di Bartolomeo has
individualizedfeaturesandlooksupatthescene,eventhoughhispresencedoesnot
39J.Pope-Hennessy,‘GiovannidiPaolo’inTheMetropolitanMuseumofArtBulletin,vol.XLVI#2,Fall
1988,pp.5-48,illus.fig.59,p.42.
210
directlyparticipateinthedesperatemourningoftheVirginMary,MaryMagdalene,
and John the Evangelist. Rather, in this case we can interpret the presence of the
donor in Giovanni di Paolo’s panel as a sort of projection of what Jacopo di
Bartolomeosees.HeisexperiencingthemomentofthedeathofChristasavision.
The golden background enhances the idea of this as a supernatural moment. It
would be reductive to consider the painting solely in terms of this interpretation,
though.
This can be accomplished by combining the painting with the context and
carefully considering the aspects in a more dynamic way. For example, even if we
statethattheGiovannidiPaolo’scrucifixionrepresents,despiteitscommemorative
function,thevisionofJacopodiBartolomeo,weneedtogobeyondthat.Weneedto
look at the context in which this donor portrait was generated and insert it in a
more general setting. Though public and private devotion have generally been
consideredastwoseparatediscourses,itisonlybyinterrelatingthesetwoaspects
that we can provide a different perspective, a perspective which affords a more
stablesenseofcontinuityanddialoguebetweenthelateMedievalperiodandearly
Renaissance art. Another way to interpret the “vision” of Jacopo di Bartolomeo,
which more adequately considers context, is through examination of the public
ritualsduringtheHolyWeek.
Officially, there was a distinction between the liturgical rites linked to the
Passion of Christ and the extraliturgical passion play. It should be noted, though,
211
thatbothcasesfeaturedare-enactmentofthelastmomentsofthelifeofChrist,and
that emotional participation was strong both inside and outside the church. Both
situations would have provided a moment of direct correspondence, oscillating
between the realms of witnessing the Passion and of being part of it. The faithful
wouldhavebeenabletoalternateparticipatingactivelyormeditatingoverit.They
wouldhaveaphysicalroleinitwhileinpublicoranintrospectivecontemplationin
private, or vice versa. The first condition would have been the continuation or
completionoftheother.So,intheseterms,thevisionofJacopodiBartolomeocould
also be interpreted as the personal moment of meditation, while in public the
reenactmentofthePassionofChristwasoccurring.TherepresentationofJacopodi
Bartolomeorevealsasaconsequence,despiteitssupposedlyprimaryofficialroleof
commemoratingthedonor,thedualessenceofembodyingbothapublicandprivate
dimension.
The same can be applied to the Masaccio fresco, in which the presence in
frontoftheTrinityofthedonorsincludebothaprivateandpublicdimension,both
connectedtothepracticeofprivateandpublicdevotionthattheviewerwouldhave
beenawareof.Thedonorswouldhavebeenrecognizable,notonlybecauseoftheir
likenesses,whichobviouslywasmoreaccurateanddevelopedduringthefourteenth
century,butalsobecauseoftheirpresenceinadevotionalsettingthatbelongedto
theeverydayworldandthepubliccontext.
212
Often, the devotional dimension of some practices, and the production and
use of art surrounding them, has been obscured by the connotation of popular
practices and art, resulting in understandings which completely overlook their
active role in shaping the mindset and the society of the period. The social
importanceofthesepractices,aswellasthefactthatpeoplewouldreadthroughthe
actioninthedevotionalcontextboththedynamicandsymbolicroleoftheartworks
relatedtoit,canbeseenthroughanotherrelatedexample.40
As occurred with paintings, the understanding of the presence and the
representationofthedonorswasenabledbythe“devotionalgrammar”thatsociety
developedduringtheliturgicalandextraliturgicaluseofwoodensculptures.Iargue
thatthewoodensculpturesarethecatalyst,bothdevotionallyandconceptually,of
40One such example is the life-size wax effigies that Lorenzo de’ Medici ordered and had
placed in two Florentine churches, along with a third in Santa Maria degli Angeli in Assisi. This
occurredafterhisbrotherGiulianode’MediciwasassassinatedandLorenzowaswoundedonApril
26,1478bypoliticalconspirators.Despitethewound,hewasabletospeaktothecrowdafterwhat
happened,evenwithhisclothesfullofblood.Thesewaxeffigieswereexvotosthathadtheroleof
giving thanks to God and spreading a political message. This gesture has been seen as the keen
politicalintelligenceofLorenzo;accordingly,scholarshiphasfocusedonthematerialqualityofthe
waxalongwiththepoliticalmessage.40Thesewaximages“intheformofvotiveoffering,appearin
thiscontextasextensionsoftheconceptofpublicpresenceincommunalspaces.”40Focusingonlyon
waximagesandtheirvotiverole,whileexcludingallconnectionswiththemoregeneraldevotional
context, reduces the understanding of this phenomenon. If Lorenzo chose this “popular medium,”I
would argue that it was not only the result of his political intelligence in general, but also that
Lorenzo was drawing upon the known role of physicality, presence, and likeness of these statues.
This was enabled by the concept of physicality, presence, and likeness elaborated throughout the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries by the construction and use of the sculptures of the Crucified
Christ. The power and authority accessed by the life-size wax statue of Lorenzo de Medici was the
resultofthepowerandauthorityassignedtothelife-sizewoodensculpturesofChristandtheway
they had been utilized. The impact of the work was not merely based on the strength of the wax
sculpture’s resemblance to Lorenzo, but also in the object itself and its presence inside the sacred
spaceoftheChurchtoprovidepoliticalrulingpoweraswell.
See: Roberta Panzanelli, “Compelling Presence. Wax Effigies in Renaissance Florence” in
EphemeralBodies:WaxSculptureandtheHumanFigure,ed.Panzanelli,Roberta,andJuliusSchlosser
(LosAngeles,Calif:GettyResearchInstitute,2008),13.
213
the major form of piety in Italy. Even as regards the space in which devotion is
performed, it is interesting to note that private devotion, also linked to the
productionanduseofbookofhoursusedlessbytheclergythanbythelaity,comes
after the laity itself finalized its “conquest” of the sacred space once destined only
fortheclergy.WeobservefromthefirstproductionofthewoodenDescentfromthe
Crossaslowprocessofutilization,substitution,increasingaccesstothespaceinside
thechurch,theutilizationofthespaceoutsideofthechurch,thecontemporaneous
building of the oratories, and the performance of passion play up through the
buildingofprivatechapelsandfunerarymonumentsinsidechurches.
Thepointhereisnottoadvancetheideathatwoodensculpturesweresolely
responsible for all of these different elements occurring in Italy during the late
MedievalandearlyRenaissanceperiod,ofcourse.Rather,whatIargueisthattheir
role has been incredibly underestimated, and we are responsible for revising the
period, adding all the different characteristics that are embodied and the
consequencesthateliciteded.Oncethelaityfeltcomfortableinbeingandactingin
the sacred space activated by the presence of and the interaction with these
sculptures,theywereable,intermsofactiveparticipation,tobringtheimagination,
the scenes of the Passion, and the physical relationship with Christ at home with
them,throughthebookofhours.
Themostinfluentialdevotionalbooks,suchastheMeditationesVitaeChristi
ortheVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxony,expresstheimportanceofphysicallyliving
214
themomentofthePassionofChrist,asifthedevoteewerethereandphysicallyfelt
thesufferingofChrist.Itwouldbewrongtothinkthatthiscouldonlybe,orwasthe
sole consequence of, a strictly intellectual operation or an abstract process of
meditationwhichhadnoconnectionwiththerealworld.Istressthefactthatthis
was,instead,theresultofpersonallylivingthedramaofthePassion,reenactedby
thebelieversandmadepossibleandrealbythephysicality,likeness,andductilityof
the animated sculptures of the dead Christ. These celebrations were widespread,
and popular religion became so intertwined with the whole aspect of “human life,
outward and inward, with all its powers, mental and spiritual, instead of
proclaimingitshostilitytothem,”that“…itenteredintotheclosestassociationwith
popularculturethatitisimpossibletosaywhichdominatedwhich”.41
ScholarshipandstudiesontheRenaissancehavemostfrequentlyfocusedon
theperiodbyconsideringwhathappenedinthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturyto
be a sort of a significant fracture with the past, underestimating the elements of
continuityandinfluence.Ifweconsiderthatthemostnumerousextantexamplesof
animated sculptures of the crucified Christ in Italy are from the fifteenth and
sixteenthcentury,tosaynothingofthefactthatthethemajorityofthemcomefrom
FlorenceandtheTuscanarea,itbecomesclearthattheuseofthesesculptureswas
verycommonandwidespreadrightinthecenterofthedevelopmentoftheso-called
41JacobBurckhardtandJamesHastingsNichols,ForceandFreedom:ReflectionsonHistory,(New
York:PantheonBooks,1993),247.
215
“Renaissance”.Anotheraspectofthisissuethatweneedtoconsider,whichhasbeen
a dramatic factor that condemned the wooden sculptures, is their capability to be
adaptedandalteredsothattheycouldnotonlysatisfythedifferentliturgicalneeds,
but also the aesthetic taste of the period. The fact that these object were altered,
eventotheextentofbeingdressedorhavingdevotionalpinsattachedtothem,has
beenconsideredtobesimplyanexpressionofthedevotionofthemassandlower
classes,aphenomenoncompletelydivorcedfromthe“learnedculture”anditsway
oflivingthedevotion.Thisprejudicecondemnedthesesculptures,andscholarship
has also condemned the whole world that was attached to them, overlooking its
presenceanditsinfluence,alongwiththeirroleinthedevotionalandlaysocietyof
thefifteenthandsixteenthcentury.Thedevotionaluseofandrelationshiptowards
these objects does not simply end; it changes. We need to find the threads and
connectionswiththepreviousperiod,andeventuallythefollowingone,untiltoday.
Thisneedisdemonstratedbythefactthatsomeoftheseanimatedsculpturesofthe
crucifiedChristareinusetodaybyconfraternitiesinthecelebrationsofthePassion
duringtheHolyWeek.Whiletheritualchangedovertime,wedostillhavethesame
sculptures that were made during the fifteenth or sixteenth century, if not earlier.
The procession of the dead Christ in the city of Leonessa is an example of such
usage.TheystilltodayusetheanimatedwoodensculptureofChristthatwasmade
in the sixteenth century (Fig 22). While this occurs in a rural town in Italy, as
216
opposed to in the urban centers, I would not underestimate the authenticity and
importanceoftheserituals.
AnexampleIwouldliketoconsiderfromthisperspectiveistheLamentation
(Fig 23) byFraAngelico,whichwaspartoftheSanMarcoAltarpiece(Fig 24)and
features the Virgin enthroned with child surrounded by Saints. The iconographic
choice of the main part of the altarpiece reflects both the traditions of the
Dominicans as well as the presence of Cosimo de Medici and the way that he was
exercising control over Florence and the Florentine. 42 This altarpiece has been
considered elsewhere as an example of perspectival metaphors that were
mentionedbyLeonBattistaAlbertiinhisDellaPittura:“I inscribe a quadrangle of
rightanglesaslargeasIwish,whichisconsideredtobeanopenwindowthrough
whichIseewhatIwanttopaint.”43Infact,FraAngelicoshowsaperspectivalviewof
a heavenly garden as well as drawing the curtains on the surface of the image in
ordertoprovideasignaloftheothernessofscene.44
Despite the large size of the area occupied by the Madonna and Child
enthroned with saints, there is also strong reference to Christological themes and,
especially,Passionimagery.45Infact,atthebottomoftheMadonnaenthronedthere
is a small panel showing the Crucifixion (Fig 25), and underneath it is the central
42WilliamHood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1993),107.
43Alberti,LeonBattista,Onpainting,transJ.R.Spencer(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1966),56.
44BarnabyNygren,"FraAngelico’sSanMarcoAltarpieceandtheMetaphorsofPerspective"inNotes
intheHistoryofArt.22(1):26.
45Hood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco,110.
217
panelofthepredellathatrepresentstheLamentation.Ithasbeensaid,tojustifythe
presence and correspondence of these three different scenes, that Fra Angelico
couldhavereferredtotheDominicancommunity’sideasasfoundinthewritingof
SaintCatherineofSiena.AccordingtoSaintCatherine’sDialogue,becauseofAdam’s
sin there is now a vast distance between earth and heaven and the “bridge” to
overcome this distance is the crucifixion of his Son.46So in order to reach the
Heaven anyone need to “experience” the Crucifixion of Christ and the Eucharist
providesthestrengthtogetthroughthisjourney.
In relation to the altarpiece the Heaven was represented by the main part,
andwhilethe“bridge”toitisinthelittlepaneloftheCrucifixion,theplacewhere
the soul can find peace in this spiritual journey is in the Eucharist,represented in
thiscasebytheLamentation,inwhichthesoulwouldstrengthenitselfthroughthis
journeytoheaven,andthiswouldhavereferredspecificallytotheDominicanfriars
whoweretheusersofthisaltarpiece.47
The pax with its Crucifixion has a clear medieval sensibiliity, especially
manifestinitsgoldenbackground.AccordingtoBarnabyNygren,inhisstudyonFra
Angelico’sSanMarcoAltarpiece,“Byplacingthefictivepanelbetweentherealand
paintedrealms,Angelicoemphasizestheremotenessofthelatter,butalsosuggests
the possibility of transcendence through Christ and his sacrifice”.48While I agree
46Ibidem.,110.
47Ibidem.,110.
48BarnabyNygren,FraAngelico’sSanMarco,29.
218
that Fra Angelico could have played with the perspective and the presence of the
curtainsaslongasthepositionofthepaxinordertoprovideasenseofremoteness,
I argue that both the pax and the central panel of the Lamentation need to be
analyzedingreaterdepth.Inthecaseofthegoldenbackgroundinthepaxwiththe
Crucifixion,havingagoldenbackgroundsuggestsasenseofremotenessaswell,in
which the figures are accessible but not physically present. So it is not just the
perspective, as suggested, that functions to create this liminal sense of heavenly
distancethoughthepaxiscloserandcouldpotentiallybetouchedandkissedbythe
viewer, but also because of the remoteness suggested by the golden background
thattheworkstagesthecrucifixioninatimelessspace.Thus,inthisaltarpiecethere
aremultiplelevelsthatdefinethedistancebetweentherealworldandtheheavenly.
Angelico creates a dialogue between the images represented in the paintings and
the real world, and in order to do that he uses different elements. Regarding the
small pax with the Crucifixion, Beato Angelico refers to the Medieval world,
consideringalongwiththeiconographyalsothedevotionaldimensionoftheperiod.
Through use of a golden background, he puts the scene in an otherworldly
dimension. At the same time, he puts the pax in front of the panel with the Virgin
and Child, accessible to the kiss of the friars and the believers, thus providing an
access,aphysicalaccess,tothissceneofthePassionofChrist.Therelationshipwith
this image follows the rituality of the celebrations around the wooden sculptures
duringtheHolyWeek,whichprovidethephysicalpresenceofChristandhisbodyas
219
wellasthemetaphysicalreenactmentofthemomentofthePassionthatoccurredin
another time and another place. The panel in the predella with the Lamentation
rightunderneaththeCrucifixionsupportsthisinterpretation.
Furthermore,ifwelookattheorganizationoftheLamentation(Fig 26), we
can find some connections with both the devotional aspects of the late Medieval
period and the awareness of the devotional context of Fra Angelico and the
Dominicans. This Lamentation has been linked to the Eucharist, and the subject
itselfwasconnectedtotheiconographyoftheManofSorrow(Fig 27).49Thefigure
ofChristshowsseveralsimilaritieswiththeiconographyoftheChristastheManof
Sorrow:thelegsarecoveredbythesheetandtheupperpartofthebodysomehowis
delimitedbythewindowofthesepulcher.50
Beyondthis,Iwouldconsiderthecentralpanelofthepredellanotonlyasa
re-elaboratedversionoftheiconographyofChristastheManofSorrow,butalsoas
a conscious reference to the devotional context of the current period that has the
originsintheMiddleAges.IfwelookattheorganizationoftheFraAngelico’spanel
49Hood,FraAngelicoatSanMarco,110.“Moreover,justashishumannatureasababywasatthe
sametimefullydivine,sohiscorruptiblebodyasamanbecameincorruptiblethroughthe
Resurrection.Thebodythatdiedandwasburiedwasalsothebodythatroseagainonthethirdday.
Theseareoldtruths,evencommonplacesinChristianlore.TheirsignificanceforFraAngelicoisthat
onDominicanaltarpiecestheManofSorrowspecificallysymbolizedtheEucharisticbodyofChrist,
the‘CorpusDomini’inwhosepresenceDominicanfriarssangtheliturgyofthehoursandcelebrated
theliturgyoftheMass.ItseemscertainthatthelowerpartoftheSanMarcoaltarpiececoncernedthe
Eucharist.ForinadditiontotheManofSorrowonthepredella,FraAngelicoincludedatwodimensionalCrucifixrisinginthefrontplaneofthealtarpieceandoverlappingthesceneinthemain
panel.”
50AlexanderNagel,MichelangeloandtheReformofArt(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,
2000),57.
220
painting, we see a symmetrical organization of the space and disposition of the
characters therein. It has been pointed out that this reflects the typical artistic
innovationofthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury,andthepredellafollowedthe
organization of the central panel.51Also, the gestures of the Virgin and Saint John
havebeenconsideredprimarilyasanadaptationtotheiconographyoftheManof
Sorrow.
I would suggest, instead, that the iconographical organization of the
Lamentation follows the real ritual of the Descent from the Cross, which has its
origin in the Middle Ages, and that this still had an important impact upon the
Florentine devotional context during the fifteenth century. The symmetrical
organization of the scene was already a prerogative of the medieval wooden
DescentfromtheCross(Fig 28), andthepositionofChristwithinthiswork,more
than the Man of Sorrow, traces the wooden Christ figures which were part of the
Descent. The symmetrical organization and the presence of the Virgin Mary and
JohntheEvangelistholdingthehandsofChristwithhisarmshangingopenclearly
reflecttheorganizationoftheDescentfromtheCross.52
However, I asserts that Fra Angelico must have looked as a source of his
inspiration,morethanthewoodengroupsofDescentfromtheCross,thatsomehow
were dismissed at the end of the thirteenth century, at the animated sculptures of
51MagnoliaScudieri,“LaPaladiSanMarco:ApogeedellaCommittenzaMediceaeManifestodella
TradizioneDominicana”inL'AngelicoRitrovato:StudieRicercheperlaPaladiSanMarcoed.Acidini
Luchinat,Cristina,andMagnoliaScudieri(Livorno:Sillabe,2008),54.
52Nagel,MichelangeloandtheReformofArt,57.
221
theCrucifiedChrist,utilizedfortheritualoftheDescentfromthecross,duringthe
HolyWeekorevenduringthePassionPlay.Giventhattheutilizationofthesekinds
of sculptures was a combination of the creation of the previous Descent from the
Cross and the adapted rituals, in which the believers were more involved, Fra
Angelico’spaintingseemstoreflectthisritualcombination.
ThescenealsofeaturesNicodemus;andthewaythatheisholdingthebody
ofChristsuggeststhatheistakingtimeandsomehowstoppinghimselfmid-action
to show the body of Christ to the believers. 53 However, Nicodemus’ posture
indicates that it would not have been possible for him to hold a real human body;
instead,heiscertainlyholdingasculpture,asimulacrumoftherealbodyofChrist.I
assertthatFraAngelicocouldhaveobservedtheritualsoftheHolyWeekinorderto
visualizethescene,ratherthansimplydrawingupontheiconographyoftheManof
Sorrow.Thisassertionisfurthersupportedbythefactthatwhileonepersonwould
not have been able to hold a human body in the way seen in the Lamentation, it
would have been possible for one person to hold a sculpture by himself, and that
positionwouldlookverymuchlikethewaythatNicodemusisholdingthebodyof
Christ.Thus,morethantheEucharist,IwouldarguethatthisLamentationreflects
thedevotionalcontextofFlorenceatthebeginningofthefifteenthcenturyandthat
53Ibidem.,57.
222
Fra Angelico could have relied on it in order to match the representation of a
historicalsettingwiththesacredevents.54
WemightdiscussthefactthatDominicanswerenotofficiallyverysculptureoriented in their devotional and theological mission. Nevertheless, it has been
argued that Giovanni Pisano, in his creation of his influential crucifixidolorosi(Fig
29) wasdrawinguponasocialcostumepromotedbytheDominicanorder.55Ifwe
look at theDemodoorandi,the book that novices of the Dominican order used to
followtheexampleofSaintDominicandtheywereattentivetotheillustrationsin
the book, we see that the representation of Christ resembles that of a sculpted
version,especiallyoneinfrontofthepaintedtriptychbehindit(Fig30).
We have examples of wooden sculptures inside Dominican Churches or
related to the Dominican order. One of the earliest is the crucifixion by Lando di
Pietro, a life-size wooden image of Christ made in 1338 that belonged to the
Compagnia di San Domenico (Fig 31), and another example is the famous
Brunelleschi’scrucifix.Amoreinterestingexample,however,isthecrossfromthe
circle of Baccio da Montelupo (Fig 32). Even if the sculpture has not been
recognized as one of the best expressions of Baccio da Montelupo56, the work is
relevant to my argument in that there is an animated sculpture of the crucified
54Ibidem.,59.
55Aboutthisspecifictopicseenextchapter.SeealsoPavelKalina,"GiovanniPisano,theDominicans,
andtheOriginoftheCrucifixiDolorosi".ArtibusEtHistoriae.(47),2003:81-100.
56MargritLisner,HolzkruzifixeinFlorenzundinderToskanavonderZeitum1300biszumfrühen
Cinquecento(München:Bruckmann,1970),82-85.
223
ChristintheprincipalchurchoftheDominicansinFlorence.Whileitistruethatthe
date of completion of the sculpture was ca. 1502, coming about sixty years apart
from the Fra Angelico’s San Marco altarpiece, I believe that in this case we do not
needtothinkstrictlyaboutchronologicalproximity.Itismoreusefultoconsiderthe
sensibility of the Dominicans toward a medium and its presence and the use of it
that was not part of the devotional mindset of the Dominican mendicant order at
first, but become part of it as the use and the symbolic role of these sculptures
becamemorepronouncedwiththedevelopmentofthedevotiontowardthem.The
same occurred amongst the Franciscans. At first they had not relied on the
sculptural medium to spread their evangelical message, counting instead upon
painted images of Christ, but we found several later examples, even of animated
sculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,inchurchesoftheFranciscanorder.Obviouslythe
most famous example is the Donatello’s animated sculpture in Santa Croce in
Florence (Fig 33), but we have further examples at our disposal. A significant
example is in the mother church of Franciscans in Assisi. In fact, in the chapel of
SaintCatherineofAlexandriainthelowerChurchintheBasilicaofSaintFrancisin
AssisithereisawoodencrucifixsculptedbyaGermanartistidentifiedas“Giovanni
Tedesco”atthebeginningofthesixteenthcenturywhichhasmovablearmsanditis
usedstilltodayforthecelebrationsofHolyFriday57(Fig34).
57GiovanBattistaFidanza,“Transettod’Ingresso,CappelladiSantaCaterinad’Alessandria”inLa
BasilicadiSanFrancescoadAssisi,edGianfrancoMalafrina,trans.HeatherMackay(Modena,Italy:
F.C.Panini,2005),321.
224
What we need to realize about the existence of these wooden sculptures is
thattheywerenotjustapresenceoranobjectutilizedforprocessionsorwithinthe
liturgies. They had the capability since the Medieval period to become the
simulacrumoftherealbodyofChristand,asaconsequence,theyhadthepowerto
affectthedevotionandthebehavioraroundit.Thisimpliesalsoavisualtranslation
ofthiscomportmentaroundthesculptures;anexample,asImentionabove,isthe
LamentationbyFraAngelico.
A visual response to Fra Angelico’s Lamentation is the Rogier van der
WeydenChristattheTomb(1450)(Fig 35).VanderWeyden’sChristattheTomb
used Fra Angelico’s Lamentation as a model, and this association corrected the
previous assumption that van der Weyden reinterpreted the iconography of the
ManofSorrow.58ThissuppositioncamefromthefactthattheupperpartofChrist’s
body is similar to the canonical representation of the Man of Sorrow and, though
this iconography was not very widespread in the north of Europe, it has been
considered the possibility that Rogier van der Weyden could have had a personal
knowledgeofthisfigurativetradition.59Theseconsiderationsshow,oncemore,the
attention scholarship gives to painting and the potential correspondences in
visualizing different religious subjects, excluding a priori other assumptions and
failing to pay attention to the real context the artists were living in. Previously, I
58Nagel,Michelangelo,61.
59Ibidem.,61.
225
mentioned how Fra Angelico could have looked at and considered the rituals in
which animated wooden sculptures of the crucified Christ were used, in order to
have a visual example to elaborate his interpretation of the Entombment. In the
altarpiece, the Coronation of the Virgin Fra Angelico does represent Christ in the
central panel of the predella as the Man of Sorrow (Fig 36). I assume that if Fra
Angelico wanted to represent the Man of Sorrow, he could have done so without
difficulty and his “alteration” and interpretation of this subject comes, in some
capacity,fromanawarenessoftheHolyWeekritualsinwhichsculptureswereused.
ThefactthatboththeManofSorrowandtheanimatedsculpturesofChristexisted
in a devotional context does not mean that one excluded the other, so they can
provide a different visual context as well. While scholarship has considered the
iconography of the ManofSorrowfor van der Weyden altarpiece, before finding a
visual correspondence with Beato Angelico, it has totally overlooked that in
Belgium, where van der Weyden lived, there were animated sculptures of the
crucifiedChrist,aswellasexamplesoftheDescentfromtheCross.Eveniftheonly
extant example is one animated sculpture of Christ at Huy, dated from the
fourteenth century and located at the church of Saint-Étienne-au-Mont60, and only
onefigurethatbelongedtothegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross(endoftwelfth
century)thatcomesfromthecityofLeuven.Thisshowsthatthesesculptureswere
inuseinBelgiumaswell,andRogiervanderWeydenwasmostlikelyawareoftheir
60GesineandJohannesTaubert,“MittelaltericheKruzifixe,pag43,cat.No41.
226
devotionaluseandcouldhaveassistedinoneofthoseliturgiesinwhichtheywere
used.61The same Christ in his altarpiece shows more similarities with a sculpture
than would a representation of the Man of Sorrow. Additionally, the way that the
figuresaroundChristholdhimshowsverydirectconnectiontothepresentationof
the figures of the Descent from the Cross and the way they sustain and carry the
body of Christ, bearing much more resemblance to the display of a sculpture, or
whatitcouldhavehappenedusingasculptureversusarealbody.DespitetheItalian
connectionandiconographicclosenesstotheBeatoAngelico’sLamentation,Iwould
not underestimate the power of these sculptures in Belgium and their potential in
affectingthepracticalandvisualdevotion,aswiththoseinItaly.
Overall,theproblemisnotjustapotentialvisualcorrespondence,anattempt
tofindadirectparallelbetweenthemedievalwoodensculptedversionandthelater
paintedversionoftheDescent.Rather,theideaistounderstandhowthebelievers
relatedtothesculptedformandhowthisaffectedtheperceptionofthespaceand
the sacred scene in its visual painted rendering. This can be said about their
presenceinthespaceaswellasthevisualtooltounderstandthepaintedversion.
61RogiervanderWeydenmostfamousaltarpiece,oftheDeposition,isclearlybasedonasculpted
altarpiece.SeeHansBeltingandChristianeKruse,DieErfindungdesGemäldes:dasersteJahrhundert
derniederländischenMalerei(München:Hirmer,1994),83-84.Beltingismainlyinterestedinusing
Rogier'sDepositionaspartofhisthesisofan"inventionofpainting.”HementionshowRogier's
paintingwaspushingthemedia-boundaries,andtransformingthetypesofsculpturalgroupsthat
werecommonatthetimeinto"livingsculptures"thatarenearlylifesize:scenescomealiveforthe
viewers—makingthehistoricaleventpartofthe"hereandnow".ForBelting,thesepaintingswere
directlytiedtobringingavisualrealitytoMass,withChrist'sbody"comingalive"behindtheraising
oftheHost.
227
In both Fra Angelico and Rogier van der Weyden, attention is paid to the
narrativeandtothedisplayofthebodyofChrist,andIwouldsuggestthatthisnew
pictorial adaptation of this iconography to represent these sacred events comes
from the direct observation of liturgical and extraliturgical ceremonies in which
wooden sculptures were utilized. The presence of Nicodemus behind the body of
ChristandthewaythatheisholdingChristshowsanintentiontopresentthebody
to the believers62rather than to support a real body and carry it to the sepulcher.
ThesamepositionoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelistfunctionsasitdidin
Beato Angelico’s altarpiece. Even in the case of Rogier van der Weyden’s panel,
paintingtheschemeofthefigureswasassociatedwiththeiconographyoftheMan
of Sorrow and, especially, Lorenzo Monaco’s interpretation (Fig 37). The
presentationofthebodydoesresemblethedynamicoftheiconographyoftheMan
of Sorrow, but the consistency of the bodies within the scene suggests another
interpretation.Infact,inbothFraAngelicoandvanderWeyden,itseemsthatitis
onlyChrist,theperson,thatdoesnotprovidethesenseofarealhumanweight,not
reallymatchingwiththebroaderdynamicofthescene.Inaddition,thesceneseems
to be stopped mid-action in order to display the body of Christ to the viewer
becauseofthe“functionandaddress”oftheimage.63Theviewer’sgazeisplayinga
roleinthepieceactivatingthecontemplationofChristinthismomentofdisplayof
62Nagel,Michelangelo,70.
63Ibidem.,70.
228
his body. This role of the beholder seems more active in Beato Angelico’s panel,
whilevanderWeydenseemstoreducethisdistancebetweenthescenerepresented
and the viewer, adding the figure of Mary Magdalene in a position that resembles
(and includes) that of the viewer, and, at the same time, it justifies the frontal
presentationofthebodyofChrist.64Thischoiceseemsverysimilartothedynamic,
presentedearlierinthisstudy,intheLamentationbyGiottointheArenaChapelin
Padova (Fig 38), in which the inclusion of the beholder to the pictorial space, by
puttingoneofthemournersshowinghisback,wastheresultoftheawarenessand
an eventual influence of the liturgies around the celebrations over the death of
Christandthewaythattheyincludethefaithfulinthespace.
I argue, given the frontal display of Christ and the association of his
representationtoasculpture,asopposedtoarealhumanbody,andthefactthatin
bothpanelsthenarrativeaspectiscombinedwiththeattempttopresentChristfor
adoration trying to actively include the beholder as well, that the key to
understanding the iconographical innovation of the panels of Beato Angelico and
Rogier van der Weyden comes from the devotional context of the period in which
thesculpturalmediumwasutilized.Thisiswhywehavetherepresentationofthe
body of Christ as life-size and weightless, combining both the narrative and the
sacramentalsignificanceofthedisplayofthebodyofChrist.
64Ibidem.,70.
229
The point I am trying to make is not that interpretation should totally
excludetheiconographyofChristastheManofSorrow,butthatitisworthwhileto
associatesomeartworksthathavebeenlinkedtotherepresentationandveneration
oftheManofSorrowtothewoodensculpturesandtheritualsaroundit.Doingso
willchangeourperspectiveandunderstandingofChristianiconographyduringthe
fifteenth century. For example, Angelo Poliziano, a scholar and poet during the
Renaissanceperiod,mentionedthefrontalpresentationofChristinhiswritingand
used it as a part of a Holy Friday Sermon. Even in this case, this presentation has
been associated with the iconography of the Man of Sorrow65: “He who has been
taken down from the Cross, with his arms spread, with his head bowed, with his
heartopen,callsyou,myfathers,invitesyoutolamentwithhimhismostbitterpain.
Accompany his holy wife, disconsolate widow in kneeling and bowing and
prostratingyourselfbeforehisholyfeet”.66
Poliziano’ssermonhasbeenconsideredasawaytostimulatecontemplation
to the figure of Christ67but it also suggests taking action in front of the image of
Christalongwiththemeditation.Infact,heincitesthebelieversto“kneelandbow
and prostrate before the holy feet of Christ.” This is an action that can be easily
65Ibidem.,75.
66Poliziano,Angelo,andIsidoroDelLungo,ProseVolgariInediteePoesieLatineeGrecheEditee
Inedite(Hildesheim:Olms,1976),7.“Luidispostogiùdicroce,collebracciadistese,colcapochino,
colcuoreaperto,vichiama,Padrimiei,v’invitaapiangersecoilsuoacerbissimodolore;far
compagniaallasuasantasposa,vedovasconsolata…;ainginocchiarviainchinarvieprosternervi
dinanzia’suoisantissimipiedi.”AsquotedinNagel,Michelangelo,75,seealsopag234note71ofthe
samebook.
67Nagel,Michelangelo,75.
230
taken;itwouldbepossible,anditwouldcertainlymakesenseiftheyconsideredthe
possibility of finding themselves in front of a sculpture. While it is not possible to
knowthedynamicoftheritualsaroundthesculptureswithcertainty,wetakeasa
startingpointtoday’sritualsduringHolyWeekortheutilizationofsculpture,more
generally.
For example, is we consider the ritual of the Scavigliazione in Assisi that
occurseveryyearatsunsetonMaundyThursday,wecanbegintogenerateamore
nuanced conceptualization of these rituals and make some considerations. In the
CathedralofSanRufinoinAssisi,twopriestsarechargedwithdetachingChristfrom
thecrossandlayingthesculptureofthedeadChristdowninacoffin(Fig39).After
Christisinthecoffin,believersareabletogetclosetohisbodyandtouchandkiss
him (Fig 40). If we look at some pictures of today’s celebrations, even from other
part of the world, we see a visual dynamic that can be associated with what
Polizianosaysinhissermon(Fig41).ConsideringinthewaythatChristisheldand
displayedduringthesecelebrations(Fig42),itispossibletofindsomeparallelwith
the way Christ is displayed in Fra Angelico and van der Weyden’s panel. The
paintingsseemtoassumethefunctionofanaltarpieceintryingtocontrolandstop
themovementofanactioninordertodisplaythebodyofChristforadoration.This
action,Iwouldsuggest,doesnotcomefromotherpaintingsorfromthenarrationof
the Gospels related to the Passion of Christ, but from the real actions for the
celebrationsoverthedeadbodyofChrist,inwhichtherepresentationoftheevent
231
has the power to make the events authentic, alive, and, above all, present in a
dynamic in which the devotion becomes representation and the representation
showsthedevotion.Eeventhetraditionalrepresentationofthemanofsorrowwas
influenced by the production and use of these kinds of sculptures. This is
particularly true in the example with the widespread arms stretched straight out
derive from the wooden sculptures groups, and a direct reference could be the
groupofSantAntonioinPescia(fig43)
Extant scholarship has underestimated the presence of wooden sculptures
andtheircapabilitytocarryanindependentandpowerfulmeaninginrelationtothe
representation of Christ and, as a consequence, the way that they affected the
understandingofsacredscenesandthevisualizationofthem.
AfurtherexampleIwanttobringtoattentionisTheDeadChrist(1480)by
Andrea Mantegna (Fig 44). Scholarship praised the painting as one of the most
“memorable, singular and vivid images of the Quattrocento”
68
and the
interpretations vary from considering the title assigned to the painting, The
ForeshortenedChristorthemostcommonTheDeadChrist,tothescientificaccuracy
oftherenditionofthedeadChrist69.Otherinterpretationsapproachthepiece“not
so much as a technical device but rather an expressive one, contributing to the
Savior’ssecularizationthroughthealmostExpressionisticshocktacticachievedby
68ColinEisler,"Mantegna'sMeditationontheSacrificeofChrist:HisSynopticSavior".ArtibusEt
Historiae.(53),2006:9.
69RobertoSmith,“NaturalVersusScientificVision:theForeshortenedFigureintheRenaissance,”
GazettedesBeux-Arts,84(July-Dec.1974),pp239-248.
232
such an indiscreet vantage point” 70 Beyond the different analyses, several
considerations about the Mantegna’s interpretations raise important questions.
First of all, the presentation of Christ in this way provided a direct “sense of
proximity,”andthebeholderisabletoaccessthebodyofChristinpreparationfor
burial.71
Further, this painting has been considered and evaluated according to the
theories or aesthetic sensibilities of the period, sometimes adducing perspectival
theories or positing “a mathematical device deliberately distorted toward a
theological mission”. 72 It seems that what is missing is the most important
consideration concerning this painting, which is, I believe, its connection with the
devotionalrealityoftheperiod73.Consideringthegroundbreakinginterpretationof
Mantegna and the fact it was “unprecedented,” discovering the potential visual
sourcewouldhelptounderstandthemeaningandhoneanalysis.Whileinpainting
this representation of Christ was unprecedented, believers, and most likely
Mantegnaaswell,hadhadopportunitytoseeandexperiencevisuallyandphysically
thebodyofChristintheabove-describedposition(Fig 45).Theuseofthewooden
70H.Jantzen,“MantegnasCristoinScurto”,inStephaniskop,ErnstFabriciuszum6.9.1927,Freiburg,
1927,pp11.AsquotedinEisler,Mantegna'sMeditation.
71Eisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,12.
72ColinEisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,14.
73Especiallyinrelationtothispainting,weneedtoacknowledgealsotheconnectionoftheGonzaga
familywiththecultofrelicsfromJerusalemandhowthisdevotionalaspectaffectedtheart
productionoftheperiod.InMantegna’sLamentationontheDeadChrist,thestoneofunctionhasa
majorroleandmightbetheresultofapossiblepossessionofthispreciousrelicinGonzaga’scourt,
evenifitisnotpossibletotracewhathappenedtoit.Seeforfurtherinformation:StefanoL’Occaso,
“Mantova,IGonzaga,lereliquiediGerusalemme”inRendiconti,Ser.9,Vol19(2008),695-726.
233
sculptures could certainly have been the visual prompt that Mantegna could have
referredtoinhispainting,andtherelationshipthatdevoteeshadwithitcouldhave
been the reason behind Mantegna’s creating this sense of proximity and access to
thebodyrepresentedoncanvas.
I would additionally argue that the proportional alterations that we find in
hispainting,whichhavebeenobjectsofgreatinterestamongscholars(thefeettoo
small, while the head larger than it supposed to be), are the visual adaptation on
canvas of a reality that was not static, but dynamic, like the liturgy and devotion
aroundthissculpture.Believersinfrontofasculpture,lyingdownoveradeathbed
or, as in this case, the stone of the sepulcher, would have experienced the body of
Christ in an active way, moving around, touching him, kissing him without the
problem that one perspective would have altered the perception of the body of
Christ or created issues that would have offended the holiness of him (Fig 46).
Thus, the canvas by Mantegna can be considered the result of a potential visual
dialogue that the artist had with the devotional activities of the period, and these
devotionalactivitieswiththeparticularuseanddisplayofawoodensculptureofthe
deadChristcouldhavebeenthestimulithataffectedthecreationofsuchartwork.
Obviously, there are not documents that can confirm this, but the new
foreshortened position, the fact that the feet seem to come out to the space of the
viewerasiftheyweretouchable,andtheclosenessoftheVirginMaryasanexample
ofhowtoapproachandbeclosethebodyofChrist,allservetocreatean“intimate
234
viewinwhichtheviewerbyimplicationisplacedinsidethescene”74andtheseare
definitelyelementsthatwedofindintherealmofsculptureandthedevotionduring
the Medieval period and early Renaissance. The painting wants to include the
vieweranditisworkinginasimilarwaytothedevotionaroundthesculpturesin
whichthebelieversareacomponent,includedinthesacredspaceandclosetothe
bodyofChrist.Thepaintingrequiresa“devotiontoaroundthesculpture”approach
andmindsettobeunderstoodandlived.
ThestudyofthiscanvasalsoincludedthesexualityofChrist,andconsidering
alsothatthegenitaliaofChristcorrespondtotheintersectionofthediagonalsofany
perspectiveconstructionitdrewtheattentiontothefactthatCircumcisionwasthe
firstlocationwhereChristlostblood.75Idonotchallengethisapproachorpossible
interpretations of the meanings of the canvas; rather, I argue that the different
speculationsdonotconsidertheobjectwithin a context of reality. What I mean is
that when scholars tried to understand and analyze this innovative vantage point,
the starting points of the interpretations come from the realm of theories or from
consideringthepictorialsituation.Whatitistotallyomittedisthecontext,whether
social or devotional, and how these realities could have affected or helped the
understandingofthesepictorialcreations.TherealinnovationofMantegna’sDead
Christisinhisrealizationandapplicationoftheideaoncanvas,butthebackground
74Nagel,Michelangelo,81.
75Eisler,Mantegna'sMeditation,14.
235
needed in order to understand and experience visually the painting was in the
reality,thatisthedevotionaldynamicbetweensculptureandbeholder.
Another painting that I want to consider to support this argument is the
Entombmentby Michelangelo (Fig 47). This famous artwork has been inserted in
the lifelong interest of Michelangelo with the “theme of the Pietà and, more
generally,withhiseffortininsertingahumanistconceptionofartintheserviceof
thetraditionalfunctionsofreligiousimages”.76Michelangelo’sdesiretoreinterpret
Christian mysteries relying on figural movement and expression taken from the
antique and adapted to the current Renaissance art. 77 This intention was first
applied and was clear with the creation of his Pietà,which represented a fracture
fromitsmedievalpredecessors,andespeciallythoseproducedinthelatemedieval
northofEurope.78(Fig48)Thisprocessofrestorationbecameevidentalsowiththe
Entombment,inwhichthereistheattempttocombine“therelationbetweenviewer
and cult object as one between present and past thus making the problem of
distancecentraltothepicture’ssubject”.79Thepaintingitselfproposesnotonlythe
representation of sacred figure, but also a story, an action in which the viewer is
76Nagel,Michelangelo,214.
77Ibidem.,214.
78JoannaEZiegler,"MichelangeloandtheMedievalPietà:TheSculptureofDevotionortheArtof
Sculpture?"Gesta.34(1),1995:28-36.InthisarticleJoannaZieglerhighlightedhowMichelangelo
aimedtotheinviolabilityoftheobjectanditsresistancetothechangestypicalofthepopular
devotionandrituality.
79Nagel,Michelangelo,16.
236
placedinfrontofthefulllengthChristfigureatthebottomofthesteps,becomingan
activepartforthefruitionofthepainting.80
Ifweconsiderwhatishappeninginthepaintingitself,wecanstarttomake
some considerations. The figures represented by Michelangelo are shown in an
actionthatindicatesthattheyaremovingbackwardand,asaconsequence,faraway
from the viewer. They seem to be climbing up toward the tomb that it is being
prepared by another figure, even though that part is unfinished. The way Christ is
carriedawayraisessomedoubtsaboutthedynamicofhissupport.Anotherissueis
that the combination of the frontal orientation combined with the movement
backwardsintothedistancefromthepresenceandsightoftheviewerissomething
that has been considered rare in the paintings during the Renaissance period.81
Interpretations about these aspects of the work lead to the consideration that it
would have been quite a challenge for many contemporaries to understand or
identifythepainting’ssubject.82
Withoutadoubt,MichelangelochosetorepresentthesceneinthiswayandI
argue that it could have relied on different elements outside of the paintings in
ordertoaccountforafullunderstandingthispainting.Infact,scholarshavepointed
outthefactthatChristiscarriedinawaythatlookssomehowawkward,oratleast
not completely natural. While the other characters around him seem to struggle
80Ibidem.,25.
81Ibidem.,28.
82Ibidem.,28.
237
with the weight of the body, the same cannot be said about the figure of Christ.
Christseemsweightlessandveryrigidinhisfrontalpresentation.Theonlywaythat
Christ could be represented in this way is if we consider the possibility that
Michelangelo might have looked at one of the animated sculpture of Christ used
duringtheliturgyoftheHolyWeek.AsImentionedregardingtheFraAngelicosand
RogiervanderWeyden’sEntombmentofChrist,onewaytohold,present,andcarry
abodyinthismannerisifoneusesawoodensculptureandnotarealbody.Ifwe
putthispossibilityunderconsideration,wecaninferthatdevoteescouldhavebeen
inthepositiontounderstandthepaintingbecauseofitsconnectionwiththeliturgy
and the way Christ was displayed (Fig 49). In addition, believers would have
participatedactivelyinthecelebrationsaroundthedeathofChrist,andthepainting
itself requires a direct and active dialogue with the viewer. As a consequence, we
can underline a similarity and connection in the dynamic extant between the real
celebrations around the Passion of Christ and the scene represented in
Michelangelo’swork.Contemporarydevotees,becauseoftheiractiveparticipation,
would have been able to understand the unusual scene in Michelangelo’s
Entombment because they would have recognized the body of Christ, both as
simulacrumandrealbodyofChrist,duetothenatureofthesesculpturesandtheir
use.Michelangelo’seffortwastoturnintopainting,intoanaltarpiece,anactionthat
belongedtotheliturgyandcelebrations.
238
The unusual iconography of Michelangelo’s Entombment has been
considered as an attempt to “bring a new conception of history painting, derived
from antique models and carefully articulated by Leon Battista Alberti in his book
On Painting”. 83 In his treatise, Leon Battista Alberti considers the historia the
responsibility of the painter, that is to present material, proportion, gesture, and
theme in a consistent way. Among his examples, he presents the carrying of the
dead Meleager to discuss the problem of gesture and appropriateness to function
becauseitshowsthewholespectrum,“fromtheinertnessofdeathtotheactivityof
life”84: “This is the most difficult thing of all to do, for to represent the limbs of a
bodyentirelyatrestisasmuchsignofanexcellentartistastorenderthemallalive
andinaction”.85
According to Alexander Nagel, Michelangelo’s historical interest in his
EntombmentcomesfromtheattempttoadapttheLeonBattistaAlberti’sconception
of historiato a Christian context and the difficulties this adaptation could imply.86
MichelangelohadastronginterestinthepastandlookedatGiottowithadmiration,
butalsowithaformalestrangementbecauseofthedistancebetweenhimandthe
time Giotto created his art, as well as because the figural style was not something
83Ibidem.,33.
84Ibidem.,34.
85LeonBattistaAlberti,OnPainting,transCecilGrayson(London:Penguin;NewYorkCalifornia
Press,1991),paragraph37.AsquotedinNagel,Michelangelo,35.
86Nagel,Michelangelo,35.
239
thathiscontemporariesaspiredto.87Atthesametime,Michelangelowasinterested
by the remoteness of the art of Giotto’s era, especially for their aura of authentic
religiosity. 88 A further struggle during Michelangelo’s period was that in the
sixteenth century, the modern aesthetic ideals were often not well-matched with
religious intentions and “a conception of reform as restoration leads to modes of
archaism that go well beyond the simple quotation of old models. It makes
experimentswiththeverystructureoftheworkofartintoamodelofarcheological
investigations”.89 As a consequence, the Entombment became the means through
which Michelangelo tried to combine the relationship between the viewer and the
cultobjectasthoughitwerearelationshipbetweenthepresentandthepast.
I argue that Michelangelo’s intention, in his endeavor to combine the
religiousauraofthepastwiththeaestheticoftheperiod,didnotconfinehimselfto
looking at painting. As I mentioned before, considering the body posture and the
way that Christ is held, it seems plausible that he might have looked at these
animated sculptures in order to organize his painting. First of all, Michelangelo
wantedtobringnewattentiontotheoriginaryChristocentricemphasisinChristian
art,andtheuseofthesesculptureswassincethebeginningtheresultofgathering
theattentiontothebodyofChristandhishumanityand,aboveall,thepossibilityto
accessandlivedirectlythissideofthedivinityofChrist.Oneaspectthatmightbe
87Ibidem.,9
88Ibidem.,10.
89Ibidem.,16.
240
differentisthatinMichelangelo’sEntombmentwedonotfindthecruelandbloody
interpretations,whichareoftenthemainfeatureofmanyearlyfourteenthcentury
wooden cross, whether animated or not (Fig 50). At the same time, there are
several Florentine wooden animated cross sculptures of Christ that do not
correspondtotheirmedievalpredecessors,sotheattentiontotherenderingofthe
bodywasmoreimportantthanmarkingtheunderlyingtraitsofthePassiononhis
body.
WhenAlbertiusedtheexampleoftherepresentationofthedeadMeleagerto
visualizehistheory,wecanagreetothefactthatheneededanexample,whichmost
likely was not available in Christian art, which is why he used Roman artwork.
Obviously, there were already representations of the different moments of the
Passion of Christ, but it seems that none of them could match the parameters
proposed by Alberti and his historia.One aspect of this that has been neglected is
the fact that while there was not an artistic example in Christian art that matched
Alberti’stheory,theactionofapplyingAlberti’shistoriaoccurredintheliturgywhile
using these animated sculptures of the crucified Christ. In these liturgies (or
paraliturgies), one of the main important traits was the relationship between the
viewerandthecultobject,aswellasthecombinationofpresentandpast,whichis
reenactingsomethinginthepastandmakingitpresent.
Those are aspects that Michelangelo was seeking for his Entombment;they
werealreadyextantintheseliturgiesinwhichthesculptureswereinvolved,though
241
those elements were not developed and presented in painting. The fact that
Michelangelo could have looked at those rituals and considered them for his
EntombementcanbeassumednotonlybecauseoftherepresentationofChristthat
canbelinkedtothewoodensculptures,butalsobecausetheywereoccurringinhis
timeandthereforecontemporary.
I believe that there is an essential misunderstanding about these rituals. In
fact,becausetheyestablishedthemselvesduringtheMedievalperiod,weassociate
them with the Middle Ages or as something strictly “medieval” without
acknowledgingtheircapabilitytoadaptandchangeaccordingtothecurrenttimes.
Michelangelo may well have looked at them as a contemporary devotional
experienceandnotjustassomethingmedieval,aswouldhavehappenedlookingat
Giotto’s art or the Trecento art production. As a consequence, he would have felt
moreateaseinusingthedevotionaliconographyrelyingontheseritualsversusthe
artistic production. Proposing again, Giotto visually could have been seen as
something out of time according to the aesthetic of the period, but in this case,
Michelangelo was relying on what was occurring in Florence in his lifetime. This
would have embodied a genuine and “medieval” spirituality and at the same time
these rituals guaranteed an adaptation because of their intrinsic capability of
renewingthemselvesovertime.So,forthesakeoftheconstantadaptationofthese
ritualstothedevotionalandreligiousneedoftheperiod,wecansupporttheidea
242
that what Michelangelo would have looked at can be considered and perceived as
contemporary.
I would propose the idea that Michelangelo wanted to create an altarpiece
that embodied the medieval genuine spirituality with the intention of producing
somethingappropriatefortheaestheticandreligiouschangeoftheperiod.Evenif
hewantedtofollowAlberti’shistoriaforhisownpurposes,themainissuewasnot
toadapttheMeleager’sdeathrepresentationtoaChristiancontext,buttocombine
Alberti’s principles, seen and acknowledged in the rituals, to this new pictorial
concept that was the Entombment. Michelangelo was aware that the historia was
presentintheseritualsbutithadneverbeenattemptedinapictoriallevel,andthis
isthechallengethat,Iargue,Michelangelofaced.
The association of the Christ figure with the iconography of the Man of
Sorrow (Imago Pietatis) has a connection with Michelangelo’s Entombment; the
frontal representation of Christ and this connection is definitely an aspect of the
workthatneedstobeevaluatedtobroadenunderstandingofMichelangelo’swork.
Theproblemcomesifweconsiderotheraspectsthatwecanfindinthepainting.It
would be incorrect, I believe, to consider the only source of the shift from the
traditional image to the development of narrative painting to be other paintings,
artworks, or theories, as opposed to the real conditions which constituted the
contextinwhichthesamesubjectsrepresentedoncanvaswereactedorpartofan
aliveandconsistentliturgyinsideandoutsidethechurch.Expandingconsideration
243
to incorporate the social and devotional context would allow the possibility of
havingakeytounderstandthepainting,aswell,initsaimtobebothanaltarpiece
and an example of Christian image-making during the beginning of the fifteenth
century.
I am derogating Michelangelo and his time’s fascination with the Classical
periodandpossiblerejectionofwhatwecanconsiderasmedieval,(evenifinavery
stereotypicalway)butwedoneedtoovercomestrongprejudicesagainstmedieval
art, wooden sculptures, and popular devotion and revise them with new
perspectives to begin to consider them as part of what we define as art that is
thoughttohavestartedduringtheRenaissanceperiod.
Iassertthatwithadeeperconsiderationandanalysisoftheproduction,use
androleofanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,oreven,moregenerally,the
fixed wooden crucified Christ, we will discover some important elements that will
allow us to revise the understanding of art between the Medieval period and the
Renaissance. These sculptures had a supreme role in shaping and affecting the
devotion during the Medieval period, and particularly since the end of the twelfth
century with the diffusion of the groups of the Descent from the Cross, believers
startedtohaveadifferentperceptionofthebodyandpresenceofChristandhowto
relate with it. This relationship, I argue, also affected the production of art itself. I
propose that the way these sculptures were used created the cultural background
for understanding what was represented in painting and how to perceive the
244
paintedChristianmessage.Theactionaroundthesesculpturessetthebehaviorand
theconnectionaroundimagesaswell.Anotheraspectthatwillbethesubjectofthe
followingchapteristhatnotonlywasthebodyofChristperceivedandunderstood
through the sculptural medium, but also that in the paintings, the way Christ was
representedwasmorevisuallyakintowhatwecanassociatewithasculpturethan
thepaintedversionofit.Thisdemonstratesthatitwasthesculpturalmediumwhich
offeredthemoreefficientwaytorelatewithChrist,hisbodyandhisPassion,and,
mostofall,howitwasperceived.Thepictorialversionsofsacredimagesshowthat
the way Christ was represented was not the real bodily essence of Christ, but his
sculptural version which became, overtime, the symbol and the real presence and
representationofChrist.
245
Chapter5
Christas“sculpture”andhisbodilypresenceinpainting
ThePassionofChristhasalwaysbeenacentralmomentinChristianity,and
the art production related to this moment has had a pivotal role in affecting
devotion.Thedevotionisadialoguethatabelieverhaswithapartnerimaginedina
particular way that can involve the faithful both singularly or in a collective way.1
Particularlyinthecaseofartworkthatportraysanimageasanobjectofdevotion,
there is the need to provide a more composite approach than just studying the
internalforms,styles,andthevariationsofthesubjectthroughtime,orevenjustthe
external influence or the way that images adapted themselves to cultural or
religiouspatternsofbehaviorintheirsocialcontext.2
Giorgio Vasari’s work played a key role in shaping the literature of art
history.Vasariisresponsibleforestablishingsomeofthemajorconventionalways
ofdiscussingandthinkingaboutartwhichhaveinfluencedscholarshiponartwork
anditsrolethroughtime.ParticularlywhereartproducedintheMedievalperiodis
concerned, his approach emphasized issues of style and authorship, while the
content and function of the artwork went largely unexamined. In his introduction
1HansBelting,L’ArteeilsuoPubblico:FunzioneeFormedelleAnticheImmaginidellaPassione,
(Bologna:NuovaAlfaEditoriale,1986),1.
2Ibid.,2.
246
abouttheproductionofwoodensculptures,Vasariarguesthat“Thissortoffigures
is much used in the Christian religion, seeing that numberless masters have
produced many crucifixes and other objects.”3This indicates that these sculptures
were actually used quite often, probably for ritual purposes and devotional
practices.Atthesametime,Vasariexpressesadiffidenceforthismedium,sincehe
himself wrote that “ […] in truth, one never goves that flesh-like appearance and
softness to wood that can be given to metal and to marble and to the sculptured
objectsthatweseeinstucco,wax,orclay.”4
Itisevidentthatthekindofinformationheprovidesandwhatargumentshe
makes, especially related to the use of these artworks, might have affected the
futurestudyandunderstandingoftheseobjects.Inthiscase,mentioningtheuseof
the artwork was not a radical change in the critical approach to the study of a
particularobject,woodensculpturesinthiscase,butratheracategorizationthatdid
not elevate these object to the status of art. It is helpful to remember that when
Vasari was writing The Lives, churches were undergoing a profound change that
affected artworks and their production directly, especially the wooden sculptures.
3Giorgio,Vasari,LouisaS.Maclehose,andG.BaldwinBrown,VasarionTechnique;Beingthe
IntroductiontotheThreeArtsofDesign,Architecture,SculptureandPainting,PrefixedtotheLivesof
theMostExcellentPainters,Sculptors,andArchitects(NewYork:DoverPublications,1960),173.
“Questasortedifiguresièusatamoltonellacristianareligione,attesocheinfinitimaestrihannofatto
molticrocifissiediversealtrecose”.Originaltext:GiorgioVasari,Levitede’piùeccellentipittori,
scultoriedarchitettoriscrittedaGiorgioVasaripittoreAretinoconnuoveannotazioniecommentidi
GaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:G.C.Sansoni,1878-85),31
4Ibid.,173.Translation:“inverononsidàmaiallegnoquellacarnositàomorbidezza,chealmetallo
etalmarmoetall’altresculturechenoiveggiamo,edistucchiodiceraoditerra.”Vasari,Levite,31.
247
They were often destroyed or discharged because they were considered
inappropriate for the new direction promulgated by the church. Often crucifixes
wereburnedsincetheywerealreadydeterioratedfromheavyuse,andsculpturesof
saintsweredestroyedbecausetheywereconsideredindecorous.5Writingaboutthe
paintingproductionoftheMiddleAges,VasarialsolabeledtheManieraGreca(the
Byzantinestyle)withanegativejudgmentsinceheconsideredthatCimabuestarted
anewpathwithpainting;hewasthefirstpersonthatcontributedtoa“progress”in
art,inapaththatculminatedwiththeworksofMichelangelo:
“WorkingnextinfrescoontheHospitalofthePorcellana,atthecornerofthe
ViaNuovawhichgoesintotheBorg'Ognissanti,onthefaçadewhichhasin
themiddletheprincipaldoor,andmakingonone[Pg5]sidethe
AnnunciationoftheVirginbytheAngel,andontheotherJesusChristwith
CleophasandLuke,figuresaslargeaslife,hesweptawaythatancient
manner,makingthedraperies,thevestments,andeverythingelseinthis
work,alittlemorelivelyandmorenaturalandsofterthanthemannerof
theseGreeks,allfulloflinesandprofilesbothinmosaicandinpainting;
whichmanner,rough,rude,andvulgar,thepaintersofthosetimes,notby
5Elvio,Lunghi,LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo,(Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,
2010),1.
248
meansofstudy,butbyacertainconvention,hadtaughtonetotheotherfor
manyandmanyayear,withouteverthinkingofbetteringtheir
draughtsmanship,ofbeautyofcolouring,orofanyinventionthatmightbe
good.”6
In both cases, either with painting or sculptures, Vasari heavily influenced
the approach to studying these objects. However, in relation to painting, while
scholars were affected by Vasari’s opinion, soon they departed from the negative
approach toward the art that followed the Byzantine style before Cimabue and
especiallyGiotto.
While in this study, I am reevaluating various aspects of the wooden
sculptures production in order to have a deeper understanding of the devotional
context and to comprehend the role and contribution of these objects toward
building the religious experience in the late Medieval period; the focus of this
chapterwillbeonhowthebodyofChristwasrepresentedinpainting.Iargue,by
6GiorgioVasari,“LivesoftheMostEminentPaintersSculptorsandArchitects”newelytranslatedby
GastonDuC.DeVere(London:MacMillanandCo.LDandtheMediciSociety,LD,1912-14),5.Italian
Text:“LavorandopoiinfrescoalloSpedaledelPor-cellanasulcantodellaviaNuovachevainBorgo
OgniSanti,nellafacciatadinanzichehainmezzolaportaprincipale,daunlatolaVergineAnnunziata
dal'Angelo,edal'altroGesùCristoconCleofaseLuca,figuregrandiquantoilnatu-rale,levòvia
quellavecchiaia,facendoinquest'opra,ipanni,elevesti,el'altrecoseunpocopiùvive,enaturali,e
piùmorbidechelamanieradique'Greci,tuttapienadilineeediproffilicosìnelmusaicocomenelle
pitture;laqualmanierascabrosaegoffaetordinariaavevano,nonmediantelostudio,maperuna
cotalusanzainsegnatol'unoall'altropermoltiemoltianniipittoridique'tempi,senzapensarmaia
migliorareildisegno,abellezzadicolorito,oinvenzionealcunachebuonafusse.”GiorgioVasari,Le
vitede’piùeccellentipittori,scultoriedarchitettoriscrittedaGiorgioVasaripittoreAretinoconnuove
annotazioniecommentidiGaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:Firenze:G.C.Sansoni,1878-85),54-55.
249
providing different examples, that the way the body of Christ on the cross was
portrayedandperceivedinthepictorialproductionofthelatemedievalperiodwas
theresultoftheuseofthewoodensculpturesandwhattheywereabletoembodyin
thecontemporarydevotionalcontext.
Scholars that were involved in studying the painted cross between the
twelfthandthirteenthcenturiesfocusedonandrelayedthedichotomybetweenthe
Christus Triumphans (Triumphant Christ) to the Christus Patiens (the Suffering
Christ).WhilePassionimageshadalreadyexistedintheEast,therepresentationsof
thedeadChristwerenotfullyacceptedintheItalianpeninsulabecausetheywere
considered as heretical, despite the closeness with the orthodoxy in representing
Christ as dead man7. In fact, the adjective Triumphant was associated with Christ
represented as alive, while, on the contrary, the adjective Patiens was associated
withhisportrayalwhilesufferingordeadonthecross.
This is why in the Italian peninsula there was first the diffusion of the
iconography of the Christus Triumphans (Triumphant Christ) (Fig 1), which lasted
until the shift to the Christus Patiens (Suffering Christ) (Fig 2). This officially
happened with the commission by Brother Elia, leader of the Franciscan order to
Giunta Pisano, and painted in 1236.However, about fifty years before, there were
7L.H.Grondis,L’IconographieByzantineduCrucifiéMortsurlaCroix(Bruxelles:Sociétéd’Éditions
KeminkenZoon,1941),129.
250
twopaintedcrossesfoundinPisaatthebeginningofthethirteenthcenturythatare
madeafteranEasternmodel8andportrayChristassuffering.
Thisshift,alongwiththechangesinrepresentingthescenesofthePassionin
paintedcrosses,gatheredtheattentionofthescholarshipanddeterminedimplicitly
thesupremacyofpaintinginartinthelateMiddleAges.Asaconsequence,thisalso
affected our understanding of art and devotion during the late Medieval period in
Italy. Images, in this case painted crosses, icons, and altarpieces, were studied to
comprehend the religious and devotional context from the eleventh until the
fourteenthcentury.Woodensculptureproductionwasneglected,takingforgranted
that wooden sculptures were part of the devotional furnishing of the churches, as
simpleliturgicalobjectsversusartworksworthyofcriticalattention.Thelinkofthe
representation of Christ to the Franciscan order also played a pivotal role in
considering the painted cross as the principal medium that helped not only
Franciscans,butDominicansaswellintheirmissionaryroleduringtheMiddleAges
inaffectinganddevelopingthedevotiontowardthePassionofChrist.
In both the paintings and the sculptures, we find the presence in different
places and times of the representation of the Triumphant Christ and the Suffering
Christ. In both cases, the representations of Christ seem to follow the same
directives. For example, for the Triumphant Christ, the figure is erect in both
8Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig521and524.
251
paintingandsculpture,theheadkeptupwhiletheeyesarewideopenandlooking
towardtheviewer.Ontheotherhand,theSufferingChristisconceived,obviously,in
a different way, almost contrasting totally with the previous example. Overall, the
bodyisalittlebittwisted;thisdetailmighthavebeenmoreaccentuatedinpainting,
where the head is bent down and the eyes closed. Despite the appearance of the
Suffering Christ in sculpture before painting, at least in the West, both mediums
utilized similar iconography in representing these two different and important
momentsoftheinterpretationofthedivineandhumannatureofChrist.
Anotheraspectthatcanbecomparedbetweenthetwoistheirpositioninside
the church. Since the early production of wooden crucified Christ and the painted
cross,inthiscasethoseonesrepresentingtheTriumphantChrist,thepositionofthe
cross altar and its crucifix, either sculpted or painted, was in medio ecclesia 9
delimitingalsothedivisionbetweentheclergyandthefaithful.Thecrossfunctioned
as a reminder and presence of Christ, especially for the sculpted version, because
the presence of the Host inside the wooden sculpted cross helped the viewer to
facilitate this association. In both sculpture and painting there was a theological
intention that explained and supported the presence of the image of Christ. A
differencebetweenthetwomediawasthatwhilethesculpturerepresentedonlythe
9AnnikaElisabeth,Fisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne,PastNarrative,Present
Ritual,FutureResurrection,”inDecoratingtheLord'sTable:OntheDynamicsBetweenImageand
AltarintheMiddleAgesedsKaspersen,Søren.,Thunø,Erik,andKøbenhavnsUniversitet.Museum
Tusculanum(Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress,UniversityofCopenhagen,2006),54.
252
figureofChrist,paintedcrosseswereshapedinawayinwhichtherewasspaceto
addsomescenesofthePassionatthesidesofthefigureofthecrucifiedChrist.This
providedatwofoldfunction:thefirstwastoinstructthefaithfulaboutthepassion
of Christ. This was supported and widely accepted in the Middle Ages in the West
after the letter of Pope Gregory to the iconoclastic Bishop Serenus of Marseilles:
“Picturesareusedinchurchessothatthosewhoareignorantoflettersmayatleast
readbyseeingonthewallswhattheycannotreadinbooks.[...]Toadoreimagesis
onething;toteachwiththeirhelpwhatshouldbeadoredisanother.WhatScripture
is to educated, images are to the ignorant, who see through them what they must
accept; they read in them what they cannot read in books.”10The second function
wasthewayitprovidedvisualmomentsforpersonalmeditation.Animageworked
as either a didactical tool or a spiritual stimulus; it had a function that strictly
intertwinedwiththedevotionalaspectoftheMiddleAges.
However,especiallyduringthelatemedievalperiodweassisttoachangeon
the use of images from the official prescription of Saint Gregory. First of all, the
formaldistinctionbetweenliteratiandilliteratididnotreflectthecomplexityofthe
educationinthelatemedievalperiod,especiallyafterthediffusionofthemendicant
ordersandtheirroleinchangingtheunderstandingandinteractionwithreligious
10LawrenceG.Duggan,“WasArtreallythe‘BookofIlliterate’?,”inWord&Imageno.5(1989),227.
AsquotedinSteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhD
diss.,FloridaStateUniversity),21-22.CitethepropersourceforGregoryhere.
253
art.11Inadditiontothat,theroleofimagesinthelatemedievaldevotionalcontextis
the result of new forces the express the new religious aspirations that affect both
themonasticandthesecularworld.12
Therefore, images had this double role that affected their function, their
iconography, as well as their medium. In the first phase of the diffusion of the
sculpted and painted version of the crucifixion of Christ, the oldest example in
sculpture is a Suffering Christ, and even if later there is a period in which both
versionsofChristtheTriumphantandtheSufferingoverlapped,theversionofthe
SufferingChristprevailedandbecamethemostcommonwayofrepresentingChrist.
This shift happened in painting as well, despite happening later than the sculpted
counterpart. However, it is important to highlight the changes that affected the
painted cross because they raise questions about the essence and the role of the
painted crosses themselves. In fact, these changes underline the effectiveness and
successofthewoodensculptedversion.
TheoldestexistingpaintedcrossintheMiddleAgesistheSarzanaCrucifix,
(Fig 3) madebyMaestroGuglielmo,whosignedanddatedthecrossin1138.13On
theapronatthesideofthefigureofChrist,whoisstillalivelookingatthefaithful,
thereistherepresentationofthethreeMariesandJohn,alongwiththescenesofthe
11JeffreyHamburger,Thevisualandthevisionary:Artandfemalespiritualityinlatemedieval
Germany(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;MITPress,1998),112.
12Ibidem.,148.
13Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.498.
254
Betrayal, Flagellation, Way to Calvary, Deposition, Entombment, Maries at the
Sepulcher;attheterminalsareFourEvangelistssymbolsandthebustsofIsaiahand
Jeremiah,andonthecimasaistheAscension.14
These kinds of painted crosses, which depict Christ as alive and portray
scenesfromhisPassionclosetohisbody,havebeenconsideredastransnarrational
icons,inwhich“thevariouspictorialelements[…]wereintended[…]asaneffortto
lendvisualformtothisdoctrinalabstraction.”15Inaddition,thesescenes,alongwith
the central figure of Christ, could have helped the beholder in a compassionate
meditationonthelifeandpassionofChrist.ThefiguresonthesideofChrist,ofthe
threeMarysandJohntheEvangelist,contributedtothenarrativeofthescenes,even
ifwemightnotneedtoaddressthoseasexplicitlypartoftheoverallnarrative.They
also provided a visual example of how to mourn in front of the image while
contemplatingthePassionofChrist.ThemourninggestureoftheVirginwastraced
back to Greek and Roman funerary culture and was reutilized and adapted in
ChristiancultureduringtheCarolingianerainninthcentury.16
What’sinterestingformeandforthepurposeofthisstudyistoanalyzethe
“development” of the iconography of the Triumphant Christ, and to try to
14Ibdidem.,194.
15SteveBChoate,DevotionandNarrative141-142.Inhisinterestingdissertation,helinksthis
conceptof“transnarrational”fromParashall,whousedthisconceptinrelationtotheimagesofthe
ManofSorrow.Also,StevenChoatementionshowBeltingconsiderstheatemporalityofatwelfth
centuryCrucifixioniconintheMountSinaicollection,as“unityofideasandnotanarrative”.
16DorothySchorr,“TheMourningVirginandSt.John,”TheArtBulletin,no.2(1940),63.
255
understandifthereisarelationshipbetweensculptureandthedevotionalcontext
oftheMiddleAges.WhenIusetheword“development,”Idonotmeanstrictlythe
processofevolutionofthesecrosses,butalsothewaythattheywereperceivedand
changedovertime.
Infact,itwouldbeinterestingtolookattheseobjectsnotonlyinrelationto
theshifttotheSufferingChrist,butalsohowtheywereperceivedindifferenttime
periodsdespitetheirinitialroleandessence.Infact,thereisoneaspectthatreveals
the tendency and need, whether conscious or not and on different social levels, of
approachingthemysteryofthefaithasanexampleoftheIncarnationofChrist,with
artworksandmediathatcaneffectuallyandpracticallyembodythat.Ifweconsider
the tradition linked to the painted crosses of the Triumphant Christ, we note that
they are associated with miraculous legends. The same Crucifix from Sarzana by
MaestroGuglielmo(1138)hasbeenconsideredasamiraculouscrossbecauseofits
associationwiththeVoltoSantoinLucca(Fig4),acityveryclosetothesmalltown
ofSarzana.Ithasbeenproposedthatthecrosswasactuallythepaintedversionof
the sculpted cross of the Volto Santo in Lucca. 17 As claimed by the tradition,
17SteveBChoate,DevotionandNarrative,82.
256
NicodemussculptedthisworkaccordingtothephysicalaspectofChrist.18Because
ofthat,itwasconsideredtobeanaccuraterepresentationofthetruefaceofChrist,
theHolyFace.
AccordingtothedeaconLeboinus,thetraditionholdsthatanangelinformed
a Bishop named Gualfredus, impelling him to leave for Jerusalem in order to find
this holy image. Bishop Gualfredus put the sculpture on a ship without crew, and
despitethat,itarrivedonthewestcoastofItalyintheharborofLuni,atownclose
Lucca.BishopGiovanniofLuccaeventuallyrescuedthisship,andthesculpturewas
displayed in the cathedral of San Martino.19This sculpture was one of the most
famous images of the Middle Ages. The interesting part of this story is that the
painted cross was the counterpart of this famous and miraculous sculpture.20This
was also reiterated by the fact that this painted cross was originally displayed in
Luni, the small town that first discovered the sculpture of the Volto Santo once it
18NiculasdiMunkathvera,IteradlocaSancta2,2in:ItineraHiersolymitanaCrucesignatorum(saec.
XII-XIII).Vol2:TemporeregnumFrancorum(1100-1187)acuradiSabinoDeSandoli,Jerusalem,
1980,212.AsquotedinMicheleBacci,“NicodemoeilVoltoSanto”inIlVoltoSantoinEuropa;Cultoe
ImmaginodelCrocifissonelMedioevo:AttidelConvegnoInternazionalediEngelberg,13-16Settembre
2000,(Lucca:InstitutoStoricoLucchese,2005),15.SeealsofortheoriginoftheVoltoSanto(Holy
Face):MicheleBacci,“IlVoltoSantocomeRitrattoAutenticodelSalvatore”inLaSantaCrocedi
Lucca:ilVoltoSanto:Storia,Tradizioni,Immagini:AttidelConvegno1-3Marzo2001,(2003):115-130.
19DianaM.Webb.“TheHolyFaceofLucca,”Anglo-NormanStudiesno9(1986),228-229asquotedin
SteveBChoate“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroceDipinta”(PhDdiss.,Florida
StateUniversity),83.
20ClaireceBlack,“TheOriginoftheLuccheseCrossForm”Marsyas,vol1(1941),36.Blackmentions
inherarticlethat“thefactthatLucchesecross-and-chalicecrucifixhadtobeinspiredbysome
furthercircumstanceisshownbythetotalabsenceofthisparticularshapeincrossesfromother
centers.OnlyinLucawasthechalicebaseemployed.Therefore,inLuccathereasonforitsuseisto
besought.ReconsiderationoftheVoltoSanto,thistimeasanobjectofreligiousworship,suggests
thatthevultusDominiitselfwasthedirectinspirationforthechalice-basecrucifix”.Choate,83.“
257
arrived in the Italian Peninsula, 21 stressing even more a common origin. My
intentionisnottosupporttheideathatpaintingcompletelydependedonsculpture,
butthatthisexampleshowsaninterestingperspectiveontherelationshipbetween
the two media and how painting, at least in this case, had relied on sculpture to
provide for its miraculous identity. The idea of this study is to revise the role of
sculptureinthemakingofdevotionintheMiddleAges,consideringtheuseofthe
DescentfromtheCrossallthewayupthroughtheuseofthesculptureofChristwith
movablearms.
TheMiraculousCrucifixofSaintGiovanniGualberto
Another example that could raise interesting questions on this topic, and
specifically about the perception of the period, is another twelfth century-painted
cross, the Crucifix of Saint Giovanni Gualberto (Fig 5). This cross was completely
repainted, so it is not clear if the Christ was initially represented as Suffering
Christ.22Alongsidetheactualstructuralstatusofthispaintedcross,theSanGiovanni
Gualbertocrucifixis important for being a miraculous cross. It is, in fact, the cross
21GeorgMartinRichter,“TheCrucifixofGuilielmusatSarzana,”TheBurlingtonMagazinefor
Connoisseurs,no.295(192t),162.Choate,83.“Thechaliceshapedbase,formedbytheroundedlower
contoursoftheapronandbelievedtohavebeeninspiredbychalicetraditionallyplacedbelowthe
rightfootofthefigureofChristintheVoltoSanto,suggeststhatthecrosswasintendedtoserveasa
paintedversionofthewoodimage.”
22Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.472,186.Choate,86.
258
that miraculously bowed its head to Giovanni Gualberto after he spared his
brother’s murderer. Giovanni Gualberto (995-1073) was born in Florence from a
rich family. A gentlemen of the country murdered his brother. Giovanni was
determinedtorevengethedeathofhisbrother.OnceridingbackhometoFlorence
onGoodFriday,ithappenedthatGiovannirunintothemanhokilledhisbrotherin
asmallstreetinwhichitwasimpossibletoavoideachother.SoGiovanniholdonhis
swordanditwasreadytokillhisenemy.Theotherman,onthecontrary,fellupon
onhiskneesandimploredGiovannibythePassionofJesusChristtosparehislife.
Giovanni was affected by this imploration and especially by thought of Christ that
prayedforhismurderers.SoGiovanniandhisenemyembracedeachotherandthey
walktothemonasteryofSt.Miniato,oftheholyOrderofSt.Bennet.Inthischurch,
whiletheywereprayingtogether thecrucifixmiraculouslyboweditsheadtohim,
as it were accepting both the sacrifice of Giovanni’s resentment and the sincere
repentanceofGiovanni’senemy.Thisdivinegesture,impressedsomuchGiovanni
thataskedtheabbottobeadmittedtothereligiousorderhebelongedto.23Aswas
custom in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, San Giovanni Gualberto and some
scenesfromhislifewererepresentedinaltarpieces.InoneofthescenesofGiovanni
Gualberto’s life, painted by Giovanni del Biondo and dated at the end of the
23ForthecompletestoryofthelifeofSaintGiovanniGualbertosee:ButlerAlban,TheLivesofthe
Fathers,Martyrs,andOtherPrincipalSaintsCompiledfromOriginalMonuments,andotherAuthentic
Records.(London:1756),volumeVII,July12.Choate,84-85.
259
fourteenth century and beginning of the fifteenth (Fig 6), there is one part that
referstothemiraculousmomentinwhichthecrossbendstowardGiovanniasasign
ofapprovalafterhisgesture.ThispartofthelifeofGiovanniGualbertowaspainted
by Lorenzo di Niccolò (Fig 7). In this case, Lorenzo di Niccolò portrayed faithfully
what could have happened. In fact, he represented Giovanni Gualberto and his
brother’s murder in front of the cross, and the miraculous image was represented
on the painted cross. Specifically in this painting, the painted cross is shown as
bendingdowninordertostressthegestureofChristasbowinghisheadasasignof
approval. The accuracy of the narrative does not match, however, with the
iconography of the cross. In fact, it has been acknowledged that the cross, despite
heavilyrepainted,musthavebeenoneoftheexamplesoftheTriumphantChrist,24
whilethecrosspaintedinthepanelintheBardiChapelinSantaCroceinFlorence
byGiovannidelBiondoshowsthetypologyoftheSufferingChrist.Thecrossmight
have been repainted in 1448 when it was placed in a tabernacle sculpted by
Michelozzo, or even in 1671 when it was transferred to Santa Trinità.25When this
panelwasrepainted,theoriginalmiraculouscrosswasmostlikelystillrepresenting
the Triumphant Christ. The fact that the Triumphant Christ was replaced by a
sufferingChristshowsthedevotionaltasteoftheperiod,drawingmoreattentionto
24Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig.472,pag186.Choate,86.
25Choate,85.StevenChoatequotesinhisdissertationsomeunpublishednotesbyGarrison.
260
thehumansideofChristandhisphysicalpresenceinsteadhisdivinepresence.The
artist was accurate in keeping the painted cross as part of the miracle, but at the
same time he chose a bodily and human version of Christ; he focused on Christ’s
physicality,despitethemiraculousnatureofthemoment.Inthiscase,thereisboth
theintentionofrepresentingtherealfactaccordingtothehistoricalaccountanda
bodilyrepresentationofChrist.Theartistcouldhavebeeninfluencedinhischoice
by the devotional culture of the period, and especially in this case by the
Dominicans. In fact, there is a painted cross of the Suffering Christ (Fig 8) in the
Church of San Domenico in Prato, in which some Byzantine elements match with
thisnewsensibilityinrepresentingChristashuman,deadonthecross.
Thereareotherpaintingsthatwitnessthemiraculousmomentinthelifeof
GiovanniGualberto.However,whileitisveryeasytorecognizethemomentandlink
it to Saint Giovanni Gualberto’s life, at the same time there is a significant change
that is symptomatic of the religious and devotional context of the period during
whichitwaspainted.
One of the parts of the panel painting found by Maestro della pala di San
Niccolò in the church of San Miniato al Monte in Florence shows the moment in
which Giovanni Gualberto receives the miraculous sign while he was standing in
front of the cross with his brother’s murderer (Fig 9). In fact, this panel depicts
Giovanni’smanholdingthetwohorsesattheentrance,GiovanniGualbertorightin
261
the center pointing with his finger toward Christ, and the man that killed
Gualberto’sbrotherkneelinginfrontofthealtar.Inthiscase,thecrossisbending
towardthetwobeholdersasasignofapproval.WhatisdifferentfromLorenzodi
Niccolò’sversionisthattheMaestrodiSanNiccolòrepresentedChristintheformof
asculptureratherthanapaintedcross,asthehistoricalaccounthadreported.Not
onlywasChristnotdepictedaccordingtotheiconographyoftheTriumphantChrist,
but he was represented with another medium that resembles sculpture. In fact,
according to the painting, the figure of Christ can clearly be associated with an
exampleofwoodensculptureofthecrucifiedChristthatwasprobablyveryeasyto
find in the churches during that period, as part of the main altar or as part of the
altarinoneofthechapelsdedicatedtothecross.Justasinthepreviousexamplein
whichtheTriumphantChristwassubstitutedbytheversionoftheSufferingChrist,
inthispaintingthechoiceofrepresentingChristassculpturemanifestsevenmore
thisideaofthehumanity,body,andpresenceofChrist.TheMaestrodiSanNiccolò’s
choice can thus be considered from two different perspectives. If the clergy
commissioned the panel, we can assume that the portrayed scene reflected their
will, either as an institution or for devotional purposes. On the other hand, if they
just commissioned the panel from the artist, giving him freedom to work on the
story (obviously according to the established iconography linked to the Saint
Gualberto),itispossibletonoteaconsciouschoiceinportrayingChristinhisbodily
262
essence through sculpture even while still using painting. It seems that an
awarenessspreadinacknowledgingsculpture,andinthiscasewoodensculpture,as
the “elected” medium with which to present Christ in the late Medieval period. In
thecaseofthescenefromthelifeofGiovanniGualberto,itwouldnothavebeena
problemtoshowthemiraculouscrucifixasapaintedcross.Thiswouldhavebeen
faithful to the tradition and the original image. However, the actual variation that
occurredinthispanelisthepresenceofChristassculpture.Athirdreasonforthis
choice could have been the social and religious context of the period, in which
sculpturewaspubliclyaccreditedasthemediumthatcouldinducethemostvisceral
relationshipwhenrepresentingthehumanityofChrist.Inaddition,themiraculous
natureofChristwascatalyzedbyhisphysicalincarnation,presence,andessence.In
anotherpanelpainting,aspartofthepredella,thereisthesamesceneoftheSaint
Giovanni Gualberto in which Christ is clearly presented in the sculptural medium
(Fig 10).TheartistisananonymousFlorentinepainter,workinginthefourteenth
century.Evenifthesizedoesnotreflectthetraditionalsizeofasculpturethatcould
have been part of the altarpiece in a medieval church, the choice of the sculptural
mediumisstillindicativeoftheartist’spreferencetomakeitmoreefficientforthe
viewer.ThereisevenanotherpanelfromthelifeofSanGiovanniGualberto(Fig11)
thatshowsanothermomentinwhichheprobablyembracedthereligiouslifewith
263
the presence of friars along with him. While the context seems different it seems
thatitisthesameasthecrossthatSaintGiovanniGualbertoisbowinginfrontof.
These are three cases from the life of San Giovanni Gualberto, and if it was
just one case probably it could have been difficult to raise questions and make a
considerablecaseoutofit.However,theexistenceoffurtherexamplesinwhichthe
visionofaSaintoramiraculouspaintedimagewaspresentedthroughoutsculpture
seemstoconfirmhowsculpturewasmorerelatableinpresentingChristinbothhis
humananddivinenature,accordingtothelatemedievalreligiouscontext.
TheVisionofSaintThomasAquinas
Another case is the Vision of Saint Thomas Aquinas by Sassetta, painted in
1426-27) (Fig 12). According to the tradition, when Saint Thomas was praying in
theChapelofSaintNicholas,hewasseenbythesacristantobelevitatinginprayer
before the icon of the crucified Christ (Fig 13); Christ said to Saint Thomas: “You
havewrittenwellofme,Thomas.Whatrewardwouldyouhaveforyourlabor?”,and
Thomas answered: “Nothing but you Lord.”26This miraculous event happened in
26GuilelmusdeTocco,andClaireLeBrun-Gouanvic,YstoriaSanctiThomedeAquinodeGuillaumede
Tocco(1323),(Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1996),162.“Etaccedensretroin
cappellaSanctiNicholai,ubifixusinorationemanebat,subitoaudiuitdelocoadquempredictusdoctor
conuersuseratadorandumcumlacrimis,huiusscemodiuocemdeymaginecrucifixi”“Thoma,bene
scripsistideme,quamrecipiesameprotuelaboremercedem?”Quirespondit:“Domine,nonnisite”.
264
127327,andSassettapaintedtheeventin1426-27.Areproductionoftheiconisstill
visible today, and most likely it was also visible during the middle of the fifteenth
centurywhileSassettawasworkingonhispainting.SassettapaintedChristinafull
tridimensional body; this can be associated even indirectly with the sculptural
medium. We might argue that if the painting by Sassetta represents Christ as real
body, as real human being, without having any direct reference to any sculpture,
Christwouldhavefunctionedasasortofametaphorofhimself,consideringthathis
presence would have been both physical and metaphysical. However, the
visualizationofthispaintingwouldhavehadsolicitedthebeholdertorefertoChrist
through a sculpture, and the sculpture itself would have provided a sense of both
the metaphor of Christ and, paradoxically, Christ himself in both the physical and
metaphysicalsense.Thisargumentwillbedevelopedmoreinthefollowingpartof
this study. Nonetheless, the point here is that despite the fact that the miraculous
image was once more represented through painting, the artist was not faithful in
providingtheexactmediumwithwhichSaintThomashadthespiritualconnection.
In representing Christ the way he did, he implicitly confirmed that the sculptural
mediumwasmoresuitable,especiallyintheperiodinwhichSassettawasworking.
Even in a later artwork which portrays the miracle of the vision of Saint Thomas,
paintedbySantidiTitoin1593inthedelTurcoChapelintheChurchofSanMarco
27Garrison,ItalianRomanesque,fig611,224.
265
inFlorence(Fig14),thepaintingshowsthemiracleasatableauvivantinwhichthe
paintingprovidesthephysicalpresenceofChristandtheothersaintsaroundhimin
averyefficaciousway.Physicalityisthepremiumattributeintherepresentationof
Christ, and because of that the reference to sculpture and its devotional use is a
constant present in painting as well. What the painting suggests is not only an
accountofthevisionofSaintThomas,butalsoasolicitationtoarelationshipwith
Christthatreferstohishumanitythatismostefficientlyexpressedbysculpture,or
more specifically wooden sculpture, for its capability to be painted, which then
affecteditslikenessandmovabilityaswell.
ThecaseoftherepresentationofStigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena
TherepresentationofthestigmatizationofSaintCatherineofSiena(1347–
1380) offers another example of the role of sculpture in providing an idea of both
physicality and miraculous essence. According to the tradition, Saint Catherine of
Siena had her first supernatural vision when she was six years old, in which she
experiencedthevisionofChristblessingandsittinginathroneamongsaints.28
28DizionarioBiografico,SantaCaterinadaSiena,http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/caterina-da-
siena-santa_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/(accessedjuly,1,2015).
266
During her life she experiencednumerous visions, which were recorded by
theleadingmemberoftheDominicanorderRaymondofCapua.TheartistGiovanni
di Paolo (1403-1482) represented some of her visions in different panel paintings
during the fifteenth century. For example there is an image of Saint Catherine
dictatingherdialoguestoRaymondofCapua(Fig15)orSaintCatherinereceivingthe
Holy Communion directly by Christ during a mass (Fig 16) In both cases, Saint
Catherineishavingavision,andtheartistGiovannidiPaolofoundawaytomakea
transcendentexperiencevisible,whichitisessentiallyotherwiseindescribableand
unrepresentable. The artist presented Christ in a similar way in both cases: halflengthsize,comingfromaradiantcloudandconnectingspirituallyand“physically”
with Saint Catherine. Also in other panels made by Giovanni di Paolo is Christ
represented in the same way, like for example The Mystical Marriage of Saint
Catherine(Fig17).GiovannidiPaolomadealsotwomorepanelsreferringtoother
miraculous moments of the life of Saint Catherine that are interesting for the
ongoing argument of this study. The two painted panels I am referring to are:
CatherineBeseechingChristtoResuscitateherMother(Fig 18) andSainteCatherine
Receiving the Stigmata (Fig 19). In the first painted panel Saint Catherine kneels
while praying in front of what we can consider a sculpture of the crucified Christ.
While the painting works as a visual document and is an intermediary for the
viewer, at the same time what triggers the vision in the personal and visionary
267
experienceofSaintCatherineisasculpture.Specifically,inthispanelpaintingthere
is a combination of the supernatural presence of Christ and his physical presence
throughoutthemostefficientmediuminthismatter,whichissculpture.Thepanel
painting does not provide only a “historical” account on one of the miraculous
moments of the life of Saint Catherine, but “it takes on the role of witness to the
visionary act and is therefore capable of testifying to the actual reality of the
apparition, although neither the visionary himself nor the witness seeing [her]
ecstasies could confirm or deny absolutely the reality of the vision.”29At the same
time,whatbelongstoreality,tothevisible,andtowhatSaintCatherineisreferring
to,isasculptedimageofChrist.Inthedynamicofthepanel,Christisrepresented
twice.Thefirstrepresentationisthesculptedone,therealandthephysicalversion
of Christ, and second is the ethereal version, represented through radiant golden
raysoflightandcloudsassymbolsofhishierophany.Thedynamicofthepainting
suggests that the beginning process for this miraculous apparition starts from the
prayerandcontemplationinfrontofthesculpture,ofwhichtheviewerwouldhave
been totally aware. The artist himself choose to portray Christ through the
sculptural medium, probably aware that the beholder would have had a more
sympatheticrelationshipwithamoretangiblefigureofChristinordertoarriveto
29VictorIeronimStoichiță,VisionaryExperienceintheGoldenAgeofSpanishArt(London:Reaktion
Books,1995),198.
268
his metaphysical nature. The artist would have also considered the devotional
contextaroundhimduringfifteenthcenturySiena,andthechoiceofthesculpture
couldhavereflectedthat,eveninrelationtotheDominicanreligiousorder.
TheotherpaintingIwanttodiscussisapanelpaintedbyGiovannidiPaolo
in relation to the life of Saint Catherine of Siena. This painted panel is Saint
Catherine of Siena Receiving the Stigmata (1447-65) (Fig 19). According to the
tradition,CatherinewasinPisa,byrequestofPopeGregoryXI,inordertoconvince
thelordsofthecitytojointheanti-papacyleague.AsspecifiedintheLegendaMaior
by Raymond of Capua, on the 1 of April 1375 she confided her vision to him after
shereceivedthecommunion:“IsawtheLordfixedtothecrosscomingtowardsme
inagreatlight,andsuchwastheimpulseofmysoultogoandmeetitsCreatorthat
itforcedthebodytoriseup.ThenfromthescarsofHismostsacredwoundsIsaw
five rays of blood coming down towards me, to my hands, my feet and my heart.
Realizingwhatwastohappen,Iexclaimed,‘OLordGod,Ibegyou-donotletthese
scars show on the outside of my body!’ As I said this, before therays reached me
theircolourchangedfrombloodredtothecolouroflight,andintheformofpure
lighttheyarrivedatthefivepointsofmybody,hands,feetandheart.”30
30RaymondofCapua,“ActaSanctorum,April,III,910”inLegendaMaior,translationbyGeorgeLamb,
TheLifeofSt.CatherineofSiena,(NewYork196O),175-6.
269
ThecrossinfrontofwhichSaintCatherinewasprayingexistsstilltodayand
it is in the Santuario Cateriniano in Siena (Fig 20). This is a painted cross of the
genreoftheTriumphantChristmadebyanartistfromPisaaround1150-1200.31As
in the case of San Giovanni Gualberto, the miracle happened in front of a painted
image, but the artist who reported the miracle of Saint Catherine opted for a
crucifiedChrist,onethatcanbeassociatedwithacontemporaryexampleofwooden
sculpture (Fig 21). The body position of Saint Catherine recalls very clearly the
bodypostureofSaintFrancisonMountVernawhilereceivingthestigmata(Fig22).
Without entering in the middle of the historical quarrel between Dominicans and
Franciscans about Saint Catherine’s stigmata that were confirmed only in 1630 by
PopeUrbanVIII,itisimportantforthisstudytoconsiderthismiraculousmoment
for another purpose. In fact, the problem is not about the truthfulness of the
stigmata,butratherabouthowthismomentwasrepresentedthroughoutpainting
inthemiddleofthefifteenthcenturyandmoreorlesseightyyearsaftertherealfact
happened. According to the tradition, the Sienese Saint received the stigmata on
1375whileshewaskneelinginfrontofacrossthatiswellknownandthesewounds
of Christ were visible only to herself. 32 However, the artist presented it in a
completely different context, which raises some interesting questions. Even if he
31Garrison,fig509,pag196.
32Suzanne,Noffke,Thedialogue,(NewYork:PaulistPress,1980),5.
270
had knowledge of the painted cross in front of which the miracle happened, the
artistdidnotrepresentitatall,noteventhroughasymbolicreference.Itseemsto
beagoldencrosspositionedinthemiddleofthealtar,butthemiraculouseventis
represented as a sculpted representation of Christ leaning over the altar toward
SaintChristina.ItisnotpossibletoseetheraysfromthebodyofChristpiercingthe
bodyofSaintChristina,asithasbeenreportedthatsheaskedforthewoundstobe
invisible. However, her body posture indicates that she was in the act of receiving
thestigmata,matchingtheposeofthecrucifiedChristandtheiconographyofSaint
Francisreceivingthestigmata.
Giovanni di Paolo made a specific choice in representing a lifelike crucifix,
andIwouldliketoconsidersomegeneralandhypotheticalassumptionsinorderto
raisesomequestionsandarrivetoaconclusion.Let’ssuppose,forexample,thatin
theItalianreligiouscontextofthefifteenthcenturytherewereonlypanelpaintings
orpaintedcrossesthatportrayedChristoranyotherholyperson,withoutanyuse
of sculpted form. The crucified Christ in Saint Catherine of Siena receiving the
StigmatawouldhavefunctionedstillasatridimensionalpresenceofChrist,butthe
metaphysicalpresenceandtheexperienceoftheimageofChristwouldhavebeena
transcendent experience in its representational form. Instead, considering the
religiouscontextofthefifteenthcenturyinTuscanyoringeneraleventhecenterof
Italy in which the use of wooden polychrome sculptures was widespread for
271
devotionalandliturgicalpurposes,Isuggestthatwhilethepaintingreferstothelife
of Saint Catherine with regards to the presence of Christ, it clearly also refers to
sculpture. As a consequence, the painting also becomes a visual reminder of the
religiousanddevotionalcontextoftheperiod.Theartistdidnotseeinpersonthe
original crucifix in which Saint Christina had the miraculous apparition and
reception, and he relied solely on the literary account on the supernatural event
where Catherine was kneeling after a crucifix33after she received communion, or
accordingtothedirectionsofhispatrons.Atthesametimehenonethelesschosea
volumetric likeness of Christ, showing that his sensibility was oriented toward a
tridimensionalformversusthepaintedforminrevealingthepresence,asbody,of
Christ.Evenifwemightconsiderthatthecrossbecamealive,justforthemomentof
thestigmatization,thereisnosignofapresenceofapaintedcrossorofthepassage
from painting to becoming alive. For the beholder or the faithful, the Christ
portrayed by Giovanni di Paolo could have been associated with a polychrome
woodensculpture.
ThepaintingbyGiovannidiPaoloisnottheonlyonethatchoosestoportray
Christ in the moment of the stigmatization of Saint Catherine of Siena through a
tridimensionalform.AnanonymousSienesepainter(Fig23)showsclearlythatthe
33BarbaraPikeGordley,"ADominicanSaintfortheBenedictines:Beccafumi'sStigmatizationofSt
Catherine,"ZeitschriftFurKunstgeschichte.no55(1992)396.
272
crucifiedChristisnotapaintedcross,aligninghimselfinthesamementalcategory
ofGiovannidiPaoloandreligiousenvironment.
Infact,sinceproductiontheDescentfromtheCross,andespeciallysincethe
sculptures of Christ were made with movable arms, these polychrome wooden
sculptures were made in order to be liturgically used in processions and
reenactments of the Passion of Christ in a way that encouraged the faithful to
believethatthesculptureofChristwastherealbodyofChrist.Makingthesculpture
life-size, painting it, and paying special attention to the anatomy of the body,
includingtheuseofrealhairorabeard,confirmsthespecialroleoftheseobjects:
thattheywerenotafictitiouspresence,butarealpresenceforthefaithful.34
There is one painting that portrays the stigmatization of Saint Catherine in
whichthecrucifixfromwhichCatherineisreceivingthestigmataisapaintedcross.
ThispaintingbytheartistRutilioManettishowsamorefaithfulnesstothehistorical
tradition(Fig24).35
A further example that I want to bring up before analyzing the role of
Franciscans in this relationship between sculpture and painting is the De Modo
34This style, along with the liturgical use of these sculptures will be the object of a more in depth
analysisinthefollowingchapterofthisstudy.
35TheartistisRutilioManettiandhisSantaCaterinaRiceveleStimmatedalCrocifissowaspaintedin
1630.However,sincethedateofproductionofthispaintingdoesnotcorresponddirectlywiththe
timeperiodIamconsideringforthisstudy,Ibelievethat,whiletheartworkwouldraiseinteresting
arthistoricalquestions,itisnotrelevantforthepurposeofthepresentanalysis.Thisishistoricizing
inreplicatingarchaicstyle,whichitwasverymuchpartofitsowntime.
273
OrandicorporalitersanctiDominici,abookthatinoneofhisdifferentversions,the
textiscombinedwithdifferentillustrationsthatshowthevariouswaysofpraying,
suggestedbySaintDominic.36Thetextisprincipallyfocusedonthewayofpraying
and on emotional status, along with the mystical consciousness in nine different
innerstatesthatcorrespondtoninedifferentgestures(Fig25).
It is interesting, however, to see how this illuminator, working around the
year 1400, represented Saint Dominic in the different stages of mystical
consciousness. He portrays Saint Dominic in front of an altarpiece in which, along
withapanelpaintingontheback,thereisavolumetricrepresentationofthebodyof
Christ that seems to be coming alive and spilling blood while Saint Dominic prays
beforeit.OneofthemaindifferencesbetweenFranciscansandDominicanswasthat
Franciscans, as it happened with Francis himself, did not presume that priestly
order was necessary. In fact, the minor Friars could preach only repentance or
penitencewithoutpresentingordealingwithcomplexissuesrelatedtothedogma.37
On the other hand, Dominicans were more inclined to preach against heresy and
36OntheDeModoOrandiCorporaliterSanctiDominicianditstranslationseeSimonTugwell“The
NineWaysofPrayerofSaintDominic:ATextualStudyandCriticalEdition,”MedievalStudies47
(1985):1-124;Illustrations:MsRossiano3oftheBibliotecaApostolicaVaticana.Fortheanalysisof
theillustrationssee:WilliamHood:"SaintDominic'sMannersofPraying:GesturesinFraAngelico's
CellFrescoesatS.Marco."TheArtBulletin68,no.2(1986):195-206.
MiklósBoskovits,ImmaginidaMeditare:RicerchesuDipintidiTemaReligiosoneiSecoliXII-XV
(Milano:VitaePensiero,1994)82.Seealsoonthesubject:RichardT.Trexler,TheChristianatPrayer,
AnIllustratedPrayerManual,AttributedtoPetertheChanter(d.1197),(Binghampton,1988).
37WilliamHood,“SaintDominic’sMannerasofPraying:GesturesinFraAngelico’sCellFrescoesatS.
Marco,”TheArtBulletin,vol.68,no.2(1986):197.
274
therefore needed to be educated in philosophy and theology to be eligible for
priestlyordination.38Obviously,thisdistinctionbetweenthetwoMendicantOrders
was particularly significant only at the beginning of the development of both
FranciscansandDominicans,atthesametimethatthevisualartswereinstruments
for reflecting their different attitudes toward catechesis.39While Franciscans used
mostly art to awaken a sympathetic relationship with Christ and his suffering,
Dominicans, considering for example also other artworks used for their purposes
such as the frescos at San Marco in Florence, used visual art to enhance “a
theologicalrelationship,whethermystical,moralordogmatic.”40Atthesametime,
eveniftheDeModoOrandifocusesonthedifferentbodyposturesthatcanstimulate
mystical consciousness, we can see how this is happening in front of what can be
associatedwithasculptureofChristinhiscorporealelement.
It could be possible to question the clear association between what we see
portrayedinpaintingsandsculpture,likeinthecasespreviouslymentioned.Atthe
same time, this connection is not just stylistic and based on “resemblance,” but it
also considers the religious context and the liturgical use and diffusion of these
wooden sculptures within the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance religious
society.Alongwithmorearthistoricalcategoriessuchasiconographyandstyle,itis
38Ibidem.,197.
39Ibidem.,197.
40Ibidem.,197.
275
thisreligiouscontextthatmostclearlyelucidatestheroleofthesculpturalmedium
in the making of the devotion during the Middle Ages and early Renaissance. The
purposeofthisstudyisnottoexpressajudgment,eitherpositiveornegative,even
accordingtowhatacontemporarytheologianmighthaveexpressedtowardtheuse
of images. Instead, what is more relevant is how we understand the changing
relationshipbetweentheimages,whethertheyarepaintedorsculptedimages,and
thebeholder,orthepersonthatpraysinfrontofit.Specificallyforthisstudy,itis
importanttorefinetheroleofsculptureinthischangingprocess.
EvenifwelookattheFranciscanswewillfindelementsthatwillclarifythe
role of sculpture, and its constant presence, in late medieval artistic and religious
context in Italy. However, Franciscans also associated themselves officially with
painting and scholarship connected the mendicant order to the production of
paintingandtheroleofpaintinginthelateMedievalperiod.Atthesametime,iwill
arguethattheinitialavoidanceinusingsculptureswithintheFranciscanorderhad
aspecificand“political”reason.
Accordingto the tradition, while inprayer inthechurchofSanDamianoin
Assisi, Saint Francis heard the Cross speaking to him, telling him “Francis, go and
repairmyhousewhich,asyoucansee,isfallingintoruins.”Thisepisoderepresents
probablythemostimportantmomentforSaintFrancis’conversion,andithappened
infrontofapaintedcross,datedaround1100(Fig 26).Thecrossbecameavery
276
important venerated image that might have influenced other “talking cross”
experiences,likethatoneofSaintCatherineofSiena.41Thiscrosswasmovedfrom
the church of San Damiano to the Church of Saint Clare of Assisi, and it was
replicated in one of the scenes that present the life of Saint Francis in the Upper
BasilicainAssisi(Fig27).Atthesametime,evenbeforetheversioninAssisi,there
isanaltarpieceattributedtotheTuscanartistRinaldodaSienathatportraysscenes
from the Life of Saint Francis (Fig 28). The scene that shows the Cross in San
DamianospeakingtoSaintFrancisisverydifferentfromtheversionintheBasilica
in Assisi. In fact, while in Assisi, there is an accurate rendering of the original
paintedcross,intheversionbyRinaldodaSiena(Fig29)42Christisrepresentedas
arealbodyandnotjustinhispaintedrendering,andwhileheisspeakingtoSaint
Francis,hestretcheshisarmstoreachSaintFrancis.Thisgesture,whichrecallsthe
amplexus of Saint Bernard, suggests at the same time a physical interaction, even
where a miracle happened and there was a painting and Christ revealed himself
through words. This simple scene from the panel painting of Saint Francis and
scenesofhislifeshowsagainhowtheperceptionofChristandhispresencewould
becomemorephysicalandbeperceivedandrepresentedassuch,despitethereality
involvedapaintedcross.
41Choate,89,seenote189.
42BrunoToscano,“DieciImmaginialtempodiAngela”inDalvisibileall'indicibile:crocifissied
esperienzamisticainAngeladaFolignoBassetti,edMassimiliano,andBrunoToscano(Spoleto:
FondazioneCentroitalianodistudisull'altoMedioevo,2012),95-117.
277
DespitethemiraculouseventthatwaslinkedtothecrossandthelifeofSaint
Francis, this moment was not considered as important as the reception of the
stigmatathathappenedtoSaintFranciswhileprayingtotheMountVernaattheend
of his earthly life. This moment of the life of Saint Francis stressed even more his
willingness to live and feel the real suffering of Christ throughout his body; this
affectedthelatterFranciscansreligiousmindsettowardthePassionofChrist.Their
attention to the suffering of Christ justified and supported the shift, as previously
mentioned, from the Triumphant Christ to the Suffering Christ. The Stigmatization
was the supreme sign of the theme of Saint Francis’s imitation of Christ, and this
affectedtheartproductionaswell.AsImentioned,sincethebeginning,Franciscans
didnotseemtohaveanyconnectionwiththeuseofsculpture,ormorespecifically
wooden sculptures. At the same time, since the reception of the stigmata by Saint
Francis,moreattentionbegantobepaidbytheFranciscansthemselvesinstressing
thephysicalityofSaintFrancis’experienceandthephysicalityintherepresentation
ofChristaswell.
ThefactthatFranciscansdidnotusesculpturesinordertopromotethisnew
physical and sympathetic relationship with Christ, especially after the remarkable
experienceofSaintFrancisreceivingthestigmata,isattributedtotheproblematic
useofsculpturesduringtheMiddleAges.Infact,despitetheexistenceandtheuseof
these objects for liturgical purposes, there was still some uncertainty by the
278
ecclesiastical authorities in relation to the wooden sculptures. Franciscans were a
relatively new religious order and had a good relationship with three popes
Innocent III, Honorious III and Gregory IX. Also “the succeeding popes played a
central role in promoting and channeling the friar’s ministry.”43 Considering the
miraculous nature of what their spiritual leader experienced in the Mount Verna
andinvirtueofFranciscan’relationshipwiththepapacyIimplythatanexplicitand
unfiltered use of sculptures would have been a risky move that could have
jeopardized the whole order and create trouble with the existent connection with
thepopes.
The stigmata of Saint Francis and the shift promoted by the Franciscans
themselvestowardtheSufferingChristwerealreadyimportantchoicesinshaping
thespiritualdirectionsoftheorder.TheroleofSaintBonaventurewaspivotalnot
only for the Franciscan devotion itself, but also in the way he promoted devotion,
relying on a vivid application of the senses and an imaginative recreation of the
sceneinawaythatthefaithfulwasbothawitnessandaparticipant.44Especiallyin
theThreeofLife,Bonaventureusesthesensestoimaginethescenefromthelifeof
Christ,referringtoawiderangeofemotions.Thiswayoflivingthefaithhasoften
beenproblematic,especiallyinrelationtothesculpturalmediumand,aboveall,in
43MichaelJ.P.Robson,TheFranciscansintheMiddleAges.MonasticOrders.(Woodbridge,Suffolk,
UK;Rochester,NY:BoydellPress,2006),69.
44BonaventureandEwertH.Cousins,Bonaventure(NewYork:PaulistPress,1978),35.
279
correspondencewithwoodensculptures,anaspectthatwillbeexploredlaterinthis
study.
ThisiswhytheuseofpaintedcrosswouldhavestillconnectedFranciscans
to the tradition without risking an inappropriate use of images along with the
promotionofthefigureofSaintFrancisastheAlterChristus.Infact,consideringthe
emotional and devotional impact of Saint Francis’ stigmatization and the stress on
the phisicality of the experience, the use of sculptures could have enhanced the
focusonthebodyandasaconsequencetothesculpturalobject,whichcouldhave
becomethefocusofthisnewwayoflivingtherelationshipwiththesacredandthe
bodyofChrist.
However,lookingattheuseofimagesbytheFranciscanorder,itispossible
to notice that since the beginning and especially throughout time there was an
inclination toward sculpture that matched, I believe, their devotional ideals even
more. This one can be noted also through the observation of the iconographical
changesthataffectedtherepresentationoftheSufferingChristaswell,evenifthey
donotrelatedirectlytotheFranciscanorder.
Firstofall,thestigmatareceivedbySaintFrancisandthedepictionofChrist
asChristusPatiensputdirectemphasisonthesufferingofChristasaconsequenceof
hishumannature,especiallyunderliningthebodyasthepreferredmediumwithin
which to understand and live the Christian message. The presence of the Virgin
280
MaryandJohntheEvangelistwouldhaveshowedhowtomourninfrontofthedead
bodyofChrist.Theyofferedanexampleofhowtobehave,andthisisalsoindicative
of a new self-consciousness on the part of the faithful in learning how to live and
participateinthePassionofChrist.Also,thisnewdimensionwasembodiedbythese
paintedcrosses,inwhichChristwasportrayedasadeadChrist(Fig 30). Sincethe
diffusion of these crosses, the viewer could face a more human representation of
Christ,inwhichChristembodiedsufferinganddeathaswell.Thisnewiconography
ofthedeadChristspreadoutatfirstinUmbriaandTuscany,anditkeptthesame
iconographicalpatternuntilGiotto.Giottocontributedwithaninnovativeandmore
naturalisticinterpretationofthehumanbodywithhisCrossinSantaMariaNovella
inFlorence(Fig31).HechangedtheextremebodilytensionofthedeadChrist(Fig
32) with a quiet relaxation of the body with a more attentive anatomical
description.
With this new interpretation of the dead Christ, Giotto provided a new
qualityofthedevotionalimage,andforthefirsttimeinhistoryhepaintedaman,a
real man, on the cross.45Art historians have considered Giotto a great innovator,
above all in comparison with his Master Cimabue, acknowledging that a change of
this magnitude was rare in the history of art.46The comparison between Cimabue
45GiovanniPrevitali,GiottoelaSuaBottega(Milano,Fabbri,1967),31.
46MiloBoskovits,“GiottounArtistapocoConosciuto?”inGiotto–BilancioCriticodiSessant’Annidi
StudieRicerche(Firenze,Giunti:2000),75.
281
and Giotto has been a widely studied topic among art historians, stressing mostly
the striking difference between the two crosses. While Cimabue’s cross was
considered more naturalistic than others painted earlier, once compared with the
incredible realism that characterizes Giotto’s cross, it assumes a symbolic
dimension.47However, even if the comparison stresses the remarkable difference
betweenthetwo,itdoesnotexplaintheoriginofGiotto’scrucifix,nordoesitclarify
thesourcethatGiottoworkedfrom.
Art historians, from Giorgio Vasari to more contemporary scholars, have
considered Giotto as the first Renaissance painter, the artist that anticipated the
pursuit of a naturalistic approach to representation based on observation: “In my
opinion painters owe to Giotto, the Florentine painter, exactly the same debt they
owetonature,whichconstantlyservesthemasamodelandwhosefinestandmost
beautifulaspectstheyarealwaysstrivingtoimitateandreproduce.Foraftermany
years during which the methods and outlines of good painting had been buried
under the ruins caused by wars Giotto alone who, by God’s favor, rescued and
47BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting1280-1375,(NewYork:Harper&Row:1976),31.“The
basicconceptionofthetwoChristfiguresisstrikinglydifferent.Cimabue’s,althoughmore
naturalisticthananythingproduceduptotime,seemssymbolicwhencomparedwiththestark
realismofGiottos’,wherethevestigesoftheoldabstractionhavebeendoneawaywithandthe
spectatorisconfrontedwiththeawesomeimageofadead,greenishChristhangingfromacross.No
longerdoesthefiguresharethemajesticiconicconceptionofeventhelastofCimabue’sChrists.The
remote,heroicSonofGodhasbeenreplacedbyaveryhumanimageofadeadmandivestedofallthe
oldassociationsofhierarchicalgrandeurwhichdatebacktotheverybeginningofFlorentineart”.
282
restoredtheart,eventhoughhewasbornamongincompetentartists.”48Inhispart
oftheLivesdedicatedtoGiotto,VasarimentionshowCimabueinfluencedhimand
how,atthesametime,heeclipsedthesameCimabuewithhisart.Giottoalsogained
respect and praise among his contemporaries. Notorious is the passage from the
canto XI in the Dante Alighieri’s Purgatory: “Cimabue thought To lord it over
painting’sfield;andnowThecryisGiotto’sandhisnameeclipsed”.Thegreatnessof
Giotto was not only in overcoming and displacing the so-called Maniera Greca, in
whichCimabuewastheMaster,butindevelopinganaturalisticapproachinwhich
the observation of nature and the use of light was pivotal. This innovation
anticipated the artistic approach of the Renaissance. The way that scholarship
shaped the understanding of Late Medieval and Renaissance art is the result and
influence of the interpretation of Giotto’s achievements and the related literature.
Nobody would challenge Giotto’s artistic importance and influence. However, I
believe that it is possible to consider Giotto’s artistic results from another
perspective, which will not bring into question his artistic achievement and
greatness, but rather would contextualize the role of late Medieval art and how
artistic production affected devotion in a different way. As mentioned before, we
knowthatGiottoovercameCimabue,butitwasalwaysasourceofconfusionasto
48GiorgioVasari,TheLivesoftheArtists,aselectiontranslatedbyGeorgeBull(England:TheChaucer
Press,1965),57.
283
theoriginofGiotto’sart:“AlthoughtheoriginsofGiotto’sstylecanbeassumedtobe
inCimabue’sFlorence,theyhavebeensoassimilatedandtransformedbyhisvisual
genius that they are almost unrecognizable […]. There is no precise answer as to
where Giotto’s early style came from […] The reason for the great difference
between Giotto’s art and that of his most immediate forerunners is an unsolved
mystery”.49InordertounderstandthismysteryandfindthesourcesofGiotto’sart,
thehorizonofresearchhastobeexpandedtogobeyondtheterritorythatinvolves
only panel paintings or frescos. A remarkable approach in this case that opens
furtherandnoteworthyinterpretationsistheapproachbytheAustrianarthistorian
Gerhard Schmidt. He attributes a fundamental role to sculpture for influencing
Giotto’s artistic production. He challenges Vasari’s interpretation of Giotto by
arguingthattherealintentionofGiottowasnotapureanddirectnaturalism,buta
convincingrepresentationofthevolumes.Thisdimensioncouldhavebeenexplored
during his time only through the observation of sculpture.50This would support
even more logically the attention and the use of light in his works, especially the
orientationofthepositionofthefiguresinthefrescosofScrovegniChapelinPadua.
Infact,intheArenaChapel“thelightfromawindowcorrespondstothefallofthe
49BruceCole,GiottoandFlorentinePainting1280-1375,44.
50GerhardSchmidt,“GiottounddiegotischeSkulptur.NeueÜberlegungenzueinemaltenThema”in
RömischeHistorischeMitteilungen”,n.XX(Wien:AustrianAcademyofSciencesPress:1979),13637.QuotedalsoinMaxSeidel,“IlCrocifixoGrandecheFeceGiotto.ProblemiStilistici”inGiotto:la
CrocediSantaMariaNovella,(Firenze:Edifir:2001),65-158.
284
pictoriallightandthedirectionofthemodelinglightonthesidewallsofthechapel
coincides with the window in the western, or entrance, wall of the building”.51
SchmidtsupportstheideathatthemedievalsculptorArnolfodiCambiocouldhave
been for Giotto more important than Cimabue. Like Giotto, other painters might
havelookedatandadmiredsculptures;howeveritseemsthatnoneofthembesides
Giottohadtheintentionalongwiththeskillandcapabilitytodevelopthesculptural
effectinpaintingthroughtheuseoflight.52
EveniftheinfluentialroleandimportanceofArnolfodiCambiowaswidely
knowninthemedievalartisticmilieu,itcannotbeconfirmedthathisrolewasmore
important than Cimabue for Giotto, which is the argument that Schmidt relies on.
However, this does not mean that the relationship between Giotto and sculpture
does not exist or cannot be pursued. A stimulating observation about the
relationship between Giotto and sculpture has been considered in the art
productionofGiovanniPisano.53Especiallyaftertherecentworkofrestorationthat
contributedtoobservingthewoodensculptureintheDuomoinPisainitsoriginal
state (Fig 33), it is possible to note a relation. Therefore, Giovanni Pisano’s work
51JuliaMillerI.,"SymbolicLightinGiottoandtheEarlyQuattrocentoinFlorence”Source:Notesinthe
HistoryofArt.5(1),1985,8.OthersourcesonthesubjectareJ.White,TheBirthandRebirthof
PictorialSpace(NewYork:1957),p.58,andL.Schneider,GiottoinPerspective(EnglewoodCliffs,
N.J.:1974),p.18;alsoGiotto:TheArenaChapelFrescoes,ed.J.Stubblebine(NewYork:1969),andC.
Gnudi,Giotto(Milan:1958),pp.105f.
52Schmidt,Giotto,136-37.
53MaxSeidel,IlCrocifixoGrandechefeceGiotto,74.
285
musthaveplayedadecisiveroleinconnectingandtransformingtherepresentation
of Christ from Cimabue to Giotto. 54 This connection is supported also by the
chronology. In fact, around 1270-80 Giovanni Pisano built a wooden Christ on the
cross, more or less ten years before the Giotto’s cross in Santa Maria Novella, in
which Christ was represented like a real human that was crucified. A further
connectionbetweenthewoodenproductionofGiovanniPisanoandGiotto’scrossis
that while Pisano’s wooden cross, made between 1270 and 1280, was under
restoration, the restorers found in the “cartiglio” scrollpaperinscriptions in Latin,
Greek and Hebrew. This was an original idea for the Medieval period that Giotto
reusedandappliedforthefirsttimeinhisFlorentinecross.55
WhiletheroleofGiovanniPisanointhedevelopmentofmedievalartandthe
selfawarenessofbeinganartistiswellknown,thisdoesnotmatchwiththegeneral
understandingandappreciationofwoodensculptureproductionoftheMiddleAges.
ThislinkwithGiottoandtheinscriptionthatGiovanniPisanoleftinthePulpitofthe
Duomo in Pisa, in which he praises himself as sublime author in stone, wood, and
gold,showstheimportanceandtheprestigeofwoodensculptureproduction.Atthe
same time, however, it cannot be said about the consideration of the artistic
productioninwoodofthesameperiod.Inaddition,thesemedievalsculptureswere
54Ibidem.,24
55MaxSeidel,IlCrocifixo,75.
286
oftendestroyedduetothefactthatthisgenrewasnotreallyappreciatedduringthe
Renaissance, Baroque, and Neoclassical periods and as was often not protected or
evenkept.56
However, Max Seidel’s considers the link between the Santa Maria Novella
Cross by Giotto and the production of Giovanni Pisano as a way to show Giotto’s
interest in obtaining a realistic human dimension of the representation of Christ.
This raises questions about the effective role of sculpture in affecting the
iconographyofChristand,ingeneral,theimportanceandfunctionofthismediumin
shaping devotion during the Middle Ages. This is relevant for studying the
importance of the shift from the Triumphant Christ to the Suffering Christ, the
relationshipoftheByzantineartproductioninthediffusionofthisiconographyin
Western art, and, above all, for understanding the reception of the artistic culture
andachievementofMiddleAgesthroughpainting.
The role of the Franciscans was crucial in supporting this new idea of the
humanityofChristandacompassionaterelationshipwithhimandhissuffering.At
the same time, the fact that Giotto elaborated this new concept in painting within
theDominicanenvironmentshowsnotonlythereciprocalinfluencesinelaborating
an aesthetic that relates to the body of Christ and his human side through art
production among both Franciscans and Dominicans, but also a conscious, despite
56Ibidem.,75.
287
apparently indirect, reference to the sculptural medium as a way to show the
presenceofChrist.
ThedirectexampleofthisprocesswasGiotto’sdecisiontomakethefigureof
ChristmorehumanintheversionoftheChristusPatiensandhischangingthepath
ofWesternartwithhisworkinPaduaandFlorence.Withoutanydoubt,theroleof
Franciscanswereimportantwithinthiscontextofartproductioninpromotingthis
newiconographyofChristwithinanewdevotionalcontextaftertheexampleofthe
lifeofSaintFrancisandthereceptionofthestigmata.Thecoreoftheirdevotionwas
amoredirectandcompassionateparticipationofthesufferingofChrist.Since1230,
whenGiuntaPisanopaintedfortheFranciscanorderhisfirstinterpretationofthe
suffering Christ, this painted cross offered the viewer a model for contemplation,
and it reflected and channeled a new devotional relationship with the crucifixion
andthebodyofChrist.
It is interesting to notice how in both Franciscan and Dominican art the
material image through which Christ reveals himself and through which he is
represented is a painting. As with Franciscans, Dominicans seemed to rely on the
painted image of the crucifixion and how the devotional relationship with Christ
affectedtheiconographytowardamoresculpturaldimension.
Giottohasbeenofficiallyconsideredbyscholarsasthemostinfluentialand
innovativeartistintheLateMedievalperiod;hewasevenconsideredtheoriginator
288
oftheRenaissanceinhiscapabilityofpioneeringanewfigurativerealismthatwas
fullydevelopedlaterduringtheRenaissance.However,justasMaxSeidelconsiders
itimportanttostudytheinfluentialroleofGiovanniPisano’ssculptureinrendering
Giotto’s realism in his Crucifix, I believed that the role of the sculpture, especially
woodensculptureanditspresenceandroleinMedievalartanddevotion,needsto
beexploredmoreinrelationtoGiotto’sartisticproduction.
Another factor that can support the research in this direction is the fact
that—and this is often underestimated—the painted crosses followed the visual
function of sculpture in their iconographical development. In fact, along with the
Crucifixion of Christ, early painted crosses usually include some scenes from the
Passionandthefull-lengthfiguresoftheVirginMaryandJohntheEvangelist(Fig
34). This eventually changes to a more icon-like presence of the Virgin Mary and
Johnrightonthesideofthecross,besidetheoutstretchedarmsofChrist(Fig 35),
focusingonthefigureofChristandhisbody.Thecompletionoftheiconographical
changes and development of painted crosses between XII and XIV century in Italy
ends with achieving the same compositional structure and essence of the wooden
sculptedCrossesespeciallyifweconsiderthepassagefromthegroupoftheDescent
totheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChrist,inwhichthereistheonlypresence
and depiction of the figure of Christ, excluding all the figures, even the icon-like
289
image of the Virgin Mary and John the Evangelist.57 Paradoxically, the cross by
GiottoinSantaMariaNovellathatassertsacrucialmomentforthedevelopmentof
the representation of Christ and the development of the pictorial production in
general, occurs when the painted cross corresponds the most with the sculpted
version.Inthis,GiovanniPisanoisclearlyhissourceofinspirationandservesasan
excellent example. This implies that sculpture had an essential role in shaping the
developmentofpaintedcrossesthathadtheiracmewithGiotto’scrosses,andmost
likelysculpturesachievedthatnaturalismevenearlierthanGiotto’swork.
In fact, the paradox is that as painted crosses reached the apogee of
naturalismwithGiotto,therebybreakingwiththeByzantineculturaltradition,this
is when they corresponded the most with the compositional structure of sculpted
crosses. In addition, once Giotto painted his cross and this new naturalism in
representing Christ was achieved in painting, painted crosses ceased to be
produced. In fact, once painted crosses started to embody and promote a more
naturalistic representation of the body, humanity, and suffering of Christ, their
productionstoppedandtheyweresubstitutedmorewidelywithalife-sizewooden
crucified Christ. Even if wooden sculptures already existed before the production,
use, and diffusion of painted cross,58this shows a pivotal shift from painting to
57SandbergVavalà,LaCroceDipintaItaliana,74
58Ibidem.,74.
290
sculptureinacrucialmomentforthedevotioninthelateMedievalperiod.Sincethe
beginning,whenthefocusofdevotionbecamethebodyofChristanditsrendering
as human as possible in order to move the beholder into a more compassionate
participation of the suffering of the Passion, wooden sculptures had a special role
evenifjustattheendofthefourteenthcenturytheybecamethefundamentaland
privileged medium to represent and live the experience of the crucified body of
Christ.Thisraisesquestionsabouthowtoexplorewhatwastherealroleofwooden
sculptureandpaintingindeterminingdevotionduringtheLateMedievalperiodin
Italyinamoreaccurateway.
A case clearly demonstrating this sort of devotional change and trajectory
towardadefinitivevolumetricrepresentationofChrististhewoodencrucifixwith
movablearmsbyDonatellointheFranciscanChurchofSantaCroceinFlorence(Fig
36). This, I believe, is an interesting example of the devotional intentions of
Franciscans and what most clearly embodies their relationship with the body of
Christ and affective devotion. This is the result of their intentions that they were
abletomaterializeonlylaterinthedevelopmentoftheorder,butthatwasalwaysa
partoftheirbeliefinlivingthePassionandtherelationshipwithChrist,throughthe
exampleofSaintFrancis.Thereareotherexamplesthatwouldconfirmthis,suchas
thefifteenthcenturyChristwithmovablearmsintheLowerBasilicainSaintFrancis
291
inAssisi(Fig 37), thechurchofSaintFrancisinSiena(Fig 38), andthechurchof
SaintFrancisinGubbio(Fig39).
The existence of these movable wooden sculptures of Christ in Franciscan
churches clearly shows that the intention of Franciscans was not only to relate
symbolically to the human and suffering side of Christ, but also that they wanted
somethingthatcouldchanneltheirdevotionalintention,atangiblepresenceableto
embody their devotional needs and their relationship with Christ. Painted crosses
wereonlytheirfirststepindevelopingtheirspiritualityandtheirrelationshipwith
Christ. They adapted themselves, along with Dominicans, to the use of images
accordingtotheofficialpolicyoftheChurch.However,thewayinwhichtheuseof
these liturgical objects such as panel paintings and wooden sculptures developed
showshowChristianityandliturgyfoundsculpturetobethemostefficientmedium
to embody the Christian message through the life of Christ. The Sacri Monti di
VaralloisthefinalexampleofthisidealjourneyinwhichFranciscansshowedtheir
wayoflivingthefaithandtheroleofsculptureinrepresentingtheirspirituality.
As the Church recognized the value of art as a missionary instrument,
pictorial narrative became an important component of public art59, and images
59HerbertLKessler,“OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory".TheArtBulletin.No2,70(1988),184.
292
facilitatedtheconversionfrompaganpracticesthatreliedoncultstatues.60Pictorial
production, since the diffusion of the illuminated manuscripts, obtained a special
authority especially for its integration and use with the written text.61The Church
supported this special position of images, and the understanding of the Late
Medievalperiodhasbeenoftenseenthroughthelensofpictorialproduction.Atthe
same time, sculptures always played an important role, despite being apparently
“unofficial”incomparisontotheofficialpositionoftheChurchanddirectionsofthe
period and the liturgical use of artworks. Both panel paintings and frescos had a
veryimportantroleinthediffusionoftheChristianmessageandevangelizationthat
theChurch,sinceofficialentitiesreliedheavilyonthem.Atthesametime,sculpture
hadtheuniqueroleofmaterializingtheChristianmessageandprovidingthechance
for the faithful to actively participate along with the presence of the “real body of
Christ”. Sculpture, and in this case specifically wooden sculpture, was the medium
that expressed the idea of the presence of Christ and his humanity in the best
possible way. This was shown through the presence and diffusion of sculptures
within the Mendicant Orders as well, especially Franciscans and Dominicans.
Moreover, even the adaptation in painted images of the cross or icons of Christ
toward a tridimensional portrayal of miracles, especially in particular moments
60Ibidem.,185.
61Ibidem.,185.
293
such as talking images in which Christ in his humanity reveals his otherworldly
essence,painterslookedatsculpturetorepresenthisphysicalityandpresence.This,
Ibelieve,wasnotonlyanartisticchoice,buttheresultofthereligiouscustomsand
mindset of the period. Wooden sculpture was the best medium through which to
embody the devotional experience of the Late Medieval period in Italy; along with
theroleofFranciscansandDominicans,thepictorialproductioncansupportthisas
well.
294
Chapter6
PolychromeWoodenCrucifixesinHistoryandHistoriography
AnanecdoterelayedbyGiorgioVasariinLeViteabouttheconceptionof
FilippoBrunelleschiandDontello’sFlorentineCrucifixes(figs.1-2)helpedestablish
anarrativeabouttheroleandreceptionofwoodenpolychromesculpturethathas
informedthesubsequentdiscourseofarthistory.UponseeingDonatello’sSanta
CroceCrucifix,BrunelleschidescribestheappearanceofChristasaploughmanon
thecross1ratherthan“mostdelicateandinallitspartsthemostperfecthuman
formthatwaseverborn.”2ChallengedbyDonatello,whosays:“ifitwereaseasyto
makethisfigureastojudgeit,myChristwouldappeartotheetobeChristandnota
ploughman;takewood,therefore,andtrytomakeonethyself,”3Brunelleschi
responds,accordingtotheauthor,withhisownpolychromewoodenCrucifix.
“Donato,therefore,enteringthehouseandgoingintothehall,sawtheCrucifixof
Filippo,placedinagoodlight;andstoppingshorttostudyit,hefounditsoperfectly
finished.”4Theextraordinaryand“perfectlyfinished”sculpturecarvedby
Brunelleschibecomes,forthesakeoftheidealsoftheCinquecentohistoryof
sculpture,anaestheticallymoresuccessfulandrationalworkincomparisonto
Donatello’sun-idealandrealisticChrist.
1Vasari,Lives,241.
2Ibid.,241.
3Ibid.,241.
4Ibid.,241.
295
Akeythemeofthisdissertationassertsthattheimportantroleplayedby
polychromewoodensculpturehasbeenoverlookedinthedominantarthistorical
narrative,andtheVasariannotionofrenaissanceprogressgenerallyleaveslittle
roomforthecontributionsandimportanceofthemedievalobjectincentralItaly.
Vasari’stalehasgenerallyinformedsubsequentreceptionthatfavoredtheharmony
ofBrunelleschiovertherealismofDonatelloinRenaissancehistoriography.Whatis
generallyoverlooked,however,isthefactthatthesetwoprominentfifteenthcenturyworks—widelyacknowledgedfortheiraestheticimportance—5arenot
entirelyinnovativeproductsofaseminalmomentofRenaissancerivalryand
floweringcreativity.Whilescholarshiphasoftennotedthat—asanearlyworkby
Donatello—theSantaCroceCrucifixhasresidualmedievaltendencies,ittendsto
playthefoilinamodelofstylisticprogressasanimpetusforthecreationofthe
moreharmoniousCrucifixbyBrunelleschi.6
Overlooked,however,isthefactthatthesetwosculpturesarenotable
examplesofatypologythatdevelopedwithinthecontextofcentralItalianmedieval
art,andthat,whileincreasinglyexhibitingsomecharacteristicsofFlorentine
Quattrocentostylisticchange,theirfunctionalrolesarestronglyrootedinlocal
5See,forexample,FrancescaPetrucci(“Opereinterracotta,legno,pietro”inDonatello:Tecnichee
Linguaggio,2003:91-126,esp.91),inwhichDonatello’smasteryofwoodensculptureispartofthe
new,humanisticthemeoftherenaissancemasteryofmanymedia(inparticular,shestresses
Donatello’suseofterracottaasarevivalofaclassicalmedium).
6See,forexample,H.WJanson’sTheSculptureofDonatellotakeonthestoryofbothCrucifixesby
DonatelloandBrunelleschiandthehistoricalcontext,(p.7-12)Also,Poesche(Donatelloandhis
World,p.18;376-77)
296
popularpiety.7TheycontinuethethemeoftheparticularvariationoftheSuffering
ChristthatemergedincentralItalyinthelateMiddleAgesfromsculptedDescent
fromtheCrossgroups,andweremadeforSantaCroceandSantaMariaNovella,the
primarymendicantchurchesinFlorencefortheFranciscansandDominicans
respectively.Astridimensionalpolychromeworkswithcharacteristicnaturalistic
features,theirdevelopmentandfunctionispartofalargerhistoryofMedieval
Christianin-the-roundsculpture.Assuch,anever-presentquestionofidolatryis
present,anissuethatisaddressedinthischapterbyconsideringthehistorical
contextoftheirmanufactureanduse.Ultimately,Icontendthatduetotheparticular
wayinwhichthisparticulargroupofpolychromesculpturesdevelopedincentral
Italy—firsttheDescentfromtheCrossgroupsandthenthesingularCrucifix—their
specificsituationandusegenerallyprotectedthemfromaccusationsofidolatry.
However,theissuewasconsistentlyamatterofconcernandonlyongoingtraditions
andpragmaticapproachestotheiruse,aswewillsee,mediatedpotentialproblems.
ThewoodenDescentfromtheCrossgroupsthatemergedinthethirteenth
centuryandtheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatcometoprominence
inthefourteenthcenturyanticipatetheexamplesofDonatelloandBrunelleschithat
initiatedthischapter.Infact,Donatello’ssculpture,withitsownmovablearmsand
naturalappearance,isaprimeexampleofanexistingcategoryofworksthatvalued
7JoachimPoesche(DonatelloandhisWorld:SculptureoftheItalianRenaissance,1993)does
acknowledgethatDonatello’smovablearms“arehingedandcouldbeloweredtothesidesofthe
bodyinaccordancewiththerequirementsoftheGoodFridayliturgy.”(p.377)
297
polychromaticvivacityandlife-likerealism,whileBrunelleschi’spolychromyand
additionofaloinclothequallyconformstothecategoryunderconsideration.Like
theirpredecessors,bothofthesculpturesweresacredobjectsdirectlyassociated
withboththehumananddivinepresenceofChrist.Thoughmadeofwood,thesize,
likeness,andwaysinwhichtheDescentgroupsandsufferingChristsculptureswere
usedrenderedthemasvehiclesofdivineintercession,themostefficaciousand
directembodimentsofthedivineandhumannaturesofChrist.Despitethe
capabilityoftheseobjectstorevealthedivineandprovidedirectaccesstothe
sacred,scholarshiphashistoricallytendedtoconsiderearlierexamplesonlyas
devotionalobjects,withoutrecognizingthecontinuityofthewell-known
Quattrocentoexampleswithintheirhistoricalcontext.Infact,fromVasariuntil
recentyearsweencounternegativeopinionsaboutthemedievalwooden
sculptures,acharacteristicapparentinVasari’sconsiderationofDonatello’s
sculpture—aworkthatismorefullyinlinewiththerealismofearlierexamples.
Thiscriticaltendencyhasaffectednotonlytheunderstandingandimportanceof
theseobjects,butalsotheirroleinaffectingthedevotionallifeandartproduction
sincethelateMiddleAges.
ConservationandCriticalReception
Woodensculptureposesachallengingparadox:whilemanyofthelimits,
problems,andprejudicesrelatedtotheunderstandinganduseofwooden
298
sculptureshavebeenoutlinedintheprecedingchapters,itisraretofind
acknowledgmentsthatasserttheirqualitiesasobjectsofstudyinthecurrent
literature.Damageovertime,repainting,andre-appropriationofwoodensculpture
hasinfluencedthecriticalresponsetotheirimportance.Recently,scholarshave
beguntoreevaluatethisartisticproductionandtoconsiderdifferentaspectsof
sculpturethatwerepreviouslyneglected.However,moreworkisneededtochange,
orstarttochange,thewayweviewthedialogicalrelationshipbetweensculptures
andpainting.Withoutadoubt,thestudyofwoodensculptureentailsdifferent
challenges.Fewprimaryhistoricaldocumentscanfullyandcriticallyhelpthisstudy,
andtheseoftendescribepastoralvisitsinwhichthebishopinchargeofthevisit
deemssculpturesinappropriateoroldandorderstheirdestructionorsubstitution.
Anotherchallengeisthatthesesculpturesarescatteredinavastterritoryandin
verysmalltowns.Currentlytherearestillseveralofthesesimulacra,especially
thoseoftheanimatedsculptureofthecrucifiedChrist,thatareknownlocallybut
remaintotallyunknowntoscholarshiportothewiderpublic.
Additionally,thereisanotabledisparitybetweenthefewexamplesthathave
beenembracedbythediscourseofarthistoryfortheiraestheticimportance—such
astheaforementionedworksbyDonatelloandBrunelleschi—andthemany
sculpturesthatarerelegatedtoprovincialcollectionsandthehistoryofdevotion.
Forexample,whenmanyofthesesculpturesaredisplayedinmuseums,thewayin
whichtheyarelabeleddoesnotcontributetoanappropriatecomprehensionof
299
theirimportantfunctions.Oneoftenfinds“Crucifix”asatitle,inadditiontovague
informationsuchascentury,periodstyle,orartisticschool(Fig3).Ineffect,these
labelscontributetotheintellectualisolationofthesculpturesinsteadofa
clarificationoftheirimportantplaceinthehistoricaldialogue.Furthermore,heavy
useovertimeofthesesculptureshasmaderecognitionoftheiroriginalstructure
difficult.Besidesbeingusedinprocessionsandotherevents,theywerefunctional
devotionalobjectstowhichvotiveimageswerefrequentlyattachedbydevotees.As
aresultofcenturiesofuseanddamage,manyhavebeenmodifiedwithnewcolors
oradaptedstructurally.Asaresult,theycanappearquitedifferentfromtheir
originalstates.Consequently,theworksareoverlookedasnolongerbeingoriginal
documentsortruetotheirrespectiveperiodsstylistically.
However,whenthesewoodensculpturesareconsideredinstudies,theyare
generallyutilizedforthebenefitofunderstandingmedievalreligiousrituals,
literature,theater,ortheuseofrelics.Theyareviewedasapassiveelement,a
surrogateforsomethingelse,ratherthanasanactivevehicleandmediatorcapable
ofembodyingandrepresentingthesacred.Additionally,becausetheirusewas
differentthanthatoficons,paintings,orotherkindofsculptures,andduetothe
widerangeofthequalityoftheseartifacts,theyaremoreoftenassociatedwiththe
realmofdevotionalobjectsthanwithartproduction.Thisobviouslylimitsthefull
considerationofthesesculpturesanddoesnotallowaproperdialoguewiththe
otherreligiousanddevotionalartforms.Inordertorehabilitatewoodensculpture’s
300
properplacewithintheacademicdebatethathasflourishedformediasuchas
painting,orperiodssuchastheRenaissance—includinghighlightingissuesof
continuitywiththelateMiddleAges—itishelpfultoexaminethewaythat
scholarshipindifferentfieldsandperiodshasdiscussedtopicsinvolvingwooden
sculptures,aswellashowthesescholarlydebatesresonateonceappliedtothe
medievalwoodensculpturesthataretheobjectsofthisstudy.
TheDevotionalUseofWoodenSculpturesandQuestionsofIdolatry
ThecentralItaliansculpturegroupsbeingexaminedhere,becauseof
potentialaccusationsofidolatryinthewaystheyweremanufacturedandused,
shouldbeconsideredwithinthegeneralcontextoftheproductionandfunctionof
imagesintheChristianreligion.Thesecondcommandmentstates,"Thoushaltnot
maketothyselfagraventhingnorthelikenessofanythingthatisinheavenabove,
orintheearthbeneath,norofthosethingsthatareinthewatersundertheearth"
(Exodus20:4),whichobviouslyreferstotheprohibitionofmakingimages.Further,
admonitionaboutthemakingofimagescomesfromDeuteronomy,particularly:
“Cursedbethemanthatmakethagravenandmoltenthingtheabominationofthe
Lord,theworkofthehandsofartificers”(Deuteronomy27:15).Theattentionin
bothcasesisdirectedmoretothemakerthantheobjectitself.Likewise,oneearly
apologist,Tertullian,arguedagainstthepagancultofimagesinhistreatiseOn
301
Idolatry:“Everyoffencecommittedbyidolatrymustofnecessitybeimputedto
everymakerofeveryidol.”8
Imagesandimageproductionhavebeenanissuesincethebeginningof
Christianity.TheproblemfirstreacheditspeakintheEastwiththelongdebate
betweentheiconoclasts,whorejectedthesanctityoficonsandrejectedtheir
adorations,andtheiconodules,whodefendediconcreationandiconveneration.
ThecontroversywasbasedonthetheoreticalimplicationsofrepresentingChrist:an
iconofChristwouldhaveeitherdepictedhishumanityaloneorbothhishumanand
divineessence,andinthelattercasehishumanformwouldhavebeenseparated
fromthedivinenature,oritwouldhaveconfusedthetwo.9Thesolutionatfirstwas
thattheEucharistalonewastheonlytruerepresentationofChristand,asa
consequence,allmanufacturediconsofChristwereforbidden.Thisapproach
respectedthesecondcommandment.10Thisofficialstanceonimageuseand
productionwasjustifiedbythefactthatitwouldhaveeliminatedidolatry,which
wascausedbytheobjectsthemselves.Theresponsetothisviewpointcameinthe
SecondCouncilofNicaeain787,whichdecreedthatitwaspossibletorepresent
Christbecauseofhisincarnation.Consequently,thereverenceandadorationgiven
toiconswasacceptableandwasnotdeemedidolatrybecausetherealandtrue
worshipwasgiventoGodandonlyHim.InrelationtothevenerationofSaints,the
8Tertullian,DeIdolatria,cap18,pl.I,Col.738inDavis-Weyer,Caecilia.EarlyMedievalArt,300-1150;
sourcesanddocuments(EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:Prentice-Hall,1971),3-6.
9RobinCormack,ByzantineArt(Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2000),87.
10Ibidem.,87.
302
beliefwasthattheportraitsofsaintshadthesamerolesastherelics,providingthe
senseofarealpresence.11
TheuseofimagesintheWest
IntheWest,thediatribeontheuseofimageswasneverasstrongasinthe
ByzantineEast(atleastuntiltheReformationandCounterreformation),andthe
problemwasmainlyfocusedontryingtojustifytheuseofimagesorincludethemin
acontextthatwasapprovedbytheecclesiasticalauthority,especiallyinthematter
ofrelicsandtheiradorationanddisplay.TheproductionofsculpturesintheWest
wasvastlydifferentthanintheEast.Infact,intheByzantineeast,despitethe
decisionthatwasmadeinfavoroftheimagesandbecauseoftheseriousopposition
betweeniconoclastsandiconodules,theproductionanduseofimageswereallowed
onlyfor“standardizedimages,withaprecisefunction,afamiliarappearance,anda
firmtheologicaldefinition.”12TheWestdidnothavesimilarkindsofproblems.
WhileintheEasttheproblemsfocusedonlyontheicons,intheWestthedispute
wasstimulatedbythepresence,use,andespeciallythedisplayofreliquariesand
sculptures.
11LeslieBrubaker,InventingByzantineIconoclasm(London:BristolClassicalPress,2012),115.
12HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:aHistoryoftheImageBeforetheEraofArt(Chicago:
UniversityofChicagoPress,1994),298.
303
Thepreservationofrelicsinsidethesculpturesfunctionedasvalidationfor
theseobjects,andthisseemedtobeakeyelementforWesternChristianity.During
hisreign,Charlemagneassignedatheologicalreport,theLibriCarolini,debatingthe
Byzantinepositiontowardtheuseofimages.TheLibriCarolinihadalimitedimpact
alsobecausethepopehimselfdidnotwanttotakepartinthediscussionagainstthe
Greektheology.13Atthesametime,theLibriCarolinishowthepositionofprevious
popesregardingimages,whichguaranteedalargefreedominmatterofimagesfor
theFranks.Imagescontinuedtobeallowed,butatthesametimevenerationof
theseimageswasprohibited.14Whenthesculptureorthereliquarysculpture
becameobjectsofveneration,theChurchworkedverycarefullytobuildasortof
frametojustifyandinsertthevenerationofimagesintheorthodoxbeliefand
practiceandtheologiansworkedinordertoendorsethisdevotionalpractice.15
Thisprocesswastheconsequencethatfollowedthedestructionofthepagan
idols,whichinturnwerereplacedwiththerelicsofthesaints.16Consideringthe
delicacyofthisissue,itisimpliedthattheChurchoversawthroughtimethe
productionofimagesandtheirusewithintheliturgyorthedevotionalcontext.
Anotheraspectthatisimportantinrelationtothiscontextisthesculptures’
mobility.ThesesculptureswerecarriedinprocessionsbothinsidetheChurchand
13Belting,LikenessandPresence,298.
14Ibidem.,298.
15HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:AHistoryoftheImagebeforetheEraofArt.(Chicago:
UniversityofChicagoPress,1994),1.
16ElsmarieKnögel-Anrich,SchriftquellenzurKunstgeschichtederMerowingerzeit.(Hildesheim:G.
Olms:1992),no979.AscitedinIleneHForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom;WoodSculpturesofthe
MadonnainRomanesqueFrance(Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),81.
304
outsidethroughthestreetsofthecities.Thispracticestartedduringtheearly
Medievalperiod,andtherearedocumentsattestingthatthereliquarystatueof
SainteFoywascarriedinprocessionwiththeaccompanimentofinstruments17This
relationshipwithsculptureappearedtoremainfairlystandardthroughthe
centuriesandseemedtoexistwithintheboundariesallowedandsupervisedbythe
ecclesiasticalauthority.Despitethefactthatconcernsabouttheuseofimagesand
theriskofidolatrywerealwayspresent,thisdidnotpreventthedevelopmentsof
cultsaroundtheseobjects.
TheReliquaryofSainteFoy
SincetheearlyMiddleAges,ifrelicswerenotused,holysubstancessuchas
thehostwereofteninsertedintothesculptures.18Consequently,itwasprobablythe
functionofsculptureasreliquariesthatencouragedtherevivalofsculptureinthe
Westthathadbeendormantsinceantiquity.19AccordingtoKeller,largescale
sculptureislegitimatizedbytheinsertionanduseofrelics.20Kelleraffirmsthatthe
earlyfullyplasticsculpturesheldahostorrelicsothattheholinesscontainedinthe
17BernardusandA.Bouillette,LiberMiracolorumSancteFidis(Paris,A.Picard:1897),II,IV,p.100.
AscitedinForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom,40.
18AnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne.PastNarrative,Present
Ritual,FutureResurrection”,inDecoratingtheLord'sTable:ontheDynamicsBetweenImageandAltar
intheMiddleAges,edsSørenKaspersen,andErikThunø(Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress,
UniversityofCopenhagen:2006),48.
19HaraldKeller,“ZurEnstehungdersakralenVollskulpturinderOttonischenZeit”inFestchriftfür
HansJantzen.Berlin:Gebr.Mann,(1951),71-91.
20Ibid.,71.
305
hostandtherelicwouldbetransferredtotheobjectandthiswasasolutionthat
avoidedtheissueofidolatry.21Thesculpturenotonlyallowedaphysicalformbut
alsofunctionedasacontainerfortherelics,whichhelpedjustifyitspresenceand
repelanydoubtsofthesculpturebeinganidol.22
Oneoftheearliestandbest-knownexamplesofaMedievalChristianchurch
authorityshiftingfromaskepticalpositionaboutthevenerationofareliquary
statuetotheacknowledgmentandtheapprovalofthecultinvolvesisthereliquary
statueofSainteFoyofConques(Fig4).23Infact,BernardofAngersprovidedhis
owneyewitnessaccountofthecultofSainteFoyafterhebecameawarethatSainte
Foyearnedareputationasmiracleworker.24OncehearrivedatConques,Bernard
wasdisappointedandirritatedtoseewhatwashappeningaroundthesculpture.He
considereditanidolandbelieversasthe“deludedrustic”.25Soonhecametobelieve
thatthereliquarysculptureofSainteFoywasnotanidolbutinsteadameansto
accessthesaintinHergloryinheavenwhilehavingHerremainsonearth.26
ThroughtheaccountofBernard,theChurchwasabletoacceptandvalidatethecult,
21Ibid,,71.Citedalsoin:AnnaPawlik,DasBildwerkalsReliquiar?:FunktionenfrüherGrossplastikim
9.bis11.Jahrhundert(Petersberg:Imhof,2013),11.
22EllertDahl,HeavenlyImages:175-192.
23ForafullunderstandingoftheissuesrelatedtothereliquarysculptureofSaintFoyseeBeate
FrickeandAndrewGriebeler,FallenIdols,RisenSaints:SainteFoyofConquesandtheRevivalof
MonumentalSculptureinMedievalArt,StudiesintheVisualCulturesoftheMiddleAges;v.7,
Turnhout,Belgium:Grafikon.Also:EllertDahl,"Heavenlyimages:thestatueofSt.FoyofConquesand
thesignificationoftheMedieval'Cult-Image'intheWest"inActaAdArchaeologiamEtArtium
HistoriamPertinentia.Seriesin4/InstitutumRomanumNorvegiae,UniversitasOsloensis.Ed.Hans
PeterL'Orange[U.a.].Seriesin4(1978),175-192.
24Dahl,HeavenlyImages,175-192.
25Ibidem.,177.
26Ibidem.,178.
306
acknowledgingthatthereliquarysculptureprovidedonlyatransposedlikeness,a
heavenlyimageofthesaint.Thefunctionofthereliquarystatueshouldbe
consideredwithinthecontextofitsrelationshipwiththebeliever,inwhichthe
believeractivatesthestatue.27Thisdynamic,whichwasapprovedandsomehow
supervisedbytheChurch,isasortofaparadigmofhowtheecclesiasticalinstitution
relatedtothevenerationofimages,especiallyreliquaries,becauseoftheirphysical
andtridimensionalessence.Theologiansoftenstruggledwiththepopularityof
imagesandwhentheywerenotabletobanthemorcontrolthemoverthe
resistanceofdevoteestheyendedupbyregulatingaccessandexplainingthe
devotionalrolesoftheimages.28WhathappenedatConquesforthecultofSainte
Foyisinterestingbecauseitoffersagenuineandaccurateaccountoftheattitudeof
theChurchandtheacceptanceofthecultfromtheBernardofAngers.Acceptanceof
thecultfromsuchahigh-rankingrepresentativeoftheChurchasBernardofAngers
impliesthatdevotiontowardSainteFoyandherreliquarywasnotultimately
consideredidolatrous,andalsothatthecultitselfdidnotgoagainstthedoctrineof
theChurch.OncetheChurchacceptedacult,itwouldhaveinitiatedacommunal
languagebetweenmemberofthecommunitythatoverlookedthesocialdifferences,
andtheChurchcreatedasharedlanguagethathasthesacredimageasitsfocal
27Ibidem.,189-190.
28Belting,LikenessandPresence,1.
307
point.29Bernardd’Angers,inacceptingthecultofthestatueofSainteFoy,seemsto
accepttheculturalanddevotionaldimensionthatwasdevelopingaroundthe
reliquarystatue,exorcisingthefearandriskofidolatry.30
TheGeroCrossandMedievalDevotionoftheWoodenCrucifix
WhileSainteFoyoffersoneusefulcase,theGeroCross(Fig5),datedaround
960-65,isaprominentexampleofanearlylife-sizedwoodenCrucifixsculpturethat
holdsarelicinside.AsoneoftheprototypesofthetypologyoftheSufferingChrist,31
theGeroCrossisamongthefirstexamplesofarenewedlineofdevelopmentfor
monumentalsculptureinmedievalart.32Scholarshipconcentratesonissuesrelated
tothedatingofthesculptureandthepossiblelinkagestoThietmar’sChronicon.33
Accordingtothatsource,“after[ArchbishopGeroofCologne]commissionedthe
woodencross,onedayhenoticedasplitinthebackoftheheadofthefigure.Helaid
29VittorioLanternari,FestaCarismaApocalisse,(SellerioEditore,Palermo:1989),104-105.Clara
Gallini,FormediTrasmissioneOraleeScrittanellaReligionePopolare,in“RicerchediStoriaSocialee
Religiosa”XI,(1977),100-101.
30JeanClaudeSchmitt,“LesIdolesChrétiennes”,inL'idolâtrie.Rencontresdel'EcoleduLouvre,Paris,
LaDocumentationFrançaise(1990),113.
31JacopoLorenzelli,Custodedell'Immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XVsecolo(Bergamo:Galleria
Lorenzelli,1987),80.
32SchillerIconography,141.
33TheChroniconofThietmarofMaresburgisquotedinAnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarand
CrucifixinOttonianCologne,”47.
308
ahostandaparticleoftheCrossinthecrackandprayedthatitwouldcloseagain,
whichitsoondid.”34
IntheearlyMiddleAges,thehostwasconsideredarelicofChrist,anditwas
frequentlyinsertedwithinthree-dimensionalsculptures.35Ithasbeenarguedthat
earliermedievalsculpturesrepresentingChristhadareceptacleinsideofthemin
whichtherewasspacefortheEucharist,allowingthesculpturetorepresentthe
physicalbodyofChristinhismomentofdeath.Thisis,infact,thecasefortheGero
CrossandforexamplesfromboththeCarolingianandOttonianperiods,36andthe
practicecontinuedthroughoutEuropeuntilthethirteenthcentury.Inmanycases,it
wasprobablymorecommontoinsertarelic,typicallybelievedtobeapiecefrom
theTrueCross,insidethesculpture.37AnnaPawlik,inturn,questions—considering
theabsenceofwrittenorvisualsources—whethertheearlylarge-plasticsculptures
suchastheGeroCrossareactuallylegitimizedbythecontentsofrelics.38Regardless,
34DavidWarner,OttonianGermany:TheChroniconofThietmarofMerseburg(ManchesterandNew
York,2001),128.AsquotedinAnnikaElisabethFisher,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonian
Cologne,”46.Seealso:SchillerIconography,141.
35ThepresenceofareliquarycompartmentasacommonfeaturewasrefutedbyGertrudSchillerand
byIleneH.Forsyth,inwhichexamplesdatingtothesameperiodoftheGeroCrosswerefound
withouthavingaspacesforrelics(IleneForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom:WoodenSculpturesofthe
MadonnainRomanesqueFrance(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972),74,asquotedin
SchillerIconography,141.Inherfootnote(104)shementionsthatathirdofthesculpturesdating
fromtheeleventhcenturycontainedcompartmentsforsculptures.AnnaPawlikhasmorerecently
stressed,however,thatthepresenceofrelicswithinsculpturesofboththecrucifiedChristandthe
VirginMaryenthronedwithChildwas,infact,morecommon:AnnaPawlik,DasBildwerkals
Reliquiar?:FunktionenfrüherGrossplastikim9.bis11.Jahrhundert(Petersberg:Imhof,2013).
36Ibidem.,49.Forotherexamples,seeIleneForsyth,TheThroneofWisdom,78.
37FisherAnnikaElisabeth,49,59.Shementionsinhernote(21)thattheRingelheimCrosshada
smallbagwithstonesfromtheHolySepulcherinitsheadwhiletheAnnoCrossintheGrafshcaft
MonasteryhadareceptacleholdingapiecefromthecolumntowhichChristwasboundduringthe
Flagellation.
38Pawlik,23.
309
despiteevidencethatrelicswerelikelyhousedinsidemanyoftheearliermedieval
sculptures,whendevotionwasdirectedtosculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist,the
ChurchwasmostconcernedthatthemedievalfaithfuladoredChristontheCross
insteadoftherelicofthecross.39ApassagefromtheActsofParisSynodof825
clarifiesthisposition:“ButwhenyouseeChristiansworshippingthecross,know
thattheyworshipthecrucifiedChristandnotthewood.[…]Therefore,wedonot
saytothecrossortherepresentationsofsaints,‘Youareourgods’,fortheyarenot
ourgods,buttheyareratherlikenessandimagesofChrist,andofhissaints,anditis
formemoriaandhonor,andforthedecorationofthechurchesofthoseprostrating
andworshipping.”40
Accordingtocontemporarytheoriesoftheperiod,therewasareciprocal
relationshipbetweenthewoodensculptureandtheEucharistitselfasarelic.
Accordingly,themonumentalcrucifixesbecamethemostdirectvisibleaccesstothe
ideaoftheEucharist.41Paschasius’theoryoftheEucharistastherealpresenceof
39BeateFricke,FallenIdols,RisenSaints,99.
40LibellusSynodalisParisiensis:ConciliumParisienseA.825,XVPatrologiaLatina98,col.1392C:
‘QuandoenimvidesChristianosadorantescrucem,cognosce,quoniamcrucifixoChristoadorationem
proferuntetnonlingo.[…]Ergononsicdicimuscruci,nequefigurissanctorum,diinostrilestis,non
enimsuntdiinostril,sedsimilitudinesetimaginesChristi,etsanctorumejus,etadmemoriamet
honorem,etdecorumecclesiarumadjacentiumetadorantium.’AsquotedinBeateFricke,Fallen
Idols,RisenSaints,99.SeealsofortheLatintextnote350ChapterII“ImageVenerationandCultura
VeterumDeorumintheWest”pag141.
41KirstenVanAusdall,“ArtandEucharistintheLateMiddleAges,”inACompaniontotheEucharistin
theMiddleAgeseditedbyIanChristopherLevy,GaryMacy,andKristenVanAusdall(Leiden;Boston:
Brill,2012),547.AlsoCarolineWalkerBynumin:WonderfulBlood:TheologyandPracticeinLate
MedievalNorthernGermanyandBeyond(Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsylvaniaPress,2007)states
that“thefaithfulwereurgedtoencounterwitheyeswhereencounterwithlipswasdangerousand
rare,to‘eat’by‘seeing’”.AccordingtoBynum:‘Theologiansstressedthatthehighestformof
encounterwaswithoutimages,thatdevotionalobjectsandchurchfurnishingwereonlysimulacra”
310
Christshowstheefforttoworkouttherelationbetweenthebreadandwineandthe
realbodyandbloodofChrist:“He[Christ]leftusthissacrament–avisiblefigure
andimageofhisfleshandblood–sothatourmindandourfleshcouldbemore
richlynourishedthroughthem,andsothatwecouldgraspthingsinvisibleand
spiritualthroughfaith.Whatisexternallyperceivedinthissacramentisanimageor
sign;butwhatisreceivedinternallyistruth….”42
Thesetheorieshelpedshapethereligiousanddevotionalunderstandingof
theGeroCrossandsimilarworks.Theconnectionbetweenthehostandthewooden
sculpturecontributedtotheabilitytoseeandexperiencetheobjectasa
representationofthephysicalpresenceofthebodyofChristhungonthecross.In
herarticle“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne,”AnnikaElisabethFisher
observesthattheEucharist’sinsertionintosculpture“altersitsstatusasa
sacramentsinceitsexternalappearanceisnotlongerdifferentfromitsinternal
truth.Lookingatthecrossthespectator[…]gazesuponthatwhichthehosttrulyis:
theincarnate,historicalbodyofChrist,hangingpainfullyonthecross.Thegap
betweenthevisiblefiguraandtheinvisibleveritasseemstohavedisappeared,since
(p.87).Atthesametimetherewasagrowthanddiffusionofvisualimagesthat,asIdemonstratein
thisstudy,willgainaprominentroleandsymbolicmeaningwithinthedevotionalcontextofthelate
Medievalperiod.Infact,whiletheywereofficiallymeanttosimplifyandmakeaccessibletheological
ideasforlayworship,inrealitytheybecamethetruerepresentationofthebodyandpresenceof
Christ.
42Radbertus,Paschasius,DeCorpore,IV(CCCM,28-30),inNathanMitchel,CultandControversy:The
WorshipoftheEucharistOutsidetheMass(NewYork,PuebloPublishCompany,1982),77.Asquoted
alsoinFisherAnnikaElisabeth,Crossaltarandcrucifix,50,seenote37.
311
nowtheHost’sidentityastheincarnatebodyofChristisrevealed.”43Inthecaseof
theGeroCrosstheHostinsideguaranteedthepresenceofChrist,butevenwithout
theHost,sculptureshadthecapabilitytoembodythehumanityofChrist,asa
physicalbodyandashumanpresence.TheawarenessofthepresenceoftheHost
insideintensifiedtheimportanceofthesculpture.Thesesculpturesbecamenotjust
asymbolicorfigurativerenderingofthebodyofChrist,butembodiedanintentional
likenessthat,especiallyinthecaseoftheGeroCross,actedaseffectiveobjectsof
devotion.ThefactthattheHostwasinsidethesculpture,allowingittofunctionasa
reliquary,facilitatedandjustifieditwithoutanassociationasanidol.44Infact,the
Churchcametoacknowledgetheauthorityoftheseobjectsineffectively
representingthehumansideandbodilypresenceofChrist.
VisualizingChrist
Whiletheworryofidolatrywasarealconcernfortheproductionanduseof
sculpturesintheearlyandlateMiddleAges,therewasaneffectivenessand
functionalityinpresentingChrist’sbodyusingthesculpturalmedium.Thepresence
ofthehostintheGeroCrossmadetheinvisibleessenceofthebodyofChristvisible,
andthesculpturebegantoperformadifferentroleinthedevotionalcontext.Froma
theologicalperspective,sculptureisjustifiedbythefactthatisabletoembody
43Ibidem.,52.
44Ibidem.,48,52.
312
aspectsoftheChristianconfessioninasmuchastheydevelopthephysicaland
materialmanifestationofakeyelementoftheChristianreligion45suchasthe
incarnationofChristandtheappearanceandpresenceofthehumanaspectof
Christ.ThisisespeciallytrueinthefigureofthecrucifiedChrist,whichisa
simulacrumofbodilypresenceandhishumanity.
Woodensculpturewasabletoreachaspecialsymbolicanddevotionalrole
forculturalreasonsbecauseofitsabilitytoreflectandliterallyembody“thedesire
tomakevividlyrealtheideaofChristcrucified,oralocalsaintortheenthroned
MadonnaandChild[which]ledmenoftheEarlyMiddleAgestovisualizeand
representthesesacredfiguresinfullthree-dimensionalform,andevenmoreto
attainatranscendentexperienceofthem.”46“Bythepowerofthesculptureinthe
round,theimagesmadethepresenceoftheirprototypevicariouslymanifestinthe
observer’srealityandtheacceptanceoftheirroleasintermediariesbetweenthe
observer’sworldandthedivinerealmbeyondwasanecessarypreconditiontothe
originalconceptionandsubsequentdevelopmentofthem.”47Theproductionof
woodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristnotonlyanticipatedthechangeandusein
theWestoftheiconographyoftheSufferingChrist,buttheyalsocarried“sincethe
beginningoftherevivaloffreestandingsculpturethatdatedintheeighth
45ReinhardHoeps.AusdemSchattendesGoldenenKalbes.SkulpturinTheologischerPerspektive
(Paderborn1999),84-90.
46FisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarandCrucifix91.
47Ibidem.,91.
313
century”48theideaofpresenceandphysicalitythatechoedboththereligiousneeds
oftheperiodandthepotentialofwoodensculptureinrepresentingtheearthlybody
ofChrist.Inturn,medievaldevotionwasaffectedthroughtheliturgicalductilityof
thesesculptures.Inadditiontotheirintrinsicpotentialasartobjects,they
ultimatelysatisfiedthemostvisceralneedsofdevotion.
ThefaithfulviewedtheGeroCrossasareliquary,andthewoodrepresenting
Christwas“onlyadidacticshellthatprovidesthetruthabouttherelicsit
encloses.”49Thewoodenbodilyrepresentation’srelationshiptothehostithouses
becomesthetranspositionoftheincarnationofChrist:“therealhumanbodyof
Christplayedduringhisearthlylife,acoverforhisdivinityanditallowedChristto
walkamongmen.”50Ecclesiasticalwriters,suchasthearchbishopRatherofVerona,
supportedthisconnectionbystressingtheideaoftheEucharistasrealpresence.51
Thisisthetheoreticalstartingpointoftheofficialunderstandinganduseofthese
woodensculptures.Atthesametimebyfocusingontheobject,sculptureitself
possessesitsownagencyinastrictrelationshipwiththeliturgyandtheChristian
messagebeyondtheofficialattempttojustifyitspresenceandlinkwiththehost.
ThisimpliesthemetaphoricalandrealrepresentationoftheincarnationofChrist.
48Ibidem.,91.
49Ibidem.,53.
50Ibidem.,53.
51“Letusthereforenotbedeceivedordeceiveourselves:Goditiswhoreceived….butjustasthenHe
washiddenintheflesh,sonowinveryrealityHeishiddeninthebreadturnedintoflesh”inRather
ofVeronaandPeterL.D.ReidTheCompleteWorksofRatherofVerona(Binghamnton,N.Y.:Medieval
andRenaissanceTextStudies,1991),222-265.AsquotedinFisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarand
Crucifix,53.
314
Ultimately,thewaysinwhichthesesculptureschangedthroughouttheMiddleAges
reflectthedevotionalneedsofthedevoteesaswellasthecapabilityoftheseobjects
toadapttothoseneeds.
Theimportanceofthissculptureisnotonlythemedium,butthesubjectas
well;thatis,itisinnovativeinthewayitrepresentsthesufferingofChristandhis
physicalnature.LikethewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross,whichwere
likelyanItalianinvention,thegeneraliconographyoftheSufferingChristseemsto
havedevelopedinsculpturebeforeappearinginpaintinginWesternEurope.Late
medievalsculpturealsowitnessedthealternativeiconographyofChristtriumphant,
inwhichChrist,alive,isrepresentedovercomingdeathwhileonthecross(Fig6).
However,itisthesufferingChristtypethatisthefocushere.TheGeroCross
representstheimportanceofthisiconographyasasculpturalexample.Itshowsthe
humanityofChrist,asasufferingmanandnotasaGodabletoovercomedeath
withoutsuffering.Thepositionofthebody,aswellasitslife-sizeproportions,
contributestoandstressesthisideaofChristashumanbeingthatatthesametime
providestheinvisiblepresenceofthehostwiththevisualizationoftheearthlybody
ofChrist.52Thetypologysoonbecamewidespread,andbesidesworksknownfrom
GermanyandtheItalianPeninsulatherearesimilarexamplesofthesufferingChrist
inFrance,Spain,andtheLowCountries.53(Fig7)
52FisherAnnikaElisabeth,CrossAltarandCrucifix,52
53Lorenzelli,Custodedell'Immagine,79-87.
315
CorporealLegitimacy
Theoretically,wecanincludethelaterDescentfromtheCrossgroupsand
animatedCrucifixeswithinthedevotionalcontextoflife-sizedwoodsculpturethat
tookrootduringtheCarolingianperiod.However,thesculpturesappearinginthe
earlythirteenthcenturythatareunderdiscussionheredidnotinitiallyfunctionin
associationwithrelics,andtheirbeginningsaretiedtodifferentconcernsthan
thoseoftheprecedingexamples.Otherfactorswereatplaythathelpedbring
legitimacytothelife-sized,polychromenaturalisticsculpturesconsideredhere,
particularlyinthirteenth-centurycentralItaly.Besidesthenewandincreased
influenceoftheDominicanandFranciscanorders—foundedearlyinthecentury—
andtherisingpopularityoflayconfraternities,theFourthLateranCouncil
establishedthedogmaofTransubstantiationin1215.Oneprominentoutcomewas
theuseofTheMassofSaintGregorytodemonstratetheChurch’sconfirmationof
thepresenceandexistenceofChristinthehost.Thenarrativerecountsthemiracle:
while“SaintGregorywascelebratingmassawomaninthecongregationchuckled
beforethereceptionofcommunion.Whenheaskedherhowdareshelaugh,she
answeredthatsheherselfhadbakedthebread,howcouldshebelievethatGod
residedinit?Gregoryprayedforasignandthiscameintheformofableeding
316
finger.”54Thisreligiousstoryconnectedtheongoingcontroversyconcerningthe
host’snaturetothecorporealappearanceand,ultimately,authorityofapictorial
representationofthebody.DuringthelaterMiddleAgesitbegantoberepresented
inpaintingsthatshowthemiraculousmomentoftheLordappearinginfrontof
SaintGregory—PopeGregoryI—astheManofSorrowssurroundedbythearma
Christi.55BymediatinguponpaintingsdepictingtheMassthefaithfulcouldenvision
SaintGregory’sexperience.Asaconsequence,the“imagestandsforthe‘real’vision
ofChristthatappearedtothepope.”56ThemiraculousvisionofSaintGregory
acknowledgesthatbothartistsandtheChurchinterpretedthepresenceofChristin
thehostshowinghisbody,enforcingtheimportanceandthereverenceofthe
Eucharist.Moreover,severaltalesofpunishmentdirectedeventowardslearned
prieststhatdoubtedthehostcouldbetherealbodyofChristsupportedthe
position.57
AttheheartofthepopularityoftheMassofSaintGregoryisthecorporeal
proofpresentedtothedoubters,givingcredencetothefactthatthedisplayofa
body,eitherthroughpaintingorsculpture,wasmoreeffectiveproofthanwasthe
hostalone.AswasdiscussedinchapterfivearoundthetimeGiottoachievesthe
levelofnaturalismthathasbeenpraisedinthearthistoricalnarrativeassettingoff
54Quotedfrom:MiriRubin,CorpusChristi:TheEucharistinLateMedievalCulture(Cambridge
[England];NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1991),121-122.
55KathleenKamerick,PopularPietyandArtintheLateMiddleAges:ImageWorshipandIdolatryin
England,1350-1500(NewYork:NewMiddleAgesPalgraveFirm,2002),169.Rubin,CorpusChristi
122.
56Kamerick,PopularPiety,172.
57Rubin,CorpusChristi,122.
317
theRenaissance,thepaintedCrucifixesthathadbeenpopularinthirteenth-century
Italy—suchhasGiotto’sCrucifixinSantaMariaNovella(Fig.7)—wanein
popularity.Increasingly,life-sizedsculpturalrepresentationsofChristthat,
themselves,wereindebtedtothewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross,
morecompletelyfulfilledthedevotionalrelationshipofthefaithfultoarealistic
embodimentofChrist.Icontendthatthenaturalismofthepaintedcrucifixgaveway
inpopulardevotiontoanevenmorelife-likerepresentationofChristinsculptural
form,andthatultimatelythisdevelopmentroughlycoincideswiththeextractionof
theautonomousSufferingChristinsculpturalformfromtheDepositiongroups
aroundthebeginningofthefourteenthcentury.WhereasthelegitimacyofChrist’s
sculpturalformwastieddirectlytothehostinearliermedievalexamples,the
religiousenvironmentofcentralItalyinthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturieswas
favorabletosculpturethatreliedoncorporealverisimilitude.Despitethis,questions
ofidolatrypersist,aswillbeseen.
TheDescentfromtheCrossandtheDevelopmentofPolychromeSculpturein
MedievalCentralItaly
ThecompositionoftheDescentfromtheCrossexistedalreadyintheEast,in
theformoficonsrepresentingthemomentrightafterthecrucifixionandthedeath
ofChristontheCross.Whiletheiconographydoesnotchange,inEurope,especially
318
inItaly,France,andSpain,wehavesculpturalexamplesoftheDescentfromthe
Cross.Themaindifferencebetweenthesenewsculpturalgroupsandtheprevious
sculpturalproductionisthatthegroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswerenot
meanttoholdeithertheHostorrelicsandasaconsequencetobeconsideredas
reliquaries.Thiscomplicatestheconsiderationoftheroleofsculptureduringthe
Medievalperiodandraisesquestionconcerningthedevotionthatdevelopedaround
theseobjectsbecausetheycompletelychangedthewaythefaithfullivedand
experiencedthesacred.
TheexperienceofferedbythesewoodengroupsoftheDescentisphysical
anddirect.Thesegroupsculptures(Fig9)wereutilizedintheHolyWeek,during
thePassionPlays,andwerealsosituatedintheparvisoftheChurch.Amongthe
obviousdifferencesofsubjectandmedium,thefactthatthesegroupsweresituated
ontheparvisoftheChurchandusedduringthePassionPlaysdistinguishesthem
dramaticallyfromiconsorotherkindofsculptures.Inthiscasedevotionisnotonly
apresenceandchannelforthesacredbutitalsoallowsdirectparticipationandauto
identificationofthespectatortothemomentoftheDescent.Therealismofthe
statues’sizeandpaintedexpressionsofsorrowforthedeathofChristallowed
furtheraccessandclosenesstothesacredscene.ThesubjectoftheDescentfromthe
CrossenabledtherepresentationofadramaticmomentfromChrist’slife,and
addingrealisticelementsencouragedarealisticparticipation.
319
Whilethesekindsofsculptureswerenotmeanttoholdrelics,theydidexist
asfreestandingsculpturesinboththeirtri-dimensionalityandaction.Thesegroups
ofsculpturesmostaptlyexpressthatChristisnotjustthe“Word”ofscripturebutits
incarnationaswell.TheDescentsfromtheCrossdepictthehumanityofChristinits
mostprofoundmanifestation;hisbodyisaccessibleinhisweakestmomentbecause
heisnotonlydead,butheisalsovulnerableasheisbeingtakendownfromthe
cross.Thesceneandtherelationshipamongthecharactersofthegroupexistin
ordertorepresentthesacredevent.Themovableessenceofthesesculptures,the
possibilityofsharingthespacewiththecongregation,andtheirattentiontodetail
thatgavethemahuman-likenatureallallowedthedevoteestonotonlyrecognize
thescenebuttobewiththemaincharactersclosetothebodyofChrist.58
ThesameDescentsfromtheCross(Fig10)hadastructurethatfelloutside
thehieraticalrepresentationoftheiconsorthesymbolicpresentationanddisplay
oftherelics.WithintheDescentfromtheCrossthereisanarrative,adramain
whichthebeholderisinvitedtoparticipateandfullybeapartofit.Thisimportant
aspecthasnotbeenemphasizedproperly.
Thereisaremarkabledifferencebetweentheofficialpositionthatsupported
thecreationoftheseobjectsandthewaytheywereutilized,howtheywere
supposedtoworkandthustheeffecttheyhadonthefaithfulorbeholders.In
58LorenzoCarlettiandCristianoGiometti,"MedievalWoodSculptureanditsSettinginArchitecture:
StudiesinSomeChurchesInandAroundPisa."ArchitecturalHistory46,(2003):37-56,37.
320
generalinChristianartwecanexperiencethe“presence”ofChristthroughdifferent
media;however,weneedtobeawareanddifferentiatehowthedifferentwaysof
representingChristaffecttheexperienceofHim,hislifeandPassionandasa
consequencethebehaviorofthefaithful.
Woodensculptureswere,ofcourse,entangledwithreligiouspurposes:“This
sortoffigureismuchusedintheChristianreligion,seeingthatnumberlessmasters
haveproducedmanycrucifixesandotherobjects.”59Atthesametimetheir
utilizationandinvolvementintheculturaldimensionofthepopularexperienceof
thesacredcreatedoneofthemostcommonandlonglastingpreconceptionsabout
thesesculptures.Infact,historically,someaspectsofpopularreligionandcultsare
consideredtobetheresultofanillogicalhumanbehaviorandthusarenot
consideredrelevantsubjectsofstudyforhistoriansorarthistorians.60
Thishistoricalprejudicehaslatelybeenrevised,particularlyby
anthropologicalstudies;however,withinthearthistoricalperspectivethereisstill
anissuethatneedsapropersolution.Oneofthescholarsthatattemptedtorevise
theconceptthat“educationdidnotcorrelatewithstatus”isCarolineWalkerBynum.
59GiorgioVasari,LeVitede’piùEccellentiPittori,ScultoriedArchitettoriScrittedaGiorgioVasari
PittoreAretinoconNuoveAnnotazionieCommentidiGaetanoMilanesi,(Firenze:ed.Giunti,1568),31.
“Questasortedifiguresièusatamoltonellacristianareligione,attesocheinfinitimaestrihannofatto
molticrocifissiediversealtrecose”.SeeChapter4onthisstudy.
60DavidHume,afterthepublicationofhisworkTheNaturalHistoryofReligion,1757(Stanford,Calif:
StanfordUniversityPress,1957),especially“SectionXIII:Impiousconceptionofthedivinenaturein
popularreligionsofbothkinds”and“SectionXIV:BadInfluenceofpopularreligioninmorality,”
affectedtheunderstandingofwhatweconsiderpopulardevotionsincethemiddleoftheeighteenth
century.However,recentstudiesdevelopedbyanthropologists,historians,andarthistorians
reevaluatedpopulardevotionandthedifferentdynamicswithinthiscontext,andthiscontributedto
adifferentanddeepercomprehensionandconsiderationofthephenomenon.
321
InherstudyChristianMateriality:AnEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope,
Bynumassertsthateliteisnotsynonymouswitheducatedandlaypeoplenot
synonymouswithilliterate.61Shechallengedthesuppositionthat“thecultureof
thosewhowerenotclergy,ornotliterate,ornot‘elite,’wasopposedorresistantto
effortsbythepowerfultoimposeChristiandoctrineorpracticesuponthem.”62At
thesametime,BynumfocusedonthecrucialsignificanceofChrist’sIncarnationand
reviewedtheconceptsthatapproachedtheMiddleAgesasaperiodtrapped
betweensuperstitionorexteriorizeddevotion.63
Althoughthisapproachisagreatsteptowardreevaluatingsomeaspectsof
theMiddleAges,Bynum’sargumentlacksthedirectreconsiderationofthe
sculpturalmedium,especiallytheDescentfromtheCrossandtheanimated
sculpturesoftheCrucifiedChrist,aswellastheirroleindefiningmaterialityand
devotionduringtheMedievalperiod.Scholarshiphaspointedouthowmedieval
imagesgenerallyrevealtheir“overtmateriality,”andhowartwasableto
compellinglyconvertearthlymaterialsintoaperceptionofthesacredanddivine.64
MaterialityinLateMedievalEuropeunderscoredhowthe“emphasisonthe
materialsofwhichartismadehasnothingtodowithrealism.”65Forexamplethe
representationoftheVirgininSpain(referringtotheexamplethatCarolineWalker
61CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLateMedievalEurope(New
York:ZoneBooks,2011),129.
62Ibidem.,129.
63Ibidem.,35-36.
64HerbertL.Kessler,SeeingMedievalArt(Peterborough,Ont:BroadviewPress,2004)19-42.
65CarolineWalkerBynum,ChristianMateriality,53.
322
Bynumprovidedinherstudy),wasnotintendedtolookliketheJewishgirlthatwas
therealmotherofChrist,butinsteademphasizedherdecoratedattirefullofgems
thatwasabletoshowherregalityandherroleasthequeenofheaven.66Thepoint,
accordingtoBynuminherstudyChristianMateriality,isthat:
Medievaldevotionalartfindsitselfattheoppositepolefromtheartof
thesouthernornorthernrenaissancesthatfollowed.Renaissance
artistsaimedformimetic,illusionisticmodesofrepresentationthat
deliberatelytrytotrickthesenses.Incontrast,medievalartists
expectedviewerstonoticeandadmirethestufftheyemployedas
stuff.[…]Theself-consciousnessoftheRenaissanceplayingwith
illusioncallsattentionbothtothenaturalismandtothe“nonobjectness”ofart.Incontrast,theself-consciousnessofmedievalart
callsattentiontoitsobjectness.67
Inordertobeeffectivefromadevotionalperspective,Medievalart,suchas
animagethatrepresentsChrist,theVirginMary,orevenasaint,neededtobe
recognizable.68AccordingtoBynum,asculpturethatwas“animageofChristorthe
VirginMaryneededtoberecognizableassuchevenrecombiningsomeiconographic
elements,butstillrecognizabletothepersonrepresented,Christ,theVirginMaryor
66Ibidem,53.
67Ibidem.,53-58.
68Ibidem.,59.
323
asaintoreventoanimageofanyofthem,functioningasasortof“relic.”69
Moreover,Bynumstressesthat“latemedievaldevotionalimagesannouncedrather
thanobscurewhattheyaremadeof[…]Thepointofthefleshinapaintedmedieval
Madonnawasnottobefleshlike,norwastoobscurethewoodorstoneunderneath;
thepointwasforthethick,polishedsurfacetogleam,denyingthechangefleshis
heirto.”70Atthesametime,Iarguethatspecificallyfortheanimatedsculpturesof
thecrucifiedChrist,consideringtherelationshipestablishedbetweenthesculpted
bodyofChristandthefaithful,theintentionwastorecreatealifelikeandveristic
representationofChristinordertoenhancethisprocessofidentificationand
correspondencefordevotionalpurposes.Aninterestingexampleinthismatteris
theDescentfromtheCrossfromVolterra(Fig11).Thereisnotjustadisplayofthe
momentofthePassionofChrist,butanactionthatisshowsanaturalisticidiom,
presentingasophisticatedformandcorrespondenceamongthefigureswithout
alteringthesacrednessandthesymbolicmeaningofthescene.Inordertocritically
revisethesesculpturesandrehabilitatethemintothelargerframeworkofart
historicaldebateweneedtofocusonthesculpturesfirst.
Themostimportantaspectthatdifferentiatesthesegroupsfromtheprevious
woodensculpturalproductionisthattheywerenotmeanttohaverelicsandthis
impliesadifferentapproachintheevaluationoftheseobjects.Itisessentialtopoint
69Ibidem.,59.
70PeterKidson,“ArchitectureandtheVisualArts”inDavidLuscombeandJonathanRiley-Smith
(eds),TheNewCambridgeMedievalHistory,vol.4:C.1024-1198,part.1(Cambridge:Cambridge
UniversityPress,2004),699.QuotedafterBynum,ChristianMateriality,62.
324
outthatsincetheirappearanceintheWestbetweentheeighthandtheninth
centuries,thedynamicsofcreationofthesewoodensculptureswastheresultofa
choicemadebytheecclesiasticalauthority.71Thecreationanduseoftheseobjects
wascommissionedbyauthority,andthustheywerepartofanestablishedofficial
contextbytheChurchandtheywerenottheresultofbeliefsandmoreofpopular
culture.Atthesametime,whatthesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCross
becameintheMedievaldevotionalcontextwasdifferentfromtheoriginalintention
behindtheirproduction.
Initially,thewoodensculpturalgroupsweremeanttobetherepresentation
ofoneimportantsceneofthePassionofChrist:themomentinwhichChristwas
takendownfromtheCross.Thesesculpturesdidnothavearelicembedded,and
theywerenotintendedtobeusedinMassoraspartofofficialritesburrathera
narrationofoneofthemomentsofChrist’sPassionintangibleformsoasthatto
elicitparticipationandcloseness.Theecclesiasticalauthority,whilecontrollingand
managingfolkpractices,providedanewwayofexperiencingthesacredinorderto
attractthepopulationunderitsreligioushegemony.72Thepracticeofusingwooden
simulacraontheItalianpeninsulawasrootedinlong-standingtraditionsdatingto
theearlyclassicalperiodinRome,73atendencythatremainedactiveinpopular
71MicheleBacci,“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:AlcuneConsiderazioni”inScultura
Lignea:Lucca1200-1425,(Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,1995),31.
72Ibidem.,31.
73Livy,forexample,notedtheroleofsculpturesrepresentingpagandivinitiesintheRomansociety:
“FromthetempleofApollotwowhitecowswereledthroughthePortaCarmentalisintothecity;
behindthesetwostatuesincypresswoodofJunoReginawerecarried.”JerryJordanPollit,TheArtof
325
culture.Moreover,theirbodilypresencecoordinatedwellwithpopulardevotion
thatdevelopedinthethirteenthcentury:“AtLaVernain1224Francis’sbodywas
saidtohavereceivedthewoundsofChrist’sPassion—thestigmata—andthatfact,
whichdeeplyimpressedhiscontemporaries,calledattentiontothebodyofasa
vehicleofChristianspiritualexperience,promotingitsrediscoveryasasubjectfor
churchart.Moreeloquentlythanmosaicorpainting,sculpturespokeofthefirst
Christianmystery,thatofGod’sWordmadefleshinChrist,andartistsrespondedto
Francis’svisionofaDioumanato,aGod-made-human,withnewattentiontothe
body.”74
ThewoodengroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,consideringthisdynamic
ofworshipandacceptanceoftheimages,seemstofallintoanewcategorybecause
thesesculptures,whiletheyweremeanttojustrepresentascene,werenotonly
consideredasproxyfortherealprotagoniststhathistoricallyassistedatthescene;
insteadtheywereaccessedbydevoteesinadirectemotionalandphysical
participation,asdevoteeswerepartofthem,blurringtheboundariesinthe
relationshipbetweenthesacredanddivineandtheworshippers.Becauseofthe
featuresandsizeofthefigureoftheVirginMary,John,NicodemusandJosephof
Arimathea,alongwiththeritualseitherwithintheliturgyorextraliturgy,the
sculpturesstartedtobecomereal,insomuchasthatworshipperswouldreplacethe
Rome.SourcesandDocuments(London,1996),49.AsquotedinLorenzoCarlettiandCristiano
Giometti,"MedievalWoodSculpture,”37.
74TimothyVerdon,“FlorenceCathedral,RenaissanceSculpture,SacredSculpture,”inSculptureinthe
AgeofDonatello,13-43(p.20).
326
sculptureswiththemselves.Iarguethatitwaspreciselybecausethesesculptures
didnotcontainrelicsthattheycouldfacilitatetheaccessbythelaitytothesacred
sceneinawaythatwasnotonlydevotional,butratherimpliedidentification.
FromDescentfromtheCrosstoAnimatedCrucifix:theSpectatorandthe
TransformationoftheRitualExperience
WhilescholarshipstatesthattheDescentfromtheCrosswentoutoffashion
andstoppedbeingproducedandused,Iarguethatbelievers,sincetheywereso
involvedduringtheserituals,becamebyassociationthecharactersintheDescent
fromthecross,alongwiththepopulationthatassistedatthecrucifixionofChrist.
Thisimpliesanimportantshiftintherelationshipwiththesacred.Infact,whilethe
Church,andwiththistermIincludethereligiousordersaswell,wasinapositionto
controlandmanageaccesstothesacred,thisactofsubstitutionnowallowedthe
faithfultobeapartofthesacredscene.
TheproductionandutilizationofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross
complicatedthealreadyproblematicfactorofidolatryandtheestablished
relationshipwiththesacred,whichheavilyaffectedartproductionintheMiddle
Ages.TheuseoftheDescentmanagedtoavoidthedirectconnotationsof
worshippingaphysicalobjectbecausethesculpturesrepresentingthescene,once
activatedduringtheritual,createdaparticulardevotionalexperience.Infactthe
327
faithful,ratherthanjustworshippingthesculptures,wereabletoconnectwiththe
originaleventexperiencedthroughthesculpturesandthepresentmomentofthe
celebration.75Asaconsequence,thefaithfulwerenotworshippingtheactual
sculptures,whichwouldriskthecontroversialproblemofidolatry.Instead,they
becamepartofthesceneoftheDescent.Moreover,whiletheuseofthesesculptures
atthebeginninghadtheintentionofrepresentingascenefromthePassionof
Christ,inrealitythesculpturalmedium,thestaging,andthesingingandrecitation
ofthelaudeinvolvedthefaithfulsoemotionallyandphysicallythatasimple
reenactmentwouldbecomethe‘real’momentsofthePassionofChrist.Thefeatures
ofthecharactersoftheDescentandtheintrinsicabilitytoinvolvethefaithful
establisheda“revolutionary”affectivepietyfortheperiod.Iarguethatspecifically
inthecaseoftheuseofthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCrossfirstandthe
animatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristlater,theutilizationfordevotional
purposestranscendstherelationshipwiththemereobject.
TheDescentfromtheCrosstransformedtherelationshipbetweenthe
worshippersandtheholyfiguresrepresented.Infacttheuseandthefunctionof
thesesculptures,andwhattheyrepresentinthisdevotionaldynamic,showthelay
aspirationsandneedsofautonomyinrelatingtothesacredandtheaccessofit.
Whenthesegroupsculptureswerefirstmadetheyweresupposedtofunction
similarlytotheotherimagesofthecrucifiedChristortheVirginMary,bothin
75AlexanderNagelandChristopherS.Wood,AnachronicRenaissance(NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.:
ZoneBooks;DistributedbyMITPress,2010),7-19.
328
sculpturesandpainting.However,theemotionandphysicalitythatwereinvolvedin
usingthesesculpturescontributedtounexpectedoutcomesthatneededtobe
workedoutjointlybytheChurchandthefaithful.
ThedirectparticipationinthesceneoftheDescentfromtheCrossmadethe
sculpturesreal;theybecametherealcharacterswhoparticipatedinthePassionof
Christ.RatherthansignifyingChrist,theVirginMary,JohntheEvangelist,
Nicodemus,andJosephofArimathea,thesculptureshadthepowertobecomethem,
accordingtothenewmeaninggiventothesesculpturesbythefaithfulandthelaity.
Bothpaintedandsculptedimageswereacceptedaslongastheydissuadedthe
beholderfromacknowledgingthematerialityofthesignifierandinsteadpointed
thebeholder’sattentiontoitstranscendentalvalue.WhileintheEasttheprototype
oftherepresentationofChristhadinfluenceindictatingthemakingofimages,in
theWestartistshadmorefreedom.Thefunctionofteachingandinstructingthe
illiteratedisappearedfromthesculpturesintheDescentfromtheCross.Theroleof
thestatueasaconduittoaccessthepersonrepresented,suchasisseenin
ByzantineartwithiconsandaspromotedbytheChurch,ceasestoapplyinthe
actualuseoftotheDescentfromtheCross.TheDescentfromtheCrossembodieda
newlevelofexperiencewiththesacred.Thisnewinvolvementbythefaithful
offeredanoccasiontobefullypartofthesacredsceneandpromotedanewaspect
ofthesacredandtherelationshipwithit.AccordingtoHansBelting“peopleare
disposedtoveneratewhatisvisiblybeforetheireyes,whichcanonlybeaperson
329
andnotanarrative.Imagescontainmomentsfromanarrative,althoughthey
themselvesarenotanarrative.”76Iarguethattherelationshipthatwasestablished
withthesesculpturalgroupsoftheDescentisnotjusttheusualrelationshipwitha
holyimage,butratherthepossibilitytobepartofthescenewithanunprecedented
accesstoparticipateintooneofthemostdramaticmomentsofthelifeofChrist.
Thisisapivotalideaforunderstandingthedevotionandthesacredduring
theMedievalperiod.Whatwasoriginallyonlypartoftheofficialliturgyofficiated
andcontrolledbytheChurchbecameinsteadapointofdirectaccessand
appropriationtothesacredbythelaypeople,becausetheywouldreachaposition
andmetaphoricallyaplacethatbelongedonlytotheclergy,andinsomeregard
evenbeyondtheclergybecausethevisceralrelationshipestablishedbetweenthe
faithfulandthesculpturesduringtheseritualswassomethingconceptuallyand
physicallynewandunexpected.
Activatedinrituals,theseobjectsprovidedanewreligiousexperienceand
whatmakesitmoreremarkableisthatthesenewdevotionalaspectswhere
promotedbythelaity.Eveniftheclergyhadanauthoritativepositionwhich
allowedthemtosuperviseandcontroltheseritualsatthesametimethepossibility
tocontrolandmanagethesechangeswerelimitedandtheresultwastosupportlay
demandsandactions.Inadditiontobeinglife-sizewithanattentiontobodily
details,thesculptureswerealsofreestanding.Freestandingsculptures,particularly
76HansBelting,LikenessandPresence:AHistoryoftheImagebeforetheEraofArt(Chicago(Ill.):
UniversityofChicagoPr,1994),10.
330
inmarbleandbronze,weredirectlyassociatedwithpaganidolatryduringthe
Medievalperiod,butitseemsthatthisunderstandingofidolatrywastheparticular
resultofanassociationbetweenthestatueandthecolumnthatsupportedit.77This
iswhyinordertobeused,alongwiththeinsertionofarelicinside,thesesculptures
neededtobe“deactivated.”Inordertodoso,thesculptureswereattachedtothe
architecturalframeworkoftheChurchandthusconsideredsubordinatetoit.78
WhilethesculpturesoftheDescentwerefrequentlypartofanaltarorinsidea
chapelandwerethuspartofthearchitecturalframework,althoughnotatallinthe
senseofjambfigures,theywerealsomovable,whichallowedthemtoliveandbe
activatedoutsideoftheirarchitecturalcontext.Additionally,theirtridimensionality
wascompleteandnotonlyfrontalorthreequarters.
Thedynamicbetweenthelaityandthewoodensculpturescertainlyinvokes
anidolatrousrelationship.However,becausetheuseofwoodensculptureswas
managedthroughtheecclesiasticalinstitution,andbecausethelaitywasabletofind
awaytochannelitsindependentdevotionthroughameanstheChurchcould
witnessandinflect,theChurchtoleratedandacceptedtheuseofthesculptures.This
wasalsotheresultofadynamicofempowermentwiththesacredestablishedbythe
laity:anacknowledgmentthatthewoodensculptureshadbecomeaverypotent
77AlexanderNagel,TheControversyofRenaissanceArt(Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,
2011),110.
78H.W.Janson“TheRevivalofAntiquityinEarlyRenaissanceSculpture”inLookingatItalian
RenaissanceSculpture,edbyMcHam,SarahBlake(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998),
43.
331
mediuminpresentingthephysicalpresenceofChristandembodyinaveryeffective
waysomeaspectsoftheChristianreligion.Becauseofthat,wecannot
underestimateeitherthepowerofthesewoodensculpturesorthedynamicsthat
allowedthelaityandthefaithfulapositionwithaccesstothesacredthat,beforethe
Medievalperiod,wasonlypermittedtotheclergy.
DespitetheChurch’sattemptatcontrol,thefaithfulstartedtoapproachand
treatthesesculpturesasthehumanbodyofChrist.Asaconsequence,thesculpture
itselfwasworshippedandtreatedassuch.Officially,therewassupposedtobea
differencebetweentheobjectandtheideathattheobjectembodied,butinreality
thesculpturesgainedapowerfulauragivenbythelaitythatlettheobjectitself
becomemoreofwhatitwassupposedjusttorepresent.Thisprocesswasnot
outsidethedecreesorcontroloftheChurch,buttheresultsofthisrelationship
betweenthewoodensculptureofChristandthefaithful,aswellasthepowerof
thesesculptures,aremorecomplexthanhithertoacknowledged.Thepowerand
agencyofthesesculpturesandthebondcreatedwiththelaity,Iassert,hasbeen
incrediblyunderestimated.
TheSchiavellationeandaPracticalCasefortheUseofSculpture
Thepolychromesculpturesbeinginvestigated,whichwereusedforboth
liturgicalandextraliturgicalfunctions,werefullyunderstoodtobetherealphysical
332
bodyofChristandweretreatedassuch.InItalytherearedocumentsthatattestto
thediffusionofreenactmentsoftheendingsceneofthedescentfromthecross
calledschiavellatione,79literallythepullingoutofthenailsfromthebodyofChrist
(Fig12).ThiscelebrationwasperformedbothinsidetheChurch,wheretheclergy
wasresponsibleforit,oroutsideintheprincipalpiazza,80inwhichthe
confraternitiescouldhaveparticipatedalongwiththeChurch.Theritualofthe
schiavellationesolvedoneofthemajorproblemsthatChurchandbelievers
encounteredduringthecelebrationsofthepassionplaysanddramaticlaude.In
thesecelebrationsalivingactorsometimesplayedtheroleofChrist,particularly
duringthepartsofthePassionprecedingthecrucifixion.However,afterthe
depositionandburial,thelivingbodyoftheactorcouldnotstaystillasifhewere
deadforthelengthoftheceremoniesonGoodFriday,andthustheseanimated
sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristthatcouldworkbothasthecrucifiedandperished
Christwereusedinstead.
Itistruethatveneratinganobject,inthiscaseasculptureorarelic,was
moreappropriatethanveneratingtherealbodyofanactororapersoningeneral.81
Themostimportantthinghereisthattherealbodyofapersonthatpersonified
ChristwascompletelyinterchangeablewithananimatedsculptureofChrist.
RepresentingthetruebodilypresenceofChrist,thesesculptureswerevenerated
79ClaudioBernardi,TheatrumPietatis,12.
80MarioSensi,“FraterniteDisciplinateeSacreRappresentazioniaFolignonelsecoloXV”inBollettino
diDeputazionediStoriaPatriaperl’Umbria,71(1974),204.
81Bernardi,TheatrumPietatis,12.
333
andatthesametimetreatedasarealhumanbody.Theyhadthepowertoexpress
thehumanityofChristandembodiedthedevotionalneedsprojectedbythefaithful
ontothesculpture.Realisticsculptureswereclothedandsculptorsaddedreal
humanhairandbeardstofurtherdissolvetheboundariesbetweenthefictiveand
thereal,82inaverybalancedcombinationbetweenthematerialusedtoenhancethe
realismofthesculptureandthecarvingitself.Asaconsequencethesculpture
manifestsitselfintheeyesofthefaithfulasChrist’sbodyatthemomentofthe
crucifixionanditalsogainedtheattentionoftheentirereligiouscommunity.
Itisduringthethirteenthcenturyespeciallythattherelationshipwiththese
sculptures,includingthegroupoftheDescentfromtheCross,startedtochange.The
periodaround1215,when,asnoted,theFourthLateranCouncilestablishedthe
dogmaoftheTransubstantiation,providedevenmoreauthoritytotheideaof
materializationofthebodyofChrist,evenifthepresenceofChristwasnotmeantin
aphysicalsense.Whilethehost,whichisthe“realbody”ofChristwasstillhandled
bytheChurch,establishingtheirexclusivityoverthematter,theinsertionofthe
hostinsidethesculptureinvoluntarilytransferredthispowertothesculpture.Since
thesculptureinturnbecametheobjectthroughwhichthelaitycouldaccessthe
sacred,theChurch’smonopolyonthesacredwaschallenged.83Thisstruggle
betweentheChurchandtheaccessofthelaityanddevoteestothesacredimbued
82Paoletti,WoodenSculpture,86.
83SarahBeckwith,Christ'sBody:Identity,Culture,andSocietyinLateMedievalWritings(London:
Routledge,1993),32.
334
evenmorepowerontotheobjectitselfuntilitwasperceivedandtreatedasthe
humanbodyofChristbeforehisResurrectionanditbecamethemostimportant
waytofocusthedevotionalneedsofthelaity.
Theliteratureoftheperiodfurtherencouragednotonlyanobservationof
Christ’ssufferingbutalsoaninvitationtosufferlikeChrist;themostinterestingand
famousexamplesaretheMeditationesVitaeChristi.Atthesametime,Christ’sbody,
inthisspecificcasethesculptureofthecrucified/deadChrist,wasusedandbecame
themediumforidentification.
Variousaspectsaffectedpietyduringthethirteenthcentury,suchasthe
diffusionoftheMendicantorders,theinstitutionofthedogmaofthe
Transubstantiation,theoutbreakoftheFlagellantsmovementinPerugiain1260,
andthedevelopmentanddisseminationofthelayconfraternities.Whilethe
woodencrucifixionofChristwasnottheonlywaytoexpressandaddress
devotionalneedsduringthethirteenthcentury,atthesametimethesesculptures
didindeedbecomeanembodimentandrepresentationofthehumansideofChrist.
AlterationsandSubstitutionstoPolychromeSculpture
DuringtheMiddleAgestheologiansfocusedontheproblemofidolatry,
tryingtojustifytheusesofandrelationshipwithimages.Thesameconcernson
idolatrydidnotnecessarilyoccurwiththesesculptures.Itisonlylater,inthe
335
periodsoftheReformationandCounterReformation,thattherolesandpowerof
thesesculptureswereconfrontedduringthePastoralVisitsbythebishopsinthe
differentDiocesesofItaly.Thesevisitsweretheresponsibilityofthebishopand
wereincreasinglyimportantduringandaftertheCouncilofTrent.Theaimsofthese
visitswere“toleadtosoundandorthodoxdoctrine,bybanishingheresies;to
maintaingoodmorals,andtocorrectsuchasareevil;toanimatethepeople,by
exhortationsandadmonitions,toreligion,peacefulness,andinnocence;andto
establishsuchotherthingsastotheprudenceofthevisitorsshallseemfortheprofit
ofthefaithful,accordingastime,placeandopportunityshallallow”84.Insomecases,
thewoodensculptures,eitherfromtheDescentfromtheCrossortheCrucifix,are
mentionedduringthesepastoralvisits,providinginformationabouttheiroriginal
contextandplace,andgivingahistoricalperspectiveoftheobjectsthemselves.
Ontheotherhand,thevisitingbishop(andsometimeshisvicars),actingon
behalfoftheCouncilofTrent,wouldsometimesrequesttheremovalofpaintings,
frescos,orsculpturesiftheywerefoundtobetoooldorunseemly.Theremovalof
thesepieceswasoneofthemainconcernsofthebishopsduringthepastoralvisits,
whichservedtocheckthatthesmallerchurcheswererespectingthedecrees85.
Imagesorsculpturesthatlookedoldandwornout,orthatwereworshippedbya
cultthatdidnotfallundertheorthodoxythatthechurchsupportedduringthe
84“OnReformationDecree.”TheCouncilofTrent.http://www.thecounciloftrent.com/ch24.htm
(AccessedJan.22,2014).
85Elvio,Lunghi,“LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo”inL'UmbrianelXIIISecolo.(Spoleto:
FondazioneCentroItalianodiStudisull'AltoMedioevo,2010),306.
336
CouncilofTrent,wereconsideredinappropriate.Forexample,documentationofthe
pastoralvisitofPietrodeLunelmentionshowsomecultsrelatedtoChristasVolto
SantodevelopedinUmbria,andhepointedouttensculpturesofthecrucifiedChrist
thatwereadornedwithwhiterobesandcrowns.Whileinsomecasesheaskedfor
onlyfortheremovaloftherobeorthecrown;inothers,suchasinthechurchofSan
SalvatoreinNorciainthesouthofUmbria,heorderedforthesculptureofthe
crucifiedChristtobeburntandtheashestobepreservedintheshrineofthe
church.86Therearemanyexamplesthatrefertothedestructionofsculptures
becausetheywereconsideredtobevetustateconsumptas:wornoutbytime.
Thoughitisunfortunatethatthesesculptureweredestroyed,knowledgeoftheir
destructioncangiveusabetterideaoftherealnumberanddiffusionofthese
woodensculpturesnotonlyinUmbriabut,specificallyforthisstudy,inthecenterof
Italy.
Insomecases,thedocumentationofthesepastoralvisitsprovidesdetails
withwhichwecanmakeinferencesabouttheuseofthesesculpturesandthe
relationshipbetweenthesculpturesandthefaithfulinliturgicalsituations.Inthe
documentationofthepastoralvisitofPietroCamainitothesmall,centraltownof
Collazone,heremarkshowasculptureofthecrucifiedChristneededtoberemoved
becauseitwasextremelyoldanddeformedandbecauseitssizeobscuredvisibility
86Ibidem,312.
337
ofthedecorationonthewalls.87However,thissculpturewasstillpresentina
furtherpastoralvisitin1597;itwasdescribedinthiscasealsoas“antiquissimaet
magnaacdeformis,”thatis“veryold,hugeanddeformed.”Afurtherdescriptionof
thissculptureaddedalittledetailthatsuggestsaprobableuseofthissculpture;
“pulcherrimaimagoCrucifixisuperaltariexistens,invultu,etpedibuscorrosaer
admodumdeformata,”abeautifulimageofcrucifiedChrist,abovetheexistentaltar
thatwaswornoutinthefeetandthefaceandalsodeformed88.Asecondnotein
differenthandwritingsaidthattheabove-mentionedsculpturewaseventually
burned.Iftheimageswereruinedbecausetheywereoldorwornoutandwerenot
intherestorablecondition,theyweredestroyedorsubstitutedwithnewimages.89
Thecrucialinformationinthisdescriptionisthatthesculpturewaswornout
especiallyinthefaceandthefeet.Wecanassumefromthisdescriptionthatthese
kindsofsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwereactivelyusedforliturgicalpurposes,
andwerelikelytouchedonthefaceandfeetasasignofreverenceanddevotion.In
thiscase,thepastoralvisitdocumentationoffersinformationthathelpsto
understandhowtheseobjectswereused,eveniftheuseisnotmentionedexplicitly.
87Todi,ArchivioVescovile(AVT),VisitaApostolicaCamaiani,c.265r:“...etcumreperiaturinmaiori
eiusaltariconstitutaquedammagnaantiquissima,acdeformisstatuaCrucifixiD.N.quecooperiendo
noviter,aceleganterdepictassacrasImaginesinTribunaminuitecclesiasticumdecorum,iussitinde
removeri,etinaliolocoutcoramexpositumest,collocari...”.AsquotedinElvioLunghi,LaScultura
LigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo,299-331.
88Todi,ArchivioVescovile,LiberTudertineDiocesis1597,c.192r.
89Assisi,ArchivioVescovile(AVA),VisitaApostolicaCamaianidellaDiocesidiAssisi,c.471v:
“Quantumaddoctrinamspectat,resaPraedicatoribuspie,etcatholicedeclarataeest,quantumveroad
picturasipsas,quaedamimagines,quaealicuilascivaeetindecorapictaeerantsuntemendatae,
quaedamvetustateitacorrupta,utrestaurarinonpossint,abolitaesunt,etnovaeimaginesubifuit
opportunumdepictae...”.Lunghi,LaSculturainUmbria,299-331.
338
Consideringothercasesandaccordingtomorecarefuldescriptions,wecaninfer
thatsomesculptureswereworndownbydevotionaluseandnotsimplybecause
theywereold.
Thoughmorerare,therearesomeadditionaldescriptionsofpastoralvisits
thatcondemnedtheincorrectbehaviorofthepilgrimsanddevoteesthatarrivedat
thesanctuarytoworshipthesculptures.90Specifically,thereisthecaseofthe
pastoralvisitofCamainiwhofoundinthechurchofSantaMariainCollazone,acity
nearTodiinUmbria,someactivitieslinkedtotheworshipoftheVirginMarythat
wereveryclosetowhatwecanconsidersuperstition(versustheorthodoxy
guaranteedbythechurch).91Whilethesepastoralvisitsaffectedallthechurchesof
theDioceses,theydidnotaffectthechurchesthatbelongedtotheMendicantOrders
thatwerenotrequiredtoapplyallthedecreespromulgatedbytheCouncilof
Trent92.However,mostofthesewoodengroupsoftheDescentfromtheCrosswere
foundincathedrals,Benedictineabbeys,orcitychurchesandruralchurches.There
isnoinformationofthepresenceofthesegroupsintheMendicantOrderschurches,
whileanimatedsculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristcanbefoundinFranciscan
churches(Fig13)oreveninreligiouscomplexesrunbytheDominicans(Fig14).
Weareabletobetterunderstandthepoweroftheseimagesfromtheaccountsof
90Lunghi,LaSculturaLignea,314.
91AVT,VisitaApostolicaCamaiani,c.266v:“..etcumadsitaliudaltarecumImaginesatisdevota
eiusdemGloriosissimeVirginis,Cavendumestobpopuliconcursumasuperstitionislabe,acappensione
sordidorumpanniculorumexcitandofidelesadsinceramreligionispietatemproimpetrandasue
genitricisapudDeumintercessione....“.Lunghi,LaSculturaLigneainUmbria,299-331.
92Lunghi,LaSculturaLignea,314.
339
thesepastoralvisits.Thefactthatseveral,ifnotmany,ofthesesculptureswere
destroyedordismissedaccordingtothecurrentdecreeoftheChurchshowstwo
aspectsoftheproblem.Thefirstisthatthesesculpturesdidnotcomplywiththe
currentandofficialdecreeoftheChurch.Thesecondisthatsincethebeginningof
theirproductionthesesculpturesembodiedapowerandaroleindevotionalsociety
ofthelateMedievalperiodthatwassomethinguniqueandpeculiar.
Whileatfirstundercontrolbytheecclesiasticalauthority,thepowerand
roleofthesesculptureswassoonabsorbedandappropriatedbythelaity,which
contributedtothesculpture’spowertobecomeandbeacknowledgedasan
embodimentofthehumansideofChrist.Wecannotaddressandconsiderwooden
sculpturestobeexamplesofidolatry.Atthesametime,therolethatthese
sculpturesacquiredinthelateMedievalperiodisverypeculiarandunlikeother
artworksthatportrayChrist,theVirginMary,ortheSaints.Theybecamethecenter
ofdevotionandaccesstothesacredthatchangedthewaystoexperienceand
portraythePassionofChristthroughthissculpturalformofhisbody.Theimitation
ofChristthatwasatthecoreofFranciscandevotionwaspossiblealsobecause
sculpturesofthecrucified/deadChristrenderedhisphysicalsufferingtangibleand
allowedaneasieridentification.
340
Devotion,Art,andMedium:theCaseofLandodiPietro’sCrucifix
Anexampledemonstratingthepowerthesesculpturesreachedandthe
lingeringconcernofidolatryisLandodiPietro’sCrucifix.In1338,theSieneseartist
LandodiPietrocompletedawoodenCrucifixion.Thelife-sizewoodenimageof
ChristbelongedtotheCompagniadiSanDomenicoinCamporegio,andafterthe
Compagniawassuppressedin1785itwasrelocatedtotheConventofthe
Osservanzaandplacedabovethemainaltarofthechurch.Thispolychromewooden
sculpturehasattractedtheattentionofscholarsbecauseofitshighlynaturalistic
style.
Whilethesculpturewasalreadyconsideredexceptional,adiscoverymadein
1944provedparticularlyfascinatingtoscholars.DuringthebombingofSienaatthe
endoftheSecondWorldWar(fig15),thesculpturewasbrokenintopieces.The
damagerevealedapieceofparchmentthatLandodiPietrohadhiddeninthehollow
ofChrist’sknee(Fig16),bearingthedateandnameoftheartistandinwhichhe
commendedhimselfandhissoultoGod.Asecondlargerparchmentwasdiscovered
inthesculpture’shead(Fig17)containingtheauthor’sname,date,andaprayer.
ThedatewrittenontheparchmentfoundinthehollowofChrist’skneeisJanuary
1337,(moderndating1338).93
93CatherineKing“Effigies:HumanandDivine,”inSiena,FlorenceandPadua:Art,SocietyandReligion
1280-1400,EdsDianaNorman.(NewHaven,Conn:YaleUniversityPressinassociationwiththe
341
Inthesmallparchmentfoundintheknee,thereisaprayer(Fig18)which
reads,“JesusChristthroughyourmercyletthesoulofthegoldsmithLandodi
Pietro,whomadethiscrucifix,berecommended.”Thesecondhandwritten
parchmentbyLandowasfoundinsidetheheadofChristandpresentsalongerand
morearticulatedprayerinwhichhestateshisintentionsaswell(Fig19):“TheLord
GodmadeitpossibleforLandodiPietroofSienatocarvethiscrucifixinthiswood
inthelikenessoftherealJesustoremindpeopleofthepassionofJesusChristSonof
God,andoftheVirginMary;thereforeyoutrueandholycrossofJesusChristSonof
God,renderthesaidLandotoGod”94Theprayercontinues,askingtheVirgin,Saint
JohntheEvangelist,SaintJohntheBaptist,MaryMagdalene,andallthesaints,
specifically“menandwomen,”torecommendLandotoGod.Healsoasksthesaints
tohave“mercyonallofhumangeneration.”Ontherightsideoftheparchmenthe
addedsomethingmore:“IntheyearofourLordJanuary1337thisfigurewas
completedinthelikenessofJesusChristcrucifiedSonofGodlivingandtrue.Andit
isheonemustadoreandnotthiswood”.
Ontheparchmentfoundinsidethehollowpartofthekneetheprayer
highlightshowtheartisthopesthatmakingthiscrosswillhelphimreachheaven.95
ThepracticeofanartistwritingaprayertorecommendhissoultoGodortheVirgin
Marywasnotuncommoninfourteenth-centuryTuscany.Afamiliarexampleisthe
OpenUniversity,1985),271.ThisdiscrepancyexistsbecauseatthattimeinItaly,theyearbeganon
theFeastoftheAnnunciation,March25
94Ibidem.,125.
95Ibidem.,127.
342
MaestàbyDucciodiBuoninsegna(Fig20).AtthebottomoftheVirgin’sthrone
thereisaninscriptionthatreads(Fig21):“HolyMotherofGod,bethouthecauseof
peaceforSienaandlifetoDucciobecausehepaintedtheethus.”96AsinLando’s
prayer,DucciorecommendhimselftotheVirginMarybecausehepaintedthe
altarpieceanddidsoinsuchabeautifulandskilledmanner.Inthesecondprayer
(Fig22),foundintheheadofthecrucifix,LandodiPietrobringsupotheraspectsof
hisfaithandhisartisticcreationandalsoimportantdetailsabouttheobjectitself.
AtthebeginningoftheprayerLandousestheword“likeness,”whichimplies
thatapainted,woodenlife-sizesculpturehadthepowertoproducethemost
convincingrepresentationsofdivinenature.97WhenLandosays,“youtrueandholy
crossofJesusChrist”itisunclearwhetherheisreferringtotherealCrossortothe
Crucifixhejustmade.(Fig23)Infact,whiletheEnglishtranslationoftheprayer
hasusedthewords“Crucifixion”and“Cross,”thusmakingacleardistinction
betweenthetwo,intheoriginalversionLandodiPietrousedtheword“Croce”-
“Cross”inbothcases.
However,thecrossitselfisthemediumthroughwhichLandorecommends
himselftoGod.Lando’sintentionistoremindviewersofthePassion,but
consideringthehighqualityanduniquelyrealisticappearanceofthesculpture,he
foreseesariskthatitwillbecomemorethanavisualpromptforthefaithfuland
96FlorensDeuchler,Duccio(Milano,ElectaEditrice:1984),56.MATERS/ANCTADEI/SISCAUSA
SENISREQUIEI/SISIDUCIOVITA/TEQUIAPINXITITA)
97CatherineKing“Effigies:HumanandDivine”,127.
343
insteadleadviewerstoworshipitasifitwereChristhimself.Thedevoutwereonly
allowedtoveneratewhatwerebelievedtobefragmentsofthetruecross,orother
objectssuchastheshroudorthenailsofthecross.However,asoftenhappened
duringthelateMedievalperiod,thewoodensculpturebecametherealbodyof
Christ.
Thisconceptofwoodensculpturesbecomingtherepresentationofthe
humansideofChrististheresultoftheartists’skillsincreatinganaffective
renderingofthebodyandalsotoacquiredstatusgivenbythelaitytotheseobjects
onceactivatedforritualfunctions.Specificallyforthiscase,Landoseemstoregister
thattheveryverisimilitudeheandotherartistsemployedtomakethesufferingof
Christvividfordevoteesmightalsoleadthefaithfultomistakethesimulacrumas
anembodimentandrepresentationofthehumansideofChrist.Withinthis
widespreaddevotionalcontext,physicalitybecameanimportantmeansandaccess
tothedivine.98Asaconsequence,Landoinhisprayermighthavereferredtothe
Christhemadeandspecificallyhecouldhavereferredtohisskillsasaartisttobe
thetriggerforfaithfultoactivatetheobjectastherealbodyofChrist.
ThissuppositionissupportedbyanotethatLandoaddedontherightsideof
theparchmentthatsays,“thisfigurewascompletedinthelikenessofJesusChrist
crucifiedSonofGodlivingandtrue.AnditisHethatonemustadoreandnotthis
98CarolineWalker-Bynum,JesusasMother:StudiesintheSpiritualityoftheHighMiddleAges,
(Berkley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1982),esp.Chaps4and5.AsquotedinPamelaH.Smith,The
BodyoftheArtisan,(UniversityofChicagoPress,2004),10.
344
wood.”Landourgesworshipperstonotidolizeaworkthatwastheresultof
devotionandprayer.Consideringthenatureofthenote,hecouldhavereferredto
himselfaswell,afterrealizingthatwithinadevotionalcontextaconvincing
representationofChristcouldbecomeandbetreatedasifhewerethecrucified
bodyofChrist.WhatLandodiPietrowrotecanbeconsideredassomethingto
celebrateandelevatehimself,butreallyshowed,throughhisdevotion,hisgreatskill
asartist.Conversely,consideringthattheseparchmentswerefoundafterthe
sculpturewasdestroyed,itseemsthattheartistneverintendedforthemtobeseen,
andthusLandowouldhavebeentheonlypersonawareofhisactoffaith.Thus,his
prayersweregenuinelywrittenwithrealanddevoutsentiment.
Themostproblematicissuewasthesculptureitselfanditscapabilitytobe
perceivedastherealChrist,andthesubsequentriskofconfusingthe“pieceof
wood”withthebodyofChrist.Lando’sexhortationtoadoreChristandnotthewood
representsageneralattitudetowardthesesculpturesandunderlinesthefactthatit
wasnotjustasculpture,avisualmeansthroughwhichtoreachGod,buta
materializationofthepresenceandbodyofChrist.Also,specificallyinrelationto
theissueofidolatry,thefactthatLandospecifiesthatbelieversshouldnotadorethe
“pieceofwood”impliesthattheobject’svenerationmuddledthedistinction
betweenthesculptureandwhatitwassupposedtorepresentandportray,whichis
Christ.Thesculpturebecamethefocusandthephysicalcenterofdevotion,putting
itselfinanewblurreddimension.Whilewemightnotagreewiththeviewthatwas
345
heldfromthediffusionofChristianityuntiltheMedievalperiodthatthisisidolatry,
weneedtoberesponsivetotheimportanceandpowertheseobjectsheld,especially
sincethelateMedievalperiod.
ThediscoveryofLandodiPietro’snoteinsidehisCrucifixaddressesanother
importantissuerelatedtothesesculptures.AccordingtowhatisleftofLando’s
Crucifix,weacknowledgehisskillsasasculptoralthoughheaddressedhimselfas
orafo(goldsmith).99TheCrucifixisofgreatquality,butthroughLando’sprayeritis
clearthathisreferencetotheCrossandthewarningagainstworshippingthe“piece
ofwood”referstothesculptureitself.
Landoisherereferringtothecommonandfrequentattitudetowardthese
objectsthatgoesbeyondtheintrinsicaestheticqualitiesofthesculptures
themselves.Thisisimportantbecauseoneofthemostprominentproblemsin
studyingthesesculpturesisthattheyhavenotbeenconsideredasartworksbothby
faithfulandrecentscholars,butjustasdevotionalobjects.Accordingtoparameters
establishedintheclassicalcanonofbeauty,theoccasionallowaestheticqualityof
thesesculpturesfrequentlycondemnsthemstilltodaytoacademicoblivion.This
attitudebeganwithVasariandhassinceledtoagreatmisunderstandingofthese
objectsthathasaffectedtheminanegativeway.Myintentionistochallengethe
ideathatthesesculptureswerejustdevotionalobjectsmadeoutofpaintedwood.
99CatherineKing,Effigies:HumanandDivine,271.
346
MedievalRenaissance:thepolychromewoodenCrucifixintheQuattrocento
Thischapterbeganwithoneofthemostfamousanecdotesabout
polychrome,woodensculpture:Vasari’saccountoftheCrucifixesbyDonatelloand
Brunelleschi.SincethebeginningoftheuseofthegroupoftheDescentfromthe
Cross,oneofthemostcommonfeaturesofthesewoodensculptureswascompelling
verisimilitudetoreflectand,aboveall,satisfythedevotionalneedofthebelievers.
TheanimatedsculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwereparticularlymeanttocreatea
directandsympatheticrelationshipwiththedevotees,whichinturnallowedthe
faithfultobeabletoidentifythemselveswiththehumanandsufferingsidesof
Christ.ThesesculpturesweremeanttorepresentChrist,andonceactivatedthey
wereabletopersonifytherealbodyofChristdespitebutalsobecauseofinherently
aestheticqualities.
Donatello’sCrucifixisanemblemofthisvisualanddevotionalculture.What
hasbeenaddressedasexaggeratednaturalism,theagonyintheeyesandtheopen
mouthtoemphasizepain,inrealitywasthekeytoaccessingandrelatingtothe
bodyofChristinamoresympatheticway.Vasari’sanecdote,asisoftenthecase,
privilegesrhetoricalfictionoverhistoricalfact.Insteadofthe“months”that
separateBrunelleschi’ssculpturalresponsefromDonatello’swork,documents
suggestthatthetwocrucifixeswereexecutedabouttenyearsapartfromeach
347
other.100Moreimportantly,however,istheinfluencethatVasari’stellingofthe
eventhasaffectedthesubsequentunderstandingandappreciationoftheseobjects.
Donatello’ssculpturewasnotaspraisedorconsideredtobeas“perfect”as
Brunelleschi’sCrucifix.However,despitetheapparentandevidentaesthetic
distinctions,Icontendthatthemainpointonwhichtoevaluatethesecrucifixesis
theircontextanduse.Historically,thevalueofthesewoodensculptureshasbeen
basedontheiraestheticqualities,whichnegativelyaffectsthejudgmentandthe
valueoftheseobjects.Inordertofullyunderstandthesewoodensculptures,their
functionsneedtobeconsideredinconjunctionwiththeiraestheticqualities.
BrunelleschididnotthinkofDonatello’sCrucifixastherealChristbutinsteadsaw
thefigureasafarmer;thisdisconnectoccurredbecauseChrist’sbodywasbelieved
tobe“delicatissimo,etintuttelepartiilpiuperfettohomochenascessegiàmai”.101
BothDonatelloandBrunelleschi’sCrucifixesare,intheirownways,therealbodyof
Christ,andtheyneedtobeevaluatedassuchinconjunctionwiththeirfunctionsand
notonlythroughaestheticcategories.
Evenwiththisideaofperfection,accordingtoVasari’sreport,Brunelleschi’s
Crucifixcanrelatetotheviewerintwoways.Thefirstisfromadistancethat
presentshiminperfectproportion,andthesecondveryclosetotheviewer,in
100ToseethechronologyofbothsculpturesseeforBrunelleschi:EugenioBattistiandFilippo
Brunelleschi,FilippoBrunelleschi:theCompleteWork(NewYork:Rizzoli,1981),344.
ForDonatello:,H.W.Janson,andJenöLányi,TheSculptureofDonatello.(Princeton:Princeton
UniversityPress,1957),7-12.
101Vasari,LeVite,195.
348
whichthebeholdercanexperiencethefrailtyofChrist’ssuffering.102Evenif
Brunelleschi’sCrucifixembodiedthisideaofproportionandperfection,his
renderingofChriststillbelongsandresonateswithhumanexperienceandsuffering.
ThefactthatthesameCrucifixwasmadewithaloinclothcoveringhisgenitalia
showsonceagaintheattempttosoftentheboundariesbetweenwhatsupposedto
beidealandreal,andwhatwasfictiveandtrue.Itwascommontosculptthe
loinclothaspartofthesculpture,butwantingtousearealoneshowstheattemptto
considerthesculpturemoreasarealpersonandenhancethisideaofverisimilitude.
IfweconsidertheCrucifixesbyDonatelloandBrunelleschiasexampleswith
whichtoreevaluatethesesculptures,wenotethatinbothcasestheycreateda
connectionwiththeviewer;theDonatellocrucifixhasmovablearmsandtherefore
providesaphysicalconnection,whereastheBrunelleschicrucifix’sloinclothbrings
hisbodilydimensiontoahumanlevel.Aboveall,theybothexpresswhatthese
sculpturescametoembodyandrepresentthroughtime,therealbodyofChrist.
ThefactthatBrunelleschi’sCrucifix,unlikeothercrucifixes,doesnotshow
gruesomewoundsorthetormentedbodyonthecross(Fig24)doesnotmeanthat
thesesculpturesceasedtorepresenttherealbodyandpresenceofChrist.Despite
variouschangesinstyleofrenderingChristonthecrossfromthemedievalperiod
totheRenaissance,theideaofthewoodensculptureastherealbodyofChristdid
notchange.Infact,duringthefifteenthcenturywecanpresume,accordingtothe
102RogerTarr,"BrunelleschiandDonatello:PlacementandMeaninginSculpture,"inArtibuset
Historiae..32(1995),116.
349
extantexamples,alargeproductionandcontinuityofbothpolychromewooden
sculpturesofthecrucifiedChristaswellasanimatedones.103Thisshowsthat
polychromewoodwasthemosteffectivemediumevenduringthefifteenthcentury
toprovidetheessenceandpresenceofChristthroughhishumanform.The
sculpturesfunctionedforthefaithfultocontemplateoverhisbodyinliturgicalor
extraliturgicalceremonies.
Thehumanfigureheldanimportantroleinunifyingthestoriesrepresented
inthefifteenthcentury,butthefigureofChristwasanexception.104Infact,during
thefifteenthcenturymanyreliedonwhatwasbelievedtobeaGovernorofJudea’s
eyewitnessaccountofJesus’sappearance,whoreportedittotheRomanSenate.The
GovernordescribesJesus’sphysicalfeaturesandbehavior,andendshisdescription
mentioninghow“he[Jesus]isthemostbeautifulamongthechildrenofmen.”105
103TohaveanideaofthecatalogabouttheextantwoodensculpturesofthecrucifiedChristsee:
Gesine,andJohannesTaubert,"MittelalterlicheKruzifixemitSchwenkbarenArmen:einBeitragzur
VerwendungvonBildwerkenInderLiturgie".ZeitschriftDesDeutschenVereinsFürKunstwissenschaft
/DeutscherVereinFürKunstwissenschaft,(1969):79-121.MargritLisner,HolzkruzifixeinFlorenzund
inderToskanavonderZeitum1300biszumfrühenCinquecento(München:Bruckmann,1970).
GiovannaSaporiandBrunoToscano,LaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,
(Milan:Electa,2004).KamilKopania,AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligious
CultureoftheLatinMiddleAges(Warszawa:Wydawn."Neriton",2010).JohnT.Paoletti,"Wooden
SculptureinItalyasSacralPresence.”InArtibusetHistoriae,vol13,no26(1992):85-100.
104MichaelBaxandall,PaintingandExperienceinFifteenthCenturyItaly;aPrimerintheSocialHistory
ofPictorialStyle(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1972),56.
105Ibidem.,57.ThisistheaccountaccordingtothefictitiousLentulus,GovernorofJudea:“Amanof
averageandmoderateheight,andverydistinguished.Hehasanimpressiveappearance,sothatthose
wholookonhimloveandfearhim.Hishairisthecolourofaripehazel-nut.Itfallsstraightalmostto
thelevelofhisears;fromtheredownitcurlsthicklyandisrathermoreluxuriant,andthishangs
downtohisshoulders.Infronthishairsispartedintotwo,withthepartinginthecentreinthe
Nazarenemanner.Hisforeheadiswide,smoothandserene,andhisfaceiswithoutwrinklesorany
marks.Itisgracedbyaslightlyreddishtinge,afaintcolour.Hisnoseandmoutharefaultless.Hise
beardisthickandlikeayoungman’sfirstbeard,ofthesamecolourashishair;itisnotparticularly
longandispartedinthemiddle.Hisaspectissimpleandmature.Hiseyesarebrilliant,mobile,clear,
350
Thus,artistswerenotasfreeinrepresentingthefigureofChristastheycouldbe
withotherfiguresorcharacters.ThefactthatChristwasconsideredthemost
beautifulamongthechildrenofmenchallengedtheartiststorepresenttheperfect
body.Brunelleschi’sCrucifixistheresultofanattentivestudyofanatomyand
proportionsinsomuchasitbecameaparadigmaticfigureofperfection,similarlyto
thelaterVitruvianManbyLeonardodaVinci.
ThetaskofrepresentingthebodyofChristinthefifteenthcenturywasan
opportunitytoexpressasupremeandperfectbody,bothintermsofproportions
andanatomyandasachanceforartiststoshowcasetheirskillincreatingsucha
perfectbody.106 Asaconsequence,otherartistsalongwithDonatelloand
Brunelleschitestedthemselvesinthisendeavor;thereareseveralknownartists
thatmadeawoodenCrucifix,suchasMichelangelo(Fig25),GiulianodaSangallo
(Fig26),FrancescodaSangallo(Fig27),AntoniodaSangallo(Fig28),Benedetto
daMaiano(Fig29),Michelozzo,AntoniodelPollaiolo,BacciodaMontelupo,Andrea
delVerrocchio.DespiteVasari’sassertionthatitwasimpossibletogivethat“fleshlikeappearanceandsoftnesstowoodthatcanbegiventometalandtomarbleand
splendid.Heisterriblewhenhereprehends,quietandkindlywhenadmonishes.Heisquickinhis
movementsbutalwayskeepshisdignity.Nooneeversawhimlaugh,buthehasbeenseentoweep.
Heisbroadinthechestandupstanding;hishandsandarmsarefine.Inspeechheisserious,sparing
andmodest.Heisthemostbeautifulamongthechildrenofmen”.
106GiancarloGentilini,PropostaperMichelangeloGiovane:unCrocifissoinLegnodiTiglio(Torino:U.
Allemandi,2004),15.
351
tothesculpturedobjectsthatweseeinstucco,wax,orclay,”107artistscontinuedto
makesculpturesofthecrucifiedChristwithpolychromewood.Iarguethatthiswas
notonlytheresultofapersonalefforttoshowtheirownartisticskillsamongtheir
peersandintellectualsoftheperiod.Itwasalsoanawarenessbytheartiststhatthe
woodeninterpretationofthebodyofChristwasthequintessentialwaytorelatetoa
realbody,especiallybecausethesesculptureswereperceivedasthetrueand
physicalpresenceofChrist.
Theuseofthewoodensculpturetorepresentabodyperceivedas“perfect”
wasalsotheresultofthevaluegiventothesesculpturesthatwereacknowledgedas
therealphysicalbodyofChrist.Thereligiouscommunity,especiallysincethelate
Medievalperiod,establishedarelationshipwiththewoodensculptureofthe
Crucifixthatgavetheobjectthepowerandauratorepresentandembodythe
crucifiedhumanbodyofChrist.Asaconsequence,theartistswhomadethese
Crucifixesneededtoconformtothecurrenttheoriesoftheperiodandhavean
awarenessofhowtheseCrucifixeswereusedandperceived.Iassertthattheideaof
thebodyinitsphysicalessencewasmoreimportantthantheideasofbeauty
establishedduringtheRenaissance.
Infact,Vasari’sanecdoteaboutDonatelloandBrunelleschi’sCrucifixes
containselementsthatsupportmyassertion.ItreferstoCrucifixesthatwerepartof
107Vasari,Maclehose,VasarionTechnique,173.Vasari,LeVite,CapIIII,31.“dareallegnoquella
carnositàomorbidezzachealmetalloedalmarmoetall’altresculturechenoiveggiamo,edistucchi
odiceraoditerra.”
352
twoofthemostimportantchurchesinFlorence.Donatello’swasintheFranciscan
churchofSantaCroce,whileBrunelleschi’swasintheDominicanchurchofSanta
Novella.BothCrucifixesmusthavefullysatisfiedreligiousnecessitiesinordertobe
usedbytwoofthemostinfluentialreligiousordersoftheperiod.TheCrucifixby
DonatellowasmadeinordertostressthehumanemotionandsufferingofChrist,
thussatisfyingthedevotionalneedsoftheFranciscanswhowereinterestedin
affectingrepresentationsofChristinordertoelicitasympatheticreactionbythe
beholdersandfaithful.ThisintentionexplainsthefeaturesofDonatello’sCrucifix;
whichwerebelievedtobeanaestheticissuethatdidnotmatchthemathematical
harmonyofBrunelleschi;inreality,itwasnotanissueatall.IarguethatDonatello’s
Crucifixhadadifferentfunctionandneedtorepresentadifferentaspectoftheidea,
presence,andphysicalityofthebodyofChrist.Theparadoxisthatonedoesnot
excludetheother.BothcrucifixesbyDonatelloandBrunelleschiareadifferent
aspectoftheideaofthebodyofChrist,butitisthewoodensculpturethatmakes
themtherealbodyofChrist.
TheCrucifixesweremadefordifferentreligiousordersandtoexecute
specificfunctions,butbothwereanembodimentofthehumansideofChrist.No
matterhowandwherethesewoodenCrucifixesweremade,theyallembodiedthis
physicalpresence.ThisiswhywefindamultitudeofwoodenCrucifixesindifferent
churchesororatoriesofvariousConfraternities.IfweconsiderthecityofFlorence,
wefindlife-sizecrucifixesinSantaMariaNuovaintheConventofOblate,inthe
353
churchofSantissimaAnnunziata,inSantaMariadelFiore,inSaintOnofrio,inSan
Lorenzo,intheConventoftheCalza,inSantoSpirito,andalsointheConfraternityof
theMisericordia.108
Thoughtheywereusedindifferentcontexts,allchurches,whetherconvents
ororatories,andfaithfulviewedthesesculpturesasthesimulacrumofthebodily
presenceofChrist.WecanexpandthelistbyaddingallthechurchesinItalythat
containawoodenlife-sizeCrucifix.Thoughthereareremarkabledifferencesinthe
style,place,andperiodinwhichthesesculpturesweremade,weneedtorecognize
thatacrucifixinatinychurchintheoutskirtsofTuscanyhadthesamepowerto
fullyrepresentandbeveneratedastherealChristasasculpturebyBrunelleschior
Donatello.Theseobjectsneedtobeevaluatedandunderstoodinadialogicalway
withboththeclergyandthebelieversthatactivatedthem.Wemustunderstandthat
thisrelationshipgoesbeyondtheofficialcanonofbeautyestablishedbyscholarship
throughouttime.
CaesariusofHeisterbachprovidesaninstructiveaccountfromaroundthe
earlythirteenthcentury.Init,awomancomparestheuglywoodenMadonnawitha
detachableChildinthechurchatVeldenzintheRhinelandtooldrubbish.
Accordingly,thewomanwasproperlypunishedforhercomments.109Despitethe
purelyaestheticjudgmentofthewoman,theauthorityandpowerofthesculpture
108Gentilini,PropostaperMichelangelo,11-32.
109JacobBurckhardtandPeterHumfrey,TheAltarpieceinRenaissanceItaly(Cambridge[England]:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),22.
354
itselfwasnotaffected;onthecontraryitwasthewomanthatwaspunishedforher
comments.Thisdemonstratesthatthepowerofandrespectforthesesculptures
wentbeyondthemereaestheticdimension,aswellastheirpowerfulroleonce
activatedasdevotionalobjects.
The“lives”ofthevariousCrucifixes—fromthelateMiddleAgesthroughthe
Renaissance,andcontinuinguntilthemomentoftheCounterReformation—
experiencedever-changingreceptions,adaptingtonewcontextsfromtheinwhich
theywereoriginallymade.Atthesametimetherewasoneunifyingideapromoted
bythefaithful:thatthewoodensculptureofthecrucifiedChristwouldbecomethe
truebodilypresenceofChrist,110resultingfromanactofappropriationbythelaity
throughuseofandidentificationwiththesewoodenstatues.Thereisanurgent
needtounderlinetheroleandimportanceofthewoodensculpturesoftheCrucified
ChristsincethediffusionanduseoftheDescentfromtheCross.Thecomplexityof
theseobjectsextendsbeyondtheirdevotionaluseandincorporateshowbelievers
sincethelateMedievalperiodrelatedtothesacredand,aboveall,tothefigureand
bodyofChrist.
TheChurchassistedtothewholeprocessandsomehowtoleratedthese
devotionaldynamicsbetweenthelaity,sculptures,andrituals,eventhoughthey
nevertookonanofficialpositionuntilduringtheCounterReformation,atwhich
110TheChurchofficiallyprivilegedthepresenceofChristintheEucharistoveranyotherform.The
useofthesculpturesthatbecameandrepresentedtherealbodyandpresenceofChrist,evenwithout
theinsertionofarelicorahostinsidethesculpture,istheresultofthedevelopmentoflaydevotion
andtherelationshipthatfaithfulestablishedwiththesesculptures.TheChurchtoleratedthis
devotionaldynamicbetweenthefaithfulandthesculpturesuntilthecrisisoftheReformation.
355
pointtheyrepressedmostoftheseaspectsofthedevotiondevelopedaroundthese
sculpturesduringtheMedievalperiod.Theaestheticqualitiesthatarthistory
traditionallyusedtostudydifferentartperiodscannotbefullyappliedtothese
woodensculptures.Asimilarrevisionneedstooccursurroundingtheconceptof
idolatry.Evenifthewaythesesculpturesareutilizedcanbeassociatedwithwhatis
describedasidolatry,especiallyduringthelateMedievalperiodandearly
Renaissance,weneedtobeawarethattheChurchpermittedthat.Thisoccurred
becausethewoodensculpturesmetthedevotionallaydemandsandaboveall
throughthesesculpturesthelaityreachedanempowermentinthisnew
relationshipwiththesacredthattheChurchcouldnotopposebutonlytolerateand
validate.Moreover,despitethecomplexityoftherelationshipestablishedbetween
thefaithfulandthesesculpturesthatcouldbeaddressedasidolatrous,atthesame
timetheseobjectsbecametherealfocusoflateMedievaldevotionanddramatically
shapedtheunderstandingofandrelationshipwiththesacred,withthepresenceof
Christandthecoevalartproduction.
356
Bibliography
Thisbibliographyislimitedtothosesourcescitedinthetext.Itdoesnotattemptto
includethemanyarticles,reviews,catalogues,booksthattheauthorconsultedas
backgroundmaterials.
Adams,Laurie.GiottoinPerspective.ArtistsinPerspectiveSeries.EnglewoodCliffs,
N.J.:Prentice-Hall,1974.
Alban,Butler.TheLivesofthePrimitiveFathers,Martyrs,andOtherPrincipalSaints.
Edinburgh:PrintedbyJ.Moir,Paterson'sCourt,forJ.P.Coghlane,No.37.DukeStreet,Grosvenor-Square,London;andF.Coates,Newcastle,1798.
Alberti,LeonBattista,Onpainting,transJ.R.Spencer.NewHaven:YaleUniversity
Press,1966.
AllegriLuigi,TeatroeSpettacolonelMedioevo.Bari:Laterza,1988.
AngeladaFolignoandGiovanniPozzi.Illibrodell'Esperienza.Milano:Adelphi,1992.
Ansidei,Vincenzo.RegestumReformationumComunisPerusiiabanno1256ad
annum13001.1.Perugia:DeputazionediStoriaPatria,1935.
Augustine,andVernonJ.Bourke.Confessions(Washington:CatholicUniversityof
AmericaPress,2010),Book2Chapter2.2,50.http://site.ebrary.com/id/10383925
(accessedApril2014).
BacciMichele.“IlVoltoSantocomeRitrattoAutenticodelSalvatore.”InLaSanta
CrocediLucca:ilVoltoSanto:Storia,Tradizioni,Immagini:AttidelConvegno1-3
Marzo2001,115-130.Florence:Editoridell'Acero,2003.
Bacci,Michele.“LeScultureLigneenelFolkloreReligioso:alcuneConsiderazioni.”In
Sculturalignea:Lucca1200-1425,editedbyClaraBaracchini.31-42.Firenze:Studio
perEdizioniScelte,1995.
Bacci,Michele.“NicodemoeilVoltoSanto.”InIlVoltoSantoinEuropa;Cultoe
ImmaginodelCrocifissonelMedioevo:AttidelConvegnoInternazionalediEngelberg,
13-16Settembre2000,editedbyFerrari,MicheleCamillo,andAndreasMeyer,1537.Lucca:InstitutoStoricoLucchese,2005.
Bacci,Michele.ProRemedioAnimae:ImmaginiSacreePraticheDevozionaliinItalia
Centrale:SecoliXIIIeXIV.Pisa:GISEM,2000.
357
Bagnoli,Martina.,ClevelandMuseumofArt,andBritishMuseum.Treasuresof
Heaven:Saints,Relics,andDevotioninMedievalEurope.Cleveland,Ohio]:Baltimore
:London:NewHaven[Conn.]:ClevelandMuseumofArt;WaltersArtMuseum;The
BritishMuseum;DistributedbyYaleUniversityPress,2010.
Banzato,Davide,BaldissinMolli,Giovanna,andBertazzo,Filippo.LaCappellaDegli
ScrovegniaPadova=TheScrovegniChapelinPadua.MirabiliaItaliæ;13.Modena:
F.C.Panini,2005.
BAP,ms.1022[CronacadettadelGraziani].
Baracchini,Clara.eds.SculturaLignea:Lucca1200-1425.Firenze:Studioper
EdizioniScelte,1995.
Basile,Giuseppe,FloresD'Arcais,Francesca,Rubino,Angelo,andIstitutoCentrale
perIlRestauro.Giotto:TheFrescoesoftheScrovegniChapelinPadua.1sted.Milan:
NewYork:Skira;DistributedinNorthAmericaandLatinAmericabyRizzoli
InternationalPublicationsthroughSt.Martin'sPress,2002.
Bassetti,Massimiliano,andBrunoToscano.2012.Dalvisibileall'indicibile:crocifissi
edesperienzamisticainAngeladaFoligno.Spoleto:FondazioneCentroitalianodi
studisull'altoMedioevo.
BattagliaRicci,Lucia.“AdExercitandumDevotionisAffectum.GliScrittiele
ImmaginiSacre.”InSacrePassioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVSecolo,Ed
MariagiuliaBurresi.19-23.Milano:F.Motta,2000.
BattistiEugenio.Cimabue.UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,
1967.
BattistiEugenioandFilippoBrunelleschi.FilippoBrunelleschi:theCompleteWork.
NewYork:Rizzoli,1981.
Baxandall,Michael.TheLimewoodSculptorsofRenaissanceGermany.NewHaven:
YaleUniversityPress,1980.
Baxandall,Michael.PaintingandExperienceinFifteenthCenturyItaly;aPrimerinthe
SocialHistoryofPictorialStyle.Oxford:ClarendonPress,1972.
Beckwith,Sarah.Christ'sBody:Identity,Culture,andSocietyinLateMedieval
Writings.London:Routledge,1993.
358
Belisle,Peter-Damian.ThePrivilegeofLove:CamaldoleseBenedictineSpirituality.
Collegeville,Minn.:LiturgicalPress,2002.
Belting,H.,&Dunlap,Thomas.AnAnthropologyofImages:Picture,Medium,Body.
Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,2011.
BeltingHansandChristianeKruse.DieErfindungdesGemäldes:daserste
JahrhundertderniederländischenMalerei.München:Hirmer,1994.
Belting,Hans.“L’ArteeilsuoPubblico.”Bologna:NuovaAlfaEditoriale,1986.
Belting,Hans.LikenessandPresence:aHistoryoftheImageBeforetheEraofArt.
Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1994.
Belting,Hans.TheImageandItsPublicintheMiddleAges:FormandFunctionof
EarlyPaintingsofthePassion.NewRochelle,N.Y.:A.D.Caratzas,1990.
BernardiClaudio,“DeposizioniedAnnunciazioni”inIlTeatrodelleStatue.Gruppi
LigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetrailXIIeilXIIIsecolo.EditedbyFrancesca
FloresD’Arcais,69-86.Milano:V&P,2005.
Bernardi,Claudio.“DevozionieRappresentazionidiCristoneltardoMedioevo,”in
CiviltàBresciana,volVIII,no.2,1999,6-17.
BernardiClaudio.“LaDeposizionediCristoneiTeatridellaPietà”inSacrePassioni:
SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVsecolo.editedbyMariagiuliaBurresi.15-18.
Milano:F.Motta,2000.
Bernardi,Claudio.LadrammaturgiadellaSettimanaSantainItalia.Milano:Vitae
pensiero,1991.
Bernardi,Claudio."TheatrumPietatis:Images,Devotion,andLayDrama".
Mediaevalia:AnInterdisciplinaryJournalofMedievalStudiesWorldwide.27(1),
2006,7-22.
BernardusandA.Bouillette,LiberMiracolorumSancteFidis.Paris,A.Picard:1897.
Binder,StephanieE.Tertullian,OnIdolatryandMishnahAvodahZarahQuestioning
thePartingoftheWaysbetweenChristiansandJews.JewishandChristian
PerspectivesSeries.Leiden:BRILL,2012.
359
Bino,Carla.DalTrionfoalPianto:laFondazionedelTeatrodellaMisericordianel
Medioevo(V-XIIIsecolo.Milano:Vitaepensiero,2008.
BinoCarla,“LoSpettacolodelDoloreeilTeatrodellaMisericordia”inAttidel
Convegno“SACRERAPPRESENTAZIONI–Arte,Etica,VangelodelleComunità”di
Gubbio9-10aprile2010/Cantiano11aprile2010,133.
http://www.laturbacantiano.it/oltre-i-palchi/102-gubbio-2010.html
Black,“Clairece.TheOriginoftheLuccheseCrossForm.”Marsyas,vol1(1941),2740.
Bloch,R.Howard.TheScandaloftheFabliaux.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,
1986.
Bonaventure,andAdolphoCaroloPeltier.Operaomnia;SixtiV.,PontificisMaximi
JussuDiligentissimeEmendata.Paris:LudovicusVivès,1864.
Bornstein,DanielEthan.TheBianchiof1399:populardevotioninlatemedievalItaly.
Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress,1993.
Boskovits,Miklós.ImmaginidaMeditare:RicerchesuDipintidiTemaReligiosonei
SecoliXII-XV.Milano:VitaePensiero,1994.
Brown,PeterRobertLamont.TheCultoftheSaintsitsRiseandFunctioninLatin
Christianity.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1981.
Brucker,Gene.“TheFlorentineEliteintheEarlyFifteenthCentury.”In.Masaccio's
Trinity.Cambridge,edRonaGoffen,33-43.CambridgeUniversityPress,1998.
BrunoBruni,“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo,Deposto”inLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa:l'Immagine,ilCulto,laForma.editedbySapori,
Giovanna,andBrunoToscano,220-221.Milano:Electa,2004.
Burgalassi,Silvano.ItalianiinChiesa.AnalisiSociologicadelComportamento
Religioso.Brescia:Mozcelliana,1967.
Burckhardt,JacobandJamesHastingsNichols.ForceandFreedom:Reflectionson
History.NewYork:PantheonBooks,1993.
Burckhardt,JacobandPeterHumfrey.TheAltarpieceinRenaissanceItaly.
Cambridge[England]:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988.
360
Burresi,Mariagiulia.,Carletti,Lorenzo,Giometti,Cristiano,Pisa,andAssociazione
AmiciDeiMuseiEDeiMonumentiPisani.SculturaLigneaPisana:PercorsiNel
TerritorioTraMedioevoERinascimento.1.sted.ItinerariD'arte(FedericoMotta
Editore(Milan,Italy).Milano:F.MottaEditore,2001.
Burresi,MarigiuliaandAntoninoCaleca.“SacrePassioni:ilCristoDepostodel
DuomodiPisaeleDeposizionidiVolterra,VicopisanoeSanMiniato.”InSacre
Passioni:SculturaLigneaaPisadalXIIalXVSecolo.EditedMariagiuliaBurresi.2443.Milano:F.Motta,2000.
Caleca,Antonino.“IGruppiToscani”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’Immagine
ilCulto,laForma.edGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.255-274.Perugia:Electa
EditoriUmbriAssociati,2004.
Camille,Michael.TheGothicIdol:IdeologyandImage-MakinginMedievalArt.
Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1989.
Carletti,L.,andC.Giometti."MedievalWoodSculptureandItsSettingin
Architecture:StudiesinSomeChurchesinandaroundPisa."ArchitecturalHistory46
(2003):37-56.
CarliEnzo,MostradellaAnticaSculturaLigneaSenese:PalazzoPubblicodiSiena.
Firenze:Electa,1949.
Casciaro,Raffaele.“TecnicaeStile:Idaticoincidono?”,inRiflessionisulRinascimento
Scolpito.Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargineallamostradiCamerino5
maggio–5novembre2006ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópezabdRaffaeleCasciaro,5662.Pollenza:TipografiaSanGiuseppe,2006.
Castelnuovo,Enrico.LaPitturainItalia.Milano:Electa,1986.
Cenci,Cesare.DocumentazionediVitaAssisana,1300-1530,Volumes1-3.Editiones
CollegiiS.BonaventuraeadClarasAquas,1975.
Choate,B.Steven.“DevotionandNarrativewithintheTraditionoftheCroce
Dipinta.”PhDdiss.,FloridaStateUniversity,2002.
Cole,Bruce.GiottoandFlorentinePainting,1280-1375.NewYork:Harper&Row.
1976.
361
Collareta,Marco.“LeImmaginiel’Arte.RiflessionisullaSculturaDipintanelleFonti
Letterarie.”InSculturaLignea:Lucca1200-1425.EditedbyClaraBaracchini.1-8.
Firenze:StudioperEdizioniScelte,1995.
Comanducci,"RitaMaria.'L'AltareNostrodelaTrinita':Masaccio'sTrinityandthe
Bertifamily."TheBurlingtonMagazine.vol145,n.1198,(2003):14-21.
Conway,CharlesAbbott.TheVitaChristiofLudolphofSaxonyandLateMedieval
DevotionCenteredontheIncarnation:aDescriptiveAnalysis,AnalectaCartusiana34.
Salzburg,Austria,1976.
“CongregationfortheDivineWorshipandtheDisciplineoftheSacraments,
DirectoryonPopularpietyandtheLiturgy,PrinciplesandGuidelines.”Vatican.
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/ccdds/documents/rc_con_ccdd
s_doc_20020513_vers-direttorio_en.html.(accessedNov.12,2011).
Constable,Giles.ThreeStudiesinMedievalReligiousandSocialThought.NewYork,
NY,USA:CambridgeUniversityPress,1995.
ConvegnoInternazionalesulTema.IlMovimentodeiDisciplinatinelSettimo
CentenariodalsuoInizio(Perugia,1260);ConvegnoInternazionale:Perugia,25-28
Settembre1960.[Spoleto]:[ArtigrafichePanetto&Petrelli],1962.
Cooper,KateandJeremyGregoryeds.Eliteandpopularreligion:papersreadatthe
2004SummerMeetingandthe2005WinterMeetingoftheEcclesiasticalHistory
Society.Woodbridge:PublishedfortheEcclesiasticalHistorySocietybytheBoydell
Press,2006.
Corbin,Solange.LaDepositionLiturgiqueduChristauVendrediSaint;saplacedans
l'HistoiredesRitesetduThéâtreReligieux(analysededocumentsportugais).Paris:
Sociétéd'Éditions"LesBellesLettres",1960.
Cormack,Robin.ByzantineArt.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2000.
Cortesi,Alessandro.“UnaletturaTeologica.”InMasaccioandCristinaDanti,La
TrinitàdiMasaccio:ilRestaurodell'AnnoDuemila.Firenze:Edifir.,2002.
CortiLauraandRiccardoSpinelli.MargheritadaCortona:unaStoriaEmblematicadi
DevozioneNarrataperTestieImmagini.Milano:Electa,1998.
362
Cousins,EwertH.“FrancisofAssisi:ChristianMysticismattheCrossroads.”In
MysticismandReligiousTraditionsedStevenT.Katz,163-190.NewYork:Oxford
UniversityPress,1983.
Crocchiante,GiovanniCarlo.L'IstoriadelleChiesedellaCitta'diTivoli.Roma:
StamperiadiG.Mainardi,1726.
Crum,RogerJ.,andJohnT.Paoletti.RenaissanceFlorence:aSocialHistory.NewYork:
CambridgeUniversityPress,2006.
Cudini,Piero.PoesiaItalianadelDuecento.Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987.
Cudini,Piero.PoesiaItalianadelTrecento.Milano:AldoGarzantiEditore,1987.
D’Ancona,Alessandro.OriginidelTeatroItalianoLibritrecondueAppendicisulla
RappresentazioneDrammaticadelContadoToscanoesulTeatroMantovanonelSec.
XVI.Torino:E.Loescher,1891.
Dahl,Ellert.“HeavenlyImages.TheStatueofSt.FoyofConquesandtheSignification
oftheMedieval‘CultImage’intheWest.”ActaadArcheologianetAtriumHistoriam
Pertinentia.8(1978):175-91.
DavidsonClifford.DramaandArt:anIntroductiontotheUseofEvidencefromthe
VisualArtsfortheStudyofEarlyDrama.Kalamazoo,Mich:MedievalInstitute,
WesternMichiganUniversity,1977.
Davis-Weyer,Caecilia.EarlyMedievalArt,300-1150;SourcesandDocuments.
EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:Prentice-Hall,1971.
Derbes,Anne.PicturingthepassioninlateMedievalItaly:narrativepainting,
Franciscanideologies,andtheLevant.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996.
DeFrancovich,Gèza.“ARomanesqueSchoolofWoodCarversinCentralItaly.”Art
BulletinVol19,n.11(March1937),4-57.
DeSandoli,Sabino.ItineraHierosolymitanacrucesignatorum:(saec.XII-XIII).2,2.
Jerusalem:FranciscanPrintingPress,1980.
DeVitoMariaSofia.L'OriginedelDrammaLiturgico.Milano:Societàanonima
editriceDanteAlighieri,1938.
Deuchler,Florens.Duccio.Milano,ElectaEditrice:1984.
363
Didier,Robert.“UneDescentedeCroixSculptéeMosaneduXIsiècle.Aproposdu
Christdel’Ancienne“CurvaCrux’deLouvain.”InLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,
L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano,423-448.
Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004.
“DivineWorshipandtheDisciplineoftheSacraments,DirectoryonPopularpiety
andtheLiturgy,PrinciplesandGuidelines.”Vatican.
http://www.vatican.va/roman_curia/congregations/ccdds/documents/rc_con_ccdd
s_doc_20020513_vers-direttorio_en.html(accessedNovember12,2011).
DizionarioBiografico,SantaCaterinadaSiena,
http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/caterina-da-siena-santa_%28DizionarioBiografico%29/(accessedjuly,1,2015).
Duggan,LawrenceG.“WasArtReallythe‘BookofIlliterate’?.”Word&Imageno.5
(1989),227-51.
Edwards,Robert.TheMontecassinoPassionandthePoeticsofMedievalDrama.
Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1977.
Ehrstine,Glenn.“PassionSpectatorshipbetweenPrivateandPublicDevotion”in
ThresholdsofMedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces.EdElinaGertsmanandJill
Stevenson,302-322.Woodbridge,UK:BoydellPress,2012.
Eisler,Colin."Mantegna'sMeditationontheSacrificeofChrist:HisSynopticSavior".
InArtibusEtHistoriae.(53),2006:9-22.
Erwin,Rosenthal."TheCribofGreccioandFranciscanRealism"inTheArtBulletin.
36,1(1954):57-60.
Fidanza,GiovanBattista.“Transettod’ingresso,CappelladiSantaCaterina
d’Alessandria.”InLaBasilicadiSanFrancescoadAssisi,edGianfrancoMalafrina,
trans.HeatherMackay.Modena,Italy:F.C.Panini,2005.
FisherAnnikaElisabeth,“CrossAltarandCrucifixinOttonianCologne,Past
Narrative,PresentRitual,FutureResurrection,”inDecoratingtheLord'sTable:On
theDynamicsBetweenImageandAltarintheMiddleAgesedsKaspersen,Søren.,
Thunø,Erik,andKøbenhavnsUniversitet.MuseumTusculanum,43-62.
Copenhagen:MuseumTusculanumPress,UniversityofCopenhagen,2006.
Forsyth,IleneH.TheThroneofWisdom;WoodSculpturesoftheMadonnain
RomanesqueFrance.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1972.
364
France,James.“MedievalImagesofSaintBernardofClairvaux.”Kalamazoo:
CistercianPublications,2006.
Freedberg,David.ThePowerofImages:StudiesintheHistoryandTheoryofResponse.
Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,1989.
FrickeBeateandAndrewGriebeler,Fallenidols,risensaints:SainteFoyofConques
andtherevivalofmonumentalsculptureinmedievalart,Studiesinthevisual
culturesoftheMiddleAges;v.7,Turnhout,Belgium:Grafikon.
Gaborit,Jean-René.“LeReppresentazioniScolpitedellaDeposizioneinFranciadalX
alXIVSecolo”inLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma
editedbyGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.449-466.Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbri
Associati,2004.
Gaborit,Jean-René.“UnGroupedelaDescentedeCroixauMusèeduLouvre,
“MonumentsandMémoire.FondationEugénePlotLXII,62,(1979):149-183.
Gallini,Clara.FormediTrasmissioneOraleeScrittanellaReligionePopolare.In
“RicerchediStoriaSocialeeReligiosa”XI,(1977),96-108.
Gallone,Antonietta.“L’ArcangeloRaffaeleeTobiolo.Studioanaliticodelcolore”inin
RiflessionisulRinascimentoScolpito.Contributi,analisieapprofondimentiinmargine
allamostradiCamerino5maggio–5novembre2006ed.MariaGiannatiempoLópez
abdRaffaeleCasciaro,63-66.Pollenza:TipografiaSanGiuseppe,2006.
Garrison,Edward.ItalianRomanesquePanelPainting.NewYork:hackerArtBooks:
1976.
Gaston,RobertW.“SacredPlaceandLiturgicalSpace:Florence’sRenaissance
Churches.”InRenaissanceFlorence:aSocialHistory,ed.Crum,RogerJ.,andJohnT.
Paoletti,331-352.NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2006.
Gell,Alfred,ArtandAgency:anAnthropologicalTheory.Oxford:ClarendonPress,
1998.
Gentilini,Giancarlo.PropostaperMichelangeloGiovane:unCrocifissoinLegnodi
Tiglio.Torino:U.Allemandi,2004.
Gertsman,Elina,andJillStevenson.ThresholdsofMedievalVisualCulture:Liminal
Spaces.Woodbridge,UK:BoydellPress,2012.
365
Gertsman,Elina.Visualizingmedievalperformance:perspectives,histories,contexts.
Aldershot,England:Ashgate,2008.
GiannatiempoLópez,Maria.“Tolentino(Macerata),CattedralediSanCatervo”.InLa
DeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laForma.EdsbyGiovannaSapori
eBrunoToscano.219-220.Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004.
Goffen,Rona.Masaccio'sTrinity.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1998.
Gnudi,Cesare.Giotto.ISommiDell'ArteItaliana.Milano:A.Martello,1959.
Grondis,L.H.L’IconographieByzantineduCrucifiéMortsurlaCroix.Bruxelles:
Sociétéd’ÉditionsKeminkenZoon,1941.
Gschwend,KolumbanP.DieDepositionundElevatioCrucisinRaumderaltern
DiözeseBrixen.Sarnen:1965,60-69.
Gurevich,AronI︠A︡kovlevich.Medievalpopularculture:problemsofbeliefand
perception.Cambridge[Cambridgeshire]:CambridgeUniversityPress1988.
Hadewijch,andJozefVanMierloDevisioenen.Leuven[u.a.]:Vlaamscheboekenhalle.
1924.
Hamburger,Jeffrey.Thevisualandthevisionary:Artandfemalespiritualityinlate
medievalGermany.NewYork:Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;MITPress,1998.
Hoeps,Reinhard.AusdemSchattendesGoldenenKalbes.Skulpturintheologischer
Perspektive.Paderborn1999.
Holdsworth,C.J.“VisionsandVisionariesintheMiddleAges.”Historyno.19(1956),
68-83.
Hood,William.FraAngelicoatSanMarco.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1993.
Hood,William."St.Dominic'sMannersofPraying:GesturesinFraAngelico'sCell
FrescoesatSanMarco."ArtBulletin68,No.2(June1986):194-206.
Hufgard,M.Kilian..SaintBernardofClairvaux:aTheoryofArtFormulatedfromhis
WritingsandIllustratedinTwelfth-CenturyWorksofArt.Lewiston,NY:E.Mellen
Press,1989.
Hume,David.afterthepublicationofhisworkTheNaturalHistoryofReligion,1757.
Stanford,Calif:StanfordUniversityPress,1957.
366
InventariodellaConfraternitadiSanFeliciano–InventarioSagrestia1425,aprile10
(Foligno,ArchiviodiStato,Ospedale926,Mscartaceo,privodiguardia.
Janson,H.W.“TheRevivalofAntiquityinEarlyRenaissanceSculpture.”InLooking
atItalianRenaissanceSculptureedbyMcHam,SarahBlake.40-59.Cambridge:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1998.
Janson,H.W.DonatelloandJenöLányi.TheSculptureofDonatello.Princeton:
PrincetonUniversityPress,1957.
Jung,TanyaAnn.“ThePhenomenalLivesofMovableChristsculptures.”Ph.D.
Dissertation,UniversityofMaryland,CollegePark,2006.
Kalina,Pavel."GiovanniPisano,theDominicans,andtheOriginoftheCrucifixi
Dolorosi".ArtibusEtHistoriae.47,(2003):81-101.
Kamerick,Kathleen.PopularPietyandArtintheLateMiddleAges:ImageWorship
andIdolatryinEngland,1350-1500.NewMiddleAges(Palgrave(Firm)).NewYork:
Palgrave,2002.
Keller,Harald.“ZurEntstehungderSakralenVollskulpturinderOttonischenZeit.”
InFestchriftfürHansJantzen.Berlin:Gebr.Mann,1951.
Kessler,Herbert.“Dictioninthe‘BiblesofIlliterate.”InWorldArt:ThemesofUnityin
Diversity:ActsoftheXXVIthInternationalCongressoftheHistoryofArt.University
Park[Pa.]:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,1989.
KesslerL.Herbert.“OntheStateofMedievalArtHistory.”TheArtBulletinno.2
(1988):166-187.
Kessler,Herbert.SeeingMedievalArt.Peterborough,Ont:BroadviewPress,2004.
Kidson,Peter.“ArchitectureandtheVisualArts”inDavidLuscombeandJonathan
Riley-Smith(eds),TheNewCambridgeMedievalHistory,vol.4:C.1024-1198,part.1.
Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2004.
King,Catherine.“Effigies:HumanandDivine.”InSiena,Florence,andPadua:Art,
Society,andReligion1280-1400.EditedbyDianaNorman.105-128.NewHaven,
Conn.:YaleUniversityPressinAssociationwiththeOpenUniversity,1995.
Knögel-Anrich,Elsmarie.SchriftquellenzurKunstgeschichtederMerowingerzeit.
Hildesheim:G.Olms:1992.
367
Kopania,Kamil.AnimatedSculpturesoftheCrucifiedChristintheReligiousCultureof
theLatinMiddleAges.Warszawa:Wydawn:Neriton,2010.
Jantzen,H.“MantegnasCristoinScurto.”InStephaniskop,ErnstFabriciuszum
6.9.1927,Freiburg,1927,pp11ff.ReprintedwithintheanthologyÜberden
GotischenKirchenarumundandereAufsätze,Berlin,1951,Chapter5,49-51.
Lanternari,Vittorio.FestaCarismaApocalisse.SellerioEditore,Palermo:1989.
LeBrun-Gouanvic,Claire,andPontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies.YstoriaSancti
ThomeDeAquinoDeGuillaumeDeTocco(1323).Ed.Critique/IntroductionEtNotes
ParClaireLeBrun-Gouanvic.ed.StudiesandTexts(PontificalInstituteofMediaeval
Studies);127.Toronto:PontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,1996.
Leonardi,Lino.“L’operadiJacoponedaTodi.”inIacoponedaTodiel'arteinUmbria
nelDuecento.39-42.Milano:Skira,2006.
Lisner,Margrit.HolzkruzifixeinFlorenzundinderToskanavonderZeitum1300bis
zumfrühenCinquecento.München:Bruckmann,1970.
Lorenzelli,Jacopo.Custodedell'Immagine:SculturaLigneaEuropeaXII-XVsecolo.
Bergamo:GalleriaLorenzelli,1987.
Lowden,John.EarlyChristianandByzantineArt.London:PhaidonPress,1997.
Lugaresi,Leonardo.“TraEventoeRappresentazione.Perun’Interpretazionedella
PolemicacontrogliSpettacolineiprimiSecoliCristiani.”RivistadiStoriae
LetteraturaReligiosa,9,n.43,(1989):437-463.
Lunghi,Elvio.“ConsiderazioniedIpotesisulleScultureLigneenelleChiese
dell’UmbriatrailXIIeilXIIISecolo.”InUmbriaeMarcheinEtàRomanica:Artie
TecnicheaConfrontotraXIeXIIIsecolo.EditedbyEnricaNeriLusanna,Todi:Ediart,
2014.
Lunghi,Elvio.“IgnotoScultoreTedescodelXIIIsecolo–Crocifisso,Bevagna,San
Domenico.”inDalvisibileall'Indicibile:CrocifissiedEsperienzaMisticainAngelada
Foligno.EditedbyBassetti,Massimiliano,andBrunoToscano.Spoleto:Fondazione
Centroitalianodistudisull'altoMedioevo,2012.
Lunghi,Elvio.LaPassionedegliUmbri:CrocifissiinLegnoinValleUmbratra
MedioevoeRinascimento.Foligno:EdizioniOrfiniNumeister,2000.
368
Lunghi,Elvio.“LaSculturaLigneainUmbrianelXIIISecolo.”InL'UmbrianelXIII
Secolo.EditedbyEnricoMenestò.299-331.Spoleto:FondazioneCentroItalianodi
Studisull'AltoMedioevo2010.
Lunghi,Elvio.“MisticiUmbri:ParoleeImmagini”inConvegno"Attornoaigruppi
ligneidelladeposizione",andFrancescaFloresd'Arcais,IlTeatrodelleStatue:
GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetraXIIeXIIIsecolo:AttidelConvegno
"AttornoaiGruppiLigneidellaDeposizione".Milano:V&P.,2005.
Maetzke,AnnaMaria.“IlCrocifissodettodiSantaMargherita,UnCrocifissoGoticoDolorosonellaCittàdiCortona.”InLaBellezzadelSacro:ScultureMedievali
Policrome.EditedbyArmandiBarbolini,Marina,andGiulianoCentrodi.Arezzo:
CentroPromozionieServizi,2002.
Maggiani,Silvio.“LaLiturgiaelaLaudaDrammaticaEspressionediLiminalità”,inLe
LaudiDrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:Atti.Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983.
Mâle,Émile.ReligiousArtinFrance.TheTwelfthCentury.AStudyoftheOriginsof
MedievalIconography.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress:1978.
Mango,CyrilA.TheBrazenHouse;aStudyoftheVestibuleoftheImperialPalaceof
Constantinople.København:IkommissionhosMunksgaard,1959.
Marrow,JamesH.PassionIconographyintheNorthernEuropeanArtoftheLate
MiddleAgesandEarlyRenaissance,AStudyoftheTransformationofSacredMetaphor
intoDescriptiveNarrative.Kortrijk:VanGhemmertPublishingCompany,1979.
Meier,Theo.“DieGestaltMariensimgeistlichenSchauspieldesdeutschen
Mittelalters.”InPhilologisheStudienundQuellen.4(Berlin),1959.
Menestò,Enrico,UgolinoNicolini,andFrancescoSantucci.Lefraternitemedievalidi
Assisi:lineestoricheetestistatutari.Assisi:AccademiaproperzianadelSubasio,
1989.
MercurelliSalari,PaolaandAdolfoBroegg,IlRitodellaScavigliazionenella
CattedralediAssisi,Assisi:EditriceMinerva,2006.
Miller,JuliaI.1985."SymbolicLightinGiottoandtheEarlyQuattrocentoin
Florence.”Source:NotesintheHistoryofArt.5(1):7-13.
Morgan,David.VisualPiety:aHistoryandTheoryofPopularReligiousImages.
Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1988.
369
Nagel,Alexander.,andWood,ChristopherS.AnachronicRenaissance.NewYork:
Cambridge,Mass.:ZoneBooks;DistributedbyMITPress,2010.
Nagel,Alexander.MichelangeloandtheReformofArt.Cambridge:Cambridge
UniversityPress,2000.
Nagel,Alexander.TheControversyofRenaissanceArt.Chicago:TheUniversityof
ChicagoPress,2011.
Nagler.A.M.TheMedievalReligiousStage:ShapesandPhantoms.NewHaven:Yale
UniversityPress,1976.
NeilsonChristina.“Carvinglife:themeaningofwoodinearlymodernEuropean
sculpture”in(2015).Thematterofart:Materials,practices,culturallogics,c.12501750(Studiesindesign)editedbyAnderson,C.,Dunlop,Anne,&Smith,PamelaH,
223-239.ManchesterUniversityPress,2015.
Nelson,“RobertS.“ToSayandtoSee:EkphrasisandVisioninByzantium.”In
VisualityBeforeandBeyondtheRenaissance:SeeingasOthersSaw.Cambridge,U.K.:
CambridgeUniversityPress,2000,143-168.
Nerbano,Mara.IlTeatrodellaDevozione:ConfraterniteeSpettacolonell'Umbria
medievale.Perugia:Morlacchi,2006.
Noffke,Suzanne.Thedialogue.NewYork:PaulistPress,1980.
Nygren,Barnaby."FraAngelico’sSanMarcoAltarpieceandtheMetaphorsof
Perspective.”InNotesintheHistoryofArt.22(1):25-32.
O'Brien,MaureenM.BernardofClairvaux:TheParables.CistercianFathersSeries;
No.55.Kalamazoo,Mich.:CistercianPublications,2000.
Os,H.W.van.TheartofdevotioninthelateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.
Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994.
Olschki,Leonardo.TheGeniusofItaly.NewYork:OxfordUniv.Press,1949.
OwensMelodySue.“TheMontecassinoPassionPlay:TheatreinaMonastic
Community.”PhDDiss.UniversityofCalifornia,Berkley,1987.
Panzanelli,Roberta.“CompellingPresence.WaxEffigiesinRenaissanceFlorence.”In
EphemeralBodies:WaxSculptureandtheHumanFigure.Ed.Panzanelli,Roberta,and
JuliusSchlosser,13-40.LosAngeles,Calif:GettyResearchInstitute,2008.
370
Panzanelli.Roberta,andJuliusSchlossereds.Ephemeralbodies:waxsculptureand
thehumanfigure.LosAngeles,Calif:GettyResearchInstitute,2008.
Paoletti,JohnT."WoodenSculptureinItalyasSacralPresence.”InArtibuset
Historiae,vol13,no26(1992):85-100.
Parker,ElizabethC.TheDescentfromtheCross:ItsRelationtotheExtra-Liturgical
"Depositio"Drama.NewYork:GarlandPub:1978.
PaschasiusRadbertus,DeCorpore,IV(CCCM,28-30).InNathanMitchel,Cultand
Controversy:TheWorshipoftheEucharistOutsidetheMass.NewYork,Pueblo
PublishCompany,1982.
Pastoureau,Michel.“Introducionalasymboliquemedievaldubois.”L’arbre:histoire
naturelleetsymboliquedel’arbre,duboisetdufruitauMoyen-Age,(1993):25-40.
PerkinsonStephen.TheLikenessoftheKing:aPrehistoryofPortraitureinLate
MedievalFrance.Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,2009.
Peter,MeredithandJohnE.Tailby.TheStagingofReligiousDramainEuropeinthe
LaterMiddleAges:TextsandDocumentsinEnglishTranslation.Kalamazoo,Mich:
MedievalInstitutePublications,WesternMichiganUniversity,1983.
Petrucci,Francesca.“OpereinTerracotta,Legno,Pietro.”LaSculturaDiDonatello:
TecnicheELinguaggio.EditedbyPetrucci,FrancescaandPerugi,Liberto,91-126.
Firenze:LeLettere,2003
Pierattini,Camillo.“UnaLetturadelGruppoLigneodellaDeposizionediTivoli”in
AttieMemoriedellaSocietàTiburtinadiStoriaeArte.”56,(1983),141-205.
PikeGordley,Barbara."ADominicanSaintfortheBenedictines:Beccafumi's
StigmatizationofStCatherine,"ZeitschriftFurKunstgeschichte.no55(1992),394412.
Pawlik,Anna.DasBildwerkalsReliquiar?:FunktionenfrüherGrossplastikim9.bis11.
Jahrhundert.Petersberg:Imhof,2013.
Poeschke,Joachim.DonatelloandHisWorld:SculptureoftheItalianRenaissance.
NewYork:H.N.Abrams,1993.
Poliziano,Angelo,andIsidoroDelLungo.ProseVolgariInediteePoesieLatinee
GrecheEditeeInedite.Hildesheim:Olms,1976.
371
Poole,ReginaldLane.IllustrationsoftheHistoryofMedievalThoughtandLearning.
London:SocietyforpromotingChristianknowledge,1920.
Pollit,JerryJordan.TheArtofRome.SourcesandDocuments.London,1996.
Pope-Hennessy.J.‘GiovannidiPaolo.’InTheMetropolitanMuseumofArtBulletin,
vol.XLVI#2,Fall(1988):5-48.
Powell,AmyKnight.Depositions:ScenesfromthelateMedievalChurchandthe
ModernMuseum(ZoneBooks:NewYork,2012.
Previtali,Giovanni.GiottoelasuaBottega.Milano,Fabbri,1967.
RagusaIsaandRosalieB.Green,MeditationsontheLifeofChrist:AnIllustrated
ManuscriptoftheFourteenthCentury.Paris:BibliotèqueNationale,1961.
RatherofVeronaandPeterL.D.Reid.TheCompleteWorksofRatherofVerona.
Binghamnton,N.Y.:MedievalandRenaissanceTextStudies,1991.
Richter,GeorgMartin.“TheCrucifixofGuilielmusatSarzana,”TheBurlington
MagazineforConnoisseurs,no.295(192t),162-77.
RobsonMichaelJ.P.,TheFranciscansintheMiddleAges.MonasticOrders.
Woodbridge,Suffolk,UK;Rochester,NY:BoydellPress,2006.
Romano,Giovanni.“Conclusioni.”InLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’Immagineil
Culto,laFormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.493-500.Perugia:Electa
EditoriUmbriAssociati,2004.
Ross,EllenM.ThegriefofGodimagesofthesufferingJesusinlatemedievalEngland.
NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1997.
Rubin,Miri.CorpusChristi:theEucharistinlatemedievalculture.Cambridge
[England]:CambridgeUniversityPress,1991.
Rudolph,Conrad.“Bernard’sofClairvaux’sApologiaasDescriptionofCluny,andthe
ControversyoverMonasticArt.”Gesta,no.27(1988):125-132.
Rudolph,Conrad,andBernard.The"ThingsofGreaterImportance":Bernardof
Clairvaux'sApologiaandtheMedievalAttitudetowardArt.Philadelphia:University
ofPennsylvaniaPress,1990.
372
Sacchetti,FrancoandAlbertoChiari.IllibrodelleRime.Bari:G.Laterza&figli,1936.
Sand,AlexaKristen.Vision,Devotion,andSelf-RepresentationinlateMedievalArt.
NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,2014.
SandbergVavalà,Evelyn.LaCroceDipintaItalianael'IconografiadellaPassione;con
585Illustrazionie4TavolefuoriTtesto.Roma:Multigraficaeditrice,1980.
Santucci,Francesco.“LaudadellaScaviglaizionedellaFraternitadeiDisciplinatidiS.
StefanodiAssisi.”InAccademiaProperzianadelSubasiodiAssisi,serieVI,1994,243263.
Sapori,Giovanna,andBrunoToscano,eds.LaDeposizioneLligneainEuropa:
l’Immagine,ilCulto,laForma,Perugia.Electa:2004.
SaporiGiovannaandBrunoToscano“LaDeposizioneLignea:daunaMostraauna
Summa”,inIlteatro delleStatue,GruppiLigneidiDeposizioneeAnnunciazionetrail
XIIeilXIIISecolo.EditedbyFrancescaFloresD’Arcais,9-20.Milano:V&P,2005.
ScarpelliniPietro.“EchidellaLaudanellaPitturaUmbradelXIIeXIVsecolo.”InLe
LaudiDrammaticheUmbredelleOrigini:AttidelVConvegnodiStudio,Viterbo,22-2324-25Maggio1980.Viterbo:Agnesotti,1983.
Scarpellini,Pietro.“LaDeposizionedallaCroceLigneenell’ItaliaCentrale:
OsservazionieIpotesi.”InLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,la
FormaedGiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.339-354.Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbri
Associati,2004.
SantuarioCasadiSantaCaterina,ChiesadelCrocifisso,
http://www.viaesiena.it/it/caterina/itinerario/santuario-casa-di-santacaterina/chiesa-del-crocifisso(AccessedNov.,20,2013).
Schälicke,Bernd.“DieIkonographiedermonumentalenKreuzabnahmegruppendes
MittelaltersinSpanien”Ph.DDiss.FUBerlin,1975.
Schiller,Gertrud.IconographyofChristianArtVolume1&2ThePassionofJesus.
BradfordandLondon:LundHumprhries,1972.
Schleif,Corine.“HandsthatAppoint,Anoint,andAlly:Late-MedievalDonors
StrategiesforAppropriatingApprobationthroughPainitng”inArtHistory,16
(1993),1-33.
373
Schleif,Corine.“Kneelingonthethreshold:donorsnegotiatingrealmsbetwixtand
between.”InThresholdsofMedievalVisualCulture:LiminalSpaces,edElina
GertsmanandJillStevenson,195-216.Woodbridge,UK:BoydellPress,2012.
SchmidtGerhard,“GiottounddiegotischeSkulptur.NeueÜberlegungenzueinem
altenThema”inRömischeHistorischeMitteilungen”,n.XX.,127-144.Wien:Austrian
AcademyofSciencesPress:1979.
Schmitt.JeanClaude.LesIdolesChrétiennes.”InL'Idolâtrie.Rencontresdel'Ecoledu
Louvre,Paris,LaDocumentationFrançaise(1990),107-118.
Schnusenberg,ChristineCatharina.TheRelationshipBetweentheChurchandthe
Theatre,ExemplifiedbySelectedWritingsoftheChurchFathersandbyLiturgical
TextsUntilAmalariusofMetz–775-852A.D.Lanham:UniversityPressofAmerica,
1988.
Schorr,Dorothy.“TheMourningVirginandSt.John.”TheArtBulletin,no.2(1940),
61-69.
Scudieri,Magnolia.“LaPaladiSanMarco:ApogeedellaCommittenzaMediceae
ManifestodellaTradizioneDominicana.”InL'AngelicoRitrovato:StudieRicercheper
laPaladiSanMarco.ed.AcidiniLuchinat,Cristina,andMagnoliaScudieri,41-66.
Livorno:Sillabe,2008.
Segre,CesareandCarloOssola.AntologiadellaPoesiaItaliana.I,I.Torino:Einaudi,
1997.
Seidel,Max.“IlCrocifixoGrandecheFeceGiotto.ProblemiStilistici.”InGiotto:la
CrocediSantaMariaNovella,aditedbyMarcoCiattiandMaxSeidel,65-158.Firenze:
Edifir:2001.
Sensi,Mario.“FraterniteDisciplinateeSacreRappresentazioniaFolignonelsecolo
XV.”InBollettinodellaDeputazionediStoriaPatriaperl’Umbria,Vol71,n.2,(1974):
139-216.
Siepi,Serafino.Descrizionetopologico-istoricadellacittàdiPerugia.Perugia:
GarbinesiiSanticci,1822.
Sixten,Ringbom.IcontoNarrative:theRiseoftheDramaticclose-upinFifteenthCenturyDevotionalPainting.Doornspijk,DovacoPublishers,1984.
Sheingorn,Pamela.“UsingMedievalArtintheStudyofMedievalDrama,”Research
OpportunitiesinRenaissanceDrama,22(1979):101-109.
374
Shinners,JohnRaymond.Medievalpopularreligion,1000-1500:areader.
Peterborough,Ont.,Canada:BroadviewPress,1997.
Sluter,George.ed,TheActaPilati,ImportantTestimonyofPontiusPilateRecently
Discovered,BeingHisOfficialReporttotheEmperorTiberiusConcerningthe
CrucifixionofChrist.ShelbyvilleInd:M.B.Robins,PublisherandPrinter,1879.
Smith,PamelaH.TheBodyoftheArtisan.UniversityofChicagoPress,2004.
Smith,Roberto.“NaturalVersusScientificVision:theForeshortenedFigureinthe
Renaissance.”InGazettedesBeux-Arts,84,(July-Dec.1974):239-248.
StevensMartin."TheIntertextualityofLateMedievalArtandDrama".NewLiterary
History.22(2),1991:317-337.
Sticca,Sandro.TheLatinPassionPlay:ItsOriginsandDevelopment.Albany[N.Y.]:
StateUniversityofNewYorkPress,1970.
SticcaSandro.ThePlanctusMariaeintheDramaticTraditionoftheMiddleAges.
Athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,1988.
Stoichiță,VictorIeronim.VisionaryExperienceintheGoldenAgeofSpanishart.
London:ReaktionBooks,1995.
Stubblebine,J.Giotto:TheArenaChapelfrescoes.Nortoncriticalstudiesinart
history,NewYork:Norton,1969.
Suydam,Mary.“BeguineTextuality:SacredPerformances”inPerformanceand
transformation:newApproachestoLateMedievalSpirituality,EditedbySuydam,
MaryA.,andJoannaE.Ziegler.NewYork:St.Martin'sPress,1999.
Swanson,R.N.ReligionandDevotioninEurope,c.1215-c.1515.Cambridge[England]:
CambridgeUniversityPress,1995.
Tameni,Ilaria.ThePiety’sTheatre:MobileCrucifixesinHolyFriday’sDepositions,text
ofspeechatIXColloqueSociètèInternationalepourlÉtudeduThéâtreMédiéval–Elx,
du9au14d’août2004.
http://parnaseo.uv.es/Ars/webelx/Pon%C3%A8ncies%20pdf/Tameni.pdf
(accessedonJuly2014).
375
Tarr,Roger."BrunelleschiandDonatello:PlacementandMeaninginSculpture."In
ArtibusetHistoriae..32(1995),101-140.
Taubert,GesineandJohannes.“MittelaltericheKruzifixemitscwenkbarenArmen.Ein
BeitragzurVerwendungvonBildwerkeninderLiturgie”,inZeitschriftdesdeutschen
VereinsfürKunstwissenschaft,vol23(1969),79-121.
TerruggiaAngelaMaria.“InQualeMomentoiDisciplinatihannodatoinizioalloro
teatro?”inIlmovimentodeidisciplinatinelsettimocentenariodalsuoinizio(Perugia,
1260);convegnointernazionale:Perugia,25-28settembre1960.[Spoleto].Arti
grafichePanetto&Petrelli,(1962),434-459.
TheChroniconofTietmarofMerseburg.EditedbyDavidA.Warner.Manchester
UniversityPress,2001.
TheCouncilofTrent.“OnReformationDecree.”
http://www.thecounciloftrent.com/ch24.htm(AccessedJan.22,2014).
“TheGospelaccordingtoJohn,TheBurialofChrist”,Utoronoto.ca.
http://www.utoronto.ca/religion/synopsis/meta-4g.htm
TheLifeofSaintCatherineofSiena.TranslatedbyGeorgeLamb.1960.Rockford,
2003.(ThisEnglishtranslationisbasedontheItaliantranslationoftheLegenda
maior:S.CaterinadaSiena.VitaScrittadalB.RaimondodaCapua.Confessoredella
Santa.TranslatedbyP.GiuseppeTinagliandEzioCantagalli,Siena,1934,basedon
theLatinBollandisttextof1860).
Thomas,andDominicans.EnglishProvince.SummaTheologica.CompleteEnglish
ed.Westminster,Md.:ChristianClassics,1981.
Trevisani,Filippo.“LaVergine,SanGiovanniEvangelista,ScalaSalerno,Cattedraledi
SanLorenzo.”InLaDeposizioneLigneainEuropa,L’ImmagineilCulto,laFormaed
GiovannaSaporieBrunoToscano.(Perugia:ElectaEditoriUmbriAssociati,2004
Trexler,RichardC."FlorentineReligiousExperience:TheSacredImage."InStudies
intheRenaissance.19(1972):7-41.
Trexler,RichardC.,andPetrus.TheChristianatPrayer:AnIllustratedPrayerManual
AttributedtoPetertheChanter(d.1197).Medieval&RenaissanceTexts&Studies
(Series);v.44.Binghamton,N.Y.:Medieval&RenaissanceTexts&Studies,1987.
376
TugwellSimon.“TheNineWaysofPrayerofSaintDominic:ATextualStudyand
CriticalEdition,”MedievalStudies47(1985):1-124.
VanAusdall,Kirsten.“ArtandEucharistintheLateMiddleAges.”InACompanionto
theEucharistintheMiddleAgeseditedbyIanChristopherLevy,GaryMacy,and
KristenVanAusdall.Leiden;Boston:Brill,2012.
VanEngen,John."The"CrisisofCenobitism"Reconsidered:Benedictine
MonasticismintheYears1050-1150".Speculum.61(2),1986:269-304.
VanOs,HenkTheartofdevotioninthelateMiddleAgesinEurope,1300-1500.
Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversityPress,1994.
Vasari,Giorgio.LeVitede’piùEccellentiPittoriScultoriedArchitettorinelle
Redazionidel1550e1568.Milano,1962.
Vasari,Giorgio.LivesoftheMostEminentPaintersSculptorsandArchitect.Newely
translatedbyGastonDuC.DeVere.London:MacMillanandCo.LDandtheMedici
Society,LD,1912-14.
Vasari,LouisaS.Maclehose,andG.BaldwinBrown.VasarionTechnique;Beingthe
IntroductiontotheThreeArtsofDesign,Architecture,SculptureandPainting,Prefixed
totheLivesofthemostExcellentPainters,Sculptors,andArchitects.NewYork:Dover
Publications,1960.
Vecchi,Giuseppe.UfficiDrammaticiPadovani.Firenze:L.S.Olschki,1954.
Verdon,Timothy,Zolli,DanielM.,andMuseumofBiblicalArt,HostInstitution,
Organizer.SculptureintheAgeofDonatello:RenaissanceMasterpiecesfromFlorence
Cathedral.2015.
Vikan,Gary."RuminationsonEdibleIcons:OriginalsandCopiesintheArtof
Byzantium".StudiesintheHistoryofArt.20,(1989),47-59.
VisitaApostolicaCamaianidellaDiocesidiAssisi.1573.ArchivioVescovile(AVA),
Assisi.
VisitaApostolicaCamaiani.ArchivioVescovile(AVT),Todi.
WalkerBynum,Caroline.ChristianMateriality:anEssayonReligioninLateMedieval
Europe.NewYork:ZoneBooks,2011.
377
Walker-BynumCaroline,JesusasMother:StudiesintheSpiritualityoftheHighMiddle
Ages,Berkley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1982.
Watson,GerardandAugustine.Soliloquies;andImmortalityoftheSoul.Warminster,
England:Aris&Phillips,1990.
Webb,DianaM.“TheHolyFaceofLucca,”Anglo-NormanStudiesno9(1986),227237.
Warner,David.OttonianGermany:TheChroniconofThietmarofMerseburg
(ManchesterandNewYork,2001.
Webster,SusanVerdi.ArtandRitualinGolden-AgeSpain:SevillianConfraternities
andtheProcessionalSculptureofHolyWeek.Princeton,N.J.:PrincetonUniversity
Press,1998.
Weyden,Rogiervander,LorneCampbell,andJanvanderStock.Rogiervander
Weyden:1400-1464:MasterofPassions.Zwolle:Waanders,2009.
White,John.TheBirthandRebirthofPictorialSpace.Boston:BostonBookandArt
Shop,1967.
Wisch,BarabaraandDianeColeAhl.ConfraternitiesandtheVisualArtsin
RenaissanceItaly:Ritual,Spectacle,Image.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,
2000.
Wood,ChristopherS.“RitualandtheVirginontheColumn:theCultoftheSchöne
MariainRegensburger.”InJournalofRitualStudies6(1992):87-105.
Young,Karl.TheDramaoftheMedievalChurch.Oxford:ClarendonPress,1933.
Zchomelidse,Nino.Art,Ritual,andCivicIdentityinMedievalSouthernItaly.
Pennsylvania:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress,2014.
Ziegler,JoannaE."MichelangeloandtheMedievalPietà:TheSculptureofDevotion
ortheArtofSculpture?."Gesta.34(1),1995:28-36.
378